Newspaper Page Text
TH E TIME S.
COLUMBtTS. GA.
Wc<lucdar,Sepleuil>cr 10, 1845
vfsji ®s'yjia'3®.a o
m. hall McAllister,
OF CHATHAM.
OTTA-jea i&B®aßJWkW.Bifo
FOR SFNATOK,
JAMES JOHNSON.
FOR RZPRESENTATITE,
JACOB M. OITERICY’
JOHN n. BETHVNB
We have barely room to inform onr
reaiJers of tho news of the arrival of the
onia,” contained in a Postscript of the
“lleiald,” bringing advices to 19th ult.
American cotton is quoted id higher ; and
the favorable state of the weather is begin
ning to improve the prospects of a good har
vest.
THE COLUMBUS ENQUIRER
Os last week, begs the TimeH “to oblige
the world so far as to explain what it under
stands by a Revenue Tariff/’ and then pro
ceeds to set forth his mvn views of the sub
ject—disclosing to the world the wonderful
discovery, that the present is a Revenue tariff,
because it yields no more revenue than is ne
cessary to .meet the wants of government!—
Nor does it pretend to deny that the present
is, at the same tune, a Protective Tariff!!
Not even allowing between the two the dif
ference “’twixt tweedle-duin and tweedle
dee”!l! Is this “progressive” Whiggery,
or only an experiment upon the guilability ot
the people? If it indicates a just estimate
of their intelligence, those spelling books
that were intended to enlighten .the Democ
racy of Alabama would be more profitably
employed in the homo market. If this is a
specimen of the ‘‘common sense” the Editor
would commend to us, we prefer to look for
it in “books written by the old Romans.”—
Perhaps, howevor, the explanation which he
begs in behalf of the “world,” is only a modest
way of asking for his oivn information, —for
all the world, surely, understand the subject
well enough but it] then becomes a mat
ter of no little surprise that one who has spent
so large a portion of so long a life in contend
ing for a Revenue tariff'should at this late
day not know even the signification of the
term ;—and “if we dared to advise a friend of
ours, we would recommend him, for a time”
to forego his strictures “upon our Latin, and
suspend bis teachings, generally, until he
learns for himself” the difference that exists
between a Revenue tariff and a Protective
tariff.
In the samo “pleasant category” may be
classed that other discovery the Eoitor makes,
of a discrepancy between two assertion-* of
ours in a paragraph of the same article. We
quote his words: “The Times says the con
sumer bears the whole burden of the tax—
and as the subject warms and expands the
Editor's imagination, he SBys the labor bears
it all. Which is ill Do tell tho world.”
If the spectacles the Editor so kindly offers
bis “youthful friend render cue’s
* optics ao keen
Aa to see what is not to he see a,”
its would rather trust, as heretofore, his na
tural eyes. He might, with more propriety,
have offered to.“furnish the understanding”
to enable us to perceive any great incompati
bility that exists in the premises. The
Times, it should be observed, included with
‘labor” the “planting and lurming interests
of the country”—which means in olhei
words the producing classes. Now all the
world know,—not excepting, we would
charitably presume, even the Editor of the
Enquirer—that the producers of a country
are, also, the consumers, to the extent of
their productions—making the two classes,
for all practical purposes, approach as near
identity as tweedle-dum and tweedle dee,
and much nearer than that wJatlKxists be
tween a Revenue and a PyofSfrtive Tariff.
Another mare’s nest is found in the con
clusion drawn from our argument, that
“the burdens which have heretofore been
charged upoD the South, falling upon the
consumers alone, operate, as a matter of
course, alike upon the North and South.”
That is true. For once,our learned neigh
bor states the argume.it of the Times cor
rectly, and deduces an inference from it as
lamentable as it is just; but one in which,
it is to be hoped, none but lie could find j
“cause of rejoicing.” Are the South any j
the less oppressed, because they find com
pany in their sufferings ? Is it any console- 1
lion for us to know that others are robbed j
and plundered os well as we?—that others, j
too, are sold into slavery and made hod j
carriers to the stupendous edifice of New
England monopoly? It is, indeed, in one
sense, encouraging to be assuied that ours is
a common cause with the toiling million
whom power has made tributary to the in
satiate avarice of merciless task-masters;
for it gives hope to the captive, and “adds
vigor to the virtuous energies that inspire
his heart.” And every mail renews the as
surance that the fanning and commercial in
terests, everywhere, feci their wrongs, and
begin to be aroused to a sense of t he com
mon danger. Every gale thci sweeps from
the North brings to our ears the notes of
preparation for the righteous crusade that is
aoout to be waged against the iufamous
Tax act of ’42.
But we have been delayed too long by
flimsy sopbistiies and captious objections
from the main purpose of this article, which
was to favor the Enquirer with our under
standing of
A REVENUE TARIFF.
A Tariff is a list of taxes or duties levied
at the Custom House upon articles import
ed from abroad.
A Revenue tariff, when levied upon such
articles as arcatai manufactured or produc
ed in the coui&y* is the lowest scale of du
tU t compatible with an adequate supply
of the necessities of the government.
A Protective tariff is a scale of duties, the
rates of which are fixed at any point above
that, or between that and the highest point,
which is the |>oiiit of total prohibition. Any
rate of duty, levied upon such articles ns ate
not also manufactuicd or produced iu the
couutry, is a pure Revenue duly. Tit* two
may also be combined in 0110 — the duty up
on some articles being laid solely with a
view to revenue, and upoo others for the
purpose of partial or total ptohibilion.
The Free Trade school assert that reve
nue is tho object ot duties, and that they
should be laid tor no other object. They
asset) that all taxation is a burden, and that
the government is bound to make it as light
ns isconsißtenl with its ownefheient support.
But laxaliou by a tariff is the worst of bur
dens ; because it genetally raises the prices
of such commodities as people buy, and in
directly depresses the price of what they
have to sell; operating this way whether
laid fur protection or revenue; though in
the latter case the effect on prices is less,
and is one of the necessary evils of govern
ment ; while in the former, the duty is ad
justed with a view to allect prices, and is
one of the abuses of government.
Again, if revenue is the object of duties, it
follows, clearly, that it is also the measure of
duties. Nowif2spercent.be assumed as
the duty on any given article that will yield
most income to governmont, it follows ( celeris
paribus) that any increase or decrease of Ihe
duty will produce a falling off in the revenue;
—but as every increase above the 25 per
cent, will produce a corresponding falling
otT in the imports, such excess is laid for the
purpose of prohibition, partial or total, and is
therefore, a purely protective duty. Reven
ue is neither the object# nor measure of it.
But the rate of 23 per cent, io the case as
sumed, or any rate below that point is a rev
enue duty.
But our views will be illustrated, perhaps,
mnr clearly by the following hypothesis: and
we ask ler it particular attention. Suppose
it is desired, for the necessary wants ofgov
ernment, to raise SIOO,OOO on an estimated
amount, of imported 6ugar —say ten million
pounds. A duty of one cent a pound is the
lowest that will effect the object— that is,
therefore, the true revenue duly —it is the
leaet tax, consistent with an economical sup
port of government, that can be levied on the
consumers of sugar. But as it does not give
the sugar planters of Louisiana the monopoly
of the home markot, they call oil Congress
“to adjust it.” Their call is obeyed, and a
duty of ten cents a pound is imposed; which
will exclude, (say) nine of the ten million
pounds of foreign sugar that would be import
ed under the former duty, and the $1(10,000
will be raised on the million pounds— TJiat
is, therefore, the true Protective duty —it is
the highest tax consistent with an adequate
supply of the wants of the government and
the pockets of the sugar planter. Tho lorui
er duty—the lowest—will, tis true,yield some
protection ; but that is incidental and not con
templated. The latter, as Judge Berrien
terms it, is “positive and purposed.” Rev
enue is the object of one —monopoly and
high prices the object of the other.
If our readers have felt interest enough in
the subject to follow us patiently, thus far,
the many mule-hill difficulties that appear
ed as mountains when viewed through the
spectacles of the Enquirer, will be of easy and
übvioua solution, according to tl;e hypotheses
jaid down. Rut a further illustration of the
subject by the application of facts may not
be unacceptable to them.
Tho Editor assumes that the present rev
enue is not too great, (which we will grant
lor tire sake of the argument) ami then anx
iously asks, how—if we tio, indeed, intend to
reduce the Tariff—the deficiency can be sup.
plied without direct taxes or a national debt?
and then startles us with the information that
there is “no other alternative, unless we tax
coffee and other free articles,—or unless we
reduce the tax upon one article, and augment
it upon another.” This is, truly, a sad di
lemma our neighbor has involved us in ; but
the only concern it gives us is, tho gratifica
tion he exhibits at the prospect of seeing the
Democratic party forced upon one of its horns.
We saw him, in the summer of’44, in the dan
gerous vicinity of a pair of them which were
quite as much to be dreaded as either of these,
and we felt only pily for Ilia situation. But
let that pass. Either witii or without the aid
of his sympathy, we hope to emerge from our
difficulties withered!/ as well as safely. The
path is plain, and “a wayfaring man, though
a fool, need not err therein.”
And first, there is the list of free articles;
—two of which have so long haunted the
memory of the Whigs, like tiie ghost of a
troubled conscience. But wo do not pur
pose to break in upon their midnight rounds.
No ; let tea and coffee still enjoy their free
dom. There are, however, if we remember
! rightly, over 100 free arlicles, used almost ex
clusively, by manufacturers. These are
! legitimate subjects lor taxation. The manu
facturer has had, heretofore, not only a mo
i nopoly of the home-market for the sale of his
I goods, but he has enjoyed the extraordinary
privilege, denied to other people, ol going into
the markets of the world to buy most of the
raw materials he consumes without paying
one cent tax into the nation’s treasury lor
the privilege. If lie participates in the bene
fits, and revels in the bounties,of government
ought lie not to share at least a portion of its
burdens? Wo say then, let free articles be
taxed , and let tho Enquirer make the most
of it.
But, secondly, there is a long list of articles
prohibited by the present tariff; upon which,
if a revenue duty were assessed, any defi
ciency that might arise from a reduction on
others would be amply supplied. Hero van
ishes anotherof the “alternatives” tho En
quirer supposes weshall be driven to. But
be not deceived. The administration intend
|to reduce, and not “augment, the duties on
some arlicles, in order to supply the deficien
cy caused by a reduction on others.” In any
event, it is their purpose to alleviate someof
tho burdens under which the people groan.
1 f our neighbor read* the “Morning News”
he has probably seen a list of 122 articles
manufactured in Great Britain, and suited to
the demands of our market, which are totally
prohibited from it; besides a large number
of others that ar epartially prohibited, which,
under a sufficiently low rato of duty, would
inundate the Treasury. One of the former
class is Ginghams—a case of which were
lately sold in New York without remunerat
ing profit. They cost in England lOf cents,
while the same quality of domestic Ginghams
were selling in N. York for 23 cents, pr yd.—
Samples of each were submitted to a committee
of manufacturers, #ootb of whom decided that
the English fabric was best. But they had
to pay a duty of 70 per cent or 71 cents a
yard, and other expenses about 24 cents more;
adding to which 121 percent importer’s profit,
and ’.hey could not be afforded in New York
for 23 cents. Under a strictly revenue tariff
they eoukl be sold, with the usual profit,
for 17 cents a yard; and while the Boston
capitalist would realize sor 6 cents a yard
less profit, the farmer would be able to buy a
frock for hta daughter with from one to two
bushels of corn less than under the present
enormous tariff. Such protection, then, is
“at the expense of at least one interest of
productive labor” and we cal) upon the Enqui
rer to make good bis professions and openly
avow bis opposition to it.
But the writer bas already dwelt too long
upon the inimitable puerilities of the article un
der comment, and most cheerfully resigns the
task of any further notice of them into the
hands of those to whom it rightfully belongs.
The evasive and unmeaning reply given
by the Enquirer to “One of the Inteirogat
ed” in which it professed to be “opposed to
any protection that was at the expense of
productive labor,” warranted out conclusion,
last week,.tint the Editor, knowing the deep
seated hostility which existed in the minds
of many of his old associates against the
grinding exactions of the Tariff, was reluc
tant openly to avow the plundering princi
ple that controls the action of his party—to
wit : —“protection, not accidental, nor inci
dental, but protection fur die sake of protec
tion.” But a week’s reflection has taught
him the prudence of anticipating the neces
sity to which he would be ultimately driven,
in order to uphold the sinking fortunesof
“Georgia’s distinguished Senator;” andti e
proclaims himself a champion id the Tariff
of ‘42.
The ominous silence which the Whig
press of Georgia has so long preserved upon
this subject, we had construed into the lan
guage of respectful deference to the majes
tic voice of the people, and vainly hoped it
augured a penitential purpose to retiace, as
far as possible, the hasty steps into which a
fanatical devotion to their illustrious chief
had blindly hurried them. The rank and
file of the old Free Trade party, par excel
lence, have never totally abandoned the
cherished principles of their fathers for the
sophistries and absurdities of tire Boston
school of politics ; and it was not until 1844,
when the Tariff', being identified with the
magic name of Henry Clay, became, for a
time, equally with him, the idol of their
worship. Dazzled by the splendor of his
genius, until they lost the power of discrimi
nation, it was not unreasonable to expect,
that, when the heat and dust of an exciting
conflict had passed away, they woul I see
the weakness and danger of the position into
which their maddened passions had betray
ed them, and return again to the impregna
ble ramparts which they occupied --in the
days that tried incus’ souls.” Such, at
least, was our belief; for wc remembered
how zealously the “Faithful Six,” and
“One of the I’eople” commended Gen.
Ilarrision to our confidence in 1840, among
oth-r reasons, because he was pledged to
abide by tbo- Compromise act—and that
even as late as 1842, our Whig delegates in
Congress were united in opposition to the
infamous Tariff of that Session. But other
considerations have prevailed over the coun
sels of a “sober se : >nd thought,” and a Ta
riff that was once ‘eprecated as a curse is
now bailed as abl issing. Asa politician
we have no lamen •* to make over this sui
cidal policy; but welcome the issue: they
tender us, while wc wonder at the family
which prompts it. We have greatly mis
taken the intelligence and patriotism of the
people if any party, South of the l’otomac,
can long survive the advocacy ofsuch prin
ciples.
TWELVE DAYS LATER FROM MEXICO.
The Mexican schooner Joaquina arrived
in New Orleans the lstinsl. from Tampico,
whence she sailed on the 22d tilt.— from
which we learn that President llerreta has
been compelled to accept the resignation of
his late Ministers. No definite cause for
the resignation, and reluctant acceptance is
assigned.
Ii was rumored at Tampico that Gen.
Herrera had been the successful candidate
for the Presidency.
The following from the Picayune in re
gard to the military designs of Mexico is
highly interesting.
It is slated by Capt. Gormez that it was
reported in Tampico that 1500 men from
the interior were on their march to join Pa
redes. With his forces, which would then
amount to 3500 men, according to this ru
mor, Paredes was to move upon Texas,
striking the Rio Grande as liigq up as the
Bexar country. Gen. Arista, w.tii liis 3000
men, was to proceed boldly and directly to
attack Gen. Taylor in his encampment at
Corpus Christi.’ It is said, moreover, that
Arista has employed emissaries to Texas to
tamper with the slaves, and that he Lopes
to render them effective in the promotion of
his plans. How confident he is of success,
the reader may judge from an address to
his troops, which appeared in the Diurio of
the 12lh ult., together with an appeal to the
inhabitants of Conhuiln, Nueva Leon, ami
Tamaulipas. The latter document was
intended merely to stir up the inhabitants
loarms; but tbe address to bis troops is a
more formidable affair, aud wo copy it as
we find it translated in the Courier. If
Arista's troops light a quarter as bravely as
lie talks, alas for tho honor of American
arms.
“Comrades : Tho Supreme Executive
has sent to me by express the nows that the
United States, in pursuance of her ambitious
views, havingtaken possession of the He
parimetu of Texas, he iiad demanded a de
claration of war Iront the Congress against
that unjust nation.
•• The time to fight is come. We must
prepare with the ardor inspired by duty and
patriotism, when an attack is made upon
the soil, the honor and pride of the nation.
‘•I am sure, comrades, that those pre
sumptuous Americans will be greatly dis
appointed, when they find that our soldiers
are not so contemptible as they thought,
and that they cannot conquer them.
“ 1 address you under the influence of a
lively enthusiasm. All fanciful doubt is
vanished ; the question is decided ; and we
are about to commence the most righteous
war that we ever waged. Laurels awaii
us! To arms! It is the only means of
avenging our honor, insulted by a nation
that boasts of its liberality aud civilization.
•‘Arms are th# only arguments to use!
against banditti and tnen without good faith.
Let us hope for that justice which is invok
ed by all sdtiery and tire decision of llre ;
civilized world.
“ Our lot will be envied by the rest Os the
army—we are nearest the theatre of war —
we are the first to avenge the outrages on
our country; and to ravish from the usurpers
the object oftheir rapine.
“Large bodies of troops are on theirmarch
—they will soon be here to share our dan
gers and repulse the enemy.
“The veterans of the North have given
proofs of their valor and constancy—they
are accustomed toeonquer this presumndl
- race. I know your worth, and j*v
dearly you®ve to serve your
is for this tldk I aril pleased to cohKaml
you and lead Vou to combat, in wlJeh your
eomradand bi%fiiend will be to fol
low your exam J
Mariano -Jk rist a.”
The
Yaucatan for troof*have received one uni
form response— thnlH Mcjko chose to en
gage in war with States, she
must bear the brunt ulmy that Yucatan ns
a Department would contribute any
quota of troops: but tbaßEany of her citi
zens chose to at liberty
Taking all the aljve consider
ation, war docs nojr so immi
nent as it looked/ime
the internal jwiging by
the glimpse ut one affords,
are in a im^sßtc resting and crilieakeondi
tion. MjjP>ok sot news from that
with unwonted anxiety.
STII.L LATER FROM MEXICO.
Some Rumors and some New.— Letters
were received in town yesterday from Pen
sacola, w hich announced the arrival there, on
the 31st ult., ol the bloup of war Saratoga,
Capt.. Shubrtck, from Vera Cruz, from which
port she had been some time expected. We
received nothing by the Saratoga, but were
Assured that a letter from an officer on board
stated explicitly that prior to tho departure of
the ship from Vert Cruz, advices had been
received there fron tbecapitol, that Congress
bad authorized the President of Mexico to
declare war against the United States, and
that Gen. Herrera had in consequence order
-15,000 men to the R o Grande (who had al
ready taken up their Hue of march for their
destination) and issued orders for rising a
much larger force. Such were the morning’s
rumors.
At a later hour in tlre day we weie indebt
ed to the courtesy of the editors of the Tropic
for a slip containing a letter from their Pen
sacola correspondent. A postcript to the
letter confirms the arrival of the Saratoga,
after a passage of thirteen days. It also con
firms the election of Gen. Herrera, as report
ed here by Capt. Gormez, from Tampico. It
further states that Mexico does not intend to
declare war against this country, but will
exert her utmost efforts to reconquer Texas.
This is the course of policy so strenuously
urged by El Sigh Diet y Nueve, when the
late ministry brought forward in July, their
war measures. The Siglo lnawll along been
an earnest advocate ol the
Herrera The Tropic’s correspondent as
signs to Gen. Almonte a place next
ministry, with the portfolio
or War—“the first most prob^^F
The Tropic’s wriles that
Com. Conner has no inteJnon of leaving
Pensacola with his fleet ipnl be bears ot a
declaration ol war or au#ct of hostility by
Mexico. will tbeiyail with bis whole
sqiiadrou JuauiK’Uola, Tiff then be
will fceep two geescU on l lie Texan
and Mexican S^t,Jp maintain bis commu
nications with BbaCTaylor.
We regret tolSßuhat the Saratoga Had
some sickness upon Her arrival.—
The Lawrence/whoWkace the Pojpmse has
gone to supply/was c<*unually looked for
at Ponsacola.7
FB|'H£ TI-HKJP Jy
PINE MOUNT A^^L
■Snpteiidier^U,
Gentlemen —AH i
iml T’i a
i uvel't-y, as to l be i•-!
i id!
’.lie National Wing ] i
teclioti—Tariff'—Distribution of IWoblic
domain—abolition of the Veto—restoration
of the U. States Bank, &c., they prefer Mc-
Allister who is opposed to all tnese mea
sures. The wings contend and urge with
zeal that they are not the issues before the
people—that Crawford is not a candidate for
President, aud tbafiNa'ional politics should
have no influence ovier State elections. We
go, say Whigs, for State policy. We say
say the Democrats, that tiny are one and
the same; State aodUmted States policy can
not be separated. What benefits and inju
ries the one, benefits and injuries die oilier.
In view of these tilings, I thought, while
laying on my bed last night that I would en
quire through your paper of Judge Calhoun
and Doct. Ridley, they being candidates for
Senators in lho two districts up and down
the Chattahoochee River, if they hold these
notions, that, in Stale elections National
politics are not in the issue. If they answer
yea ? I then wish them, as open h mest men
—lo let the people knew, what measures of
Slate policy they are in favor of —and what
they are opposed to.
Ist. Are you gentlemen in favor of giving
out the public money, $50,000 for opening
the Chattahoochee River.
2n J. Are you in favor of a Superior Court
for the correction of errors.
3rd. Are you in lavor of selling the State
Rail Road.
4th. Are you in favor of destroying the
Central Bank.
sth. Are you in favor oi the Penitentiary
system—and lastly, will you voie for J. M.
Berrien for United States Senator. Come
gentlemen, no dragging—no shuffling—-no
backing craw fish, away from these questions.
Ifyouarefor them, ictus know it. We
wish to know wliat you intend doing for the
Stale, as you seem determined to do nothing
for the United States ; and as you both say
you intend supporting Craw lord and his mea
sures, we shall then be able to ascertain
what Crawford’s Government will be—
whether a dollar and cent administration
suited to the money loving wliigs, or a uni
versal cliaritableone for the poor and needy.
If you decline to answer these queries, shall
1 conclude that you are deceiving the people
and endeavoring to get them away from the
contemplation of your dead and putrid prin
ciples that shed death and miasma on every
interests.of the country. Answer—answer,
or Nathan shall reprove thee. When your
country lies bleeding at evory pore—and the
cry goes up from cabin &. cottage, who done
the deed! a thousand Nathans shall point I ho
linger—Thou! Calhouu and Ridley, are the
men. NATHAN.
MORE RECRUITS.
Col. James 11. Dakin, commanding the
regiment of Louisiana Volunteers, announ
ces agreeably lo Brigade Order No. 9, dat
ed the’dlsi ult., that his regiment has recent
ly recruited, and now consists often com
panies and six hundred men, ready lo be
mustered into the service of the United
States, to serve in Texas or elsewhere.
This is almost unequalled despatch, and
speaks well not onljy of our gallant citizens,
but also of Col. Dakin and bis efficient offi
cers.— Pic.
Risk anything bciore yoH risk your repu
tation.
MEETING OF TflE FARMERS.
Mkrwetheh County, Aug. 30, 1845.
Pursuant to notice, the Farmers of Meri
wether county, convened today immedi
ately alter the adjournment of the Superior
Court, in the Coutt Room. The assemb
lage was very nutiretotis, perhaps equally
as much so as any ever held in this county,
sot a like or at all similar purpose, and con
stituted of the most wealthy and respecta
ble Planters lhat we can afford.
On motion, Charles B. Harris, Esq. was
called to the Chair, and George A. Hail,
requested to act as Secretary.
ling organized, Abner
nd stated its object to be
certain resolutions re
by the Chamber ofl
city of Col umbos J
le read and with
lesire, that some gcjP
nent thereon, and M
he reading of saidMe
:ond time called in
re might be clearjvand
and. Mr.
took up each reution
issed the pronely of
M
usively, tlia# they, if
i, would teryto the in
imerest owtlie land
ated in a Jitil of illib
r, that tbffie was fraud
ed wMhjvthein, which
euce leme fully fell and
and Martin
Andrew's moved tbata.comniitiee consist
ing of ten, be iippohanjl the. Chair having
regard to the dlslricWSPsiich appointment,
avhose duty it shullaf to retire and report
upon the subject uiiSr nf the resolutions
under consideiation, Jfcicli motion prevail-
Wliereupon, the*h® appointed the fol
lowing committee, viz :
Win. F. Sanil'ony AhM: Reeves, Allijjjju
Groce, Andrew Bark, JW Phillips, W in.
lvcevcs, LcvvisH’y ion, Kid Silas Dobbs,
Tl.e commjßec rcliretßpnd after a half
bout's delibeMidn, repofcd thiough Mr.
Sumford, thcClluwing, vi*
1. Resol v*, That the iMriners of Meri
weiher 00111*’, have their Buhls, and will
do all that rn.es in their pot*r to maintain
2 ResoWcd, That we reAil the action
of the Chmiber of Coiritneicfc in the city
of Coluinus, oil the 12lli of%uly, 1845,
as inteind to impair our riglifo sacrifice
our con*nicnGc, and our interest
3. R*dved, That we will no&ubmit to
the vcmaous regulations of the samCham
bet asHng as othe r markets are op® to us;
but both sell and buy iu a iktrket,
rights are recognized.
4•■Pesolved, That we heartily respud
to tlw ueeessity of exposing every pekou
wliolshall act dishonorably in the sallfor
purchase of cotton ; and hope that su™
Farmers as are compelled to trade in Co
lumbus, may find buyers as honest as sel
lers.
Mr. Sarnford moved the adoption of the
above resolutions, which was unanimously
done.
By motion of Daniel Keith, Esq. it was
further resolved, that vve respectfully sug
gest to our neighboring counties the proprie
ty of adopting similar resolutions.
It was moved and carried that the Co
lumbus, Macon, and tho public prints of
the adjoining counties be requested to give
these pincecdings a place in their columns.
On motion, the meeting adjourned sine
ilic. CHA’S. B HARRIS, Ch’m.
Geo. A. llai.l, See’y.
FARMERS MEETING AT UPATOIE.
Upatoif, P. O. Aug. 29th, 1845.
At an adjourned Meeting of the Farm
ers of Muscogee. Harris Talbot anil Mari
an, held this day at the Upaloie P. O. On
Iniotion, Osbutn Wiggins was called to the
‘Chair, aud Clius. M. Smith appointed Se
cretaiy. R. W. Carnes from the commit
tee of 13 appointed at uur primary mealing
reported as lollows:
That the Farmers and others of thiscom
nnunity coidially accept the invitation ex
tended to them, by tho Farmers of Harris,
at their meeting on lhe sih inst. requesting
a co-operation ; and as an earnest would
respectfully recommend the adopiion of their
Preamble and Resolutions, as embodying
and expressing with slight alterations and
editions, die sentiments of this community,
to-wit: Whereas the “ Chamber of Com
merce” of the City of Columbus, passed at
a meeting held on the 12th July ’45, certain
resolutions, among which aie contained
some rules, that the farming inteiesi of the
country look upon as presumptuous, arbi
trary aud dictatorial in their nature
Resolved, therefore, that notwithstanding
we look upon the prosperity of Columbus
with great interest, yet we feel bound, in
justice to ourselves, to withdraw our trade
from that maiket. unless the objectionable
lules adopted by the board “be rescinded.”
Resolved, that the first rule is oujection
. hie in tli is, that the Committee to pass
.upon die sales of produce is selected by the
Chuuibei of Commerce, the seller having
no part in choosing those lo determine Ins
rigms.
Resolved, that the second rule is partial
in this, that the seller has not equal piivi
leges with the purchaser of produce.
Resolved, that we heartily approve the
3d rule.
Resolved, that the 4th rule would tend to
force the farmer to use such Bagging and
so many Ropes in Packing Cotton as the
“Chamber” might dictate, which however
much we might approve as a suggestion, we
discard as a rule.
Resolved, that vve disapprove the 3th rule
in toto, as oppressive if enjoined.
Resolved, that the original rules regula
tin'* the payment of storage, &c. are prefer
able to thc Glh, adopted by the Chamber of
Commerce.
Resolved, die Chamber of Commerce can
alter the 7th rule easier than the farmers can
llieir screws, as most screws pack with five
Ropes.
Resolved, that we have no objection to the
selection ol Committees or other referees by
tho “Chamber” for any purpose of their own,
but we wisli to retain tiie privilege of select
ing for ourselves those who are to pass upon
our rights, and wc will not submit any dis
puted matter to any set of arbiters, chosen in
the manner prescribed in the 11th rule.
Resolved, that we invite the attention of
the Farmers of other communities, to the
rules adopted by the said “Cliamher of Com
merce,” aud request their co-operation.
Kesolued, that a Committee of 5 he ap
pointed lo ascertain as far as practicable, tiie
names of all Merchants and Cotton buyers in
in the city of Columbus anu have the same
published in the respective Gazettes in said
city, who were in anywise coueerned in pass
ing the rules of said Chamber on the 12th
July last.
On motion Resolved that the proceedings
of tli : s meeiing be signed by the Chairman
and Secretary and published in the Colum
bus papers respectively.
At tiie same lime and place an Agricul
tural Society was formed, uudet the name
of the “Planters’ Club of Upatoie,” by
adopting a Constitution, which was signed
by 45 citizens.
Tiie members, and others desirous of
joining said Society, are respectfully re
quested to meet at ilie Upaloie Post Office,
ouFiiday, tliesih instant, for the puipose
ot electing Officers, and attending to other
matters that will be suggested, promotive of
the interest of tile Association.
OSBURN WIGGINS, Chaitni’n.
Chai, M. Smith, Sec’y.
From the Constitutionalist.
THE ICOTTON CROP.
The probable extent of the cotton crop cf
1845, is a question ol'tbe utmost importance
and of gteat practical interest, now tlrat
planters ate beginning to send their crops to
market. T hey writ be influenced by the
opinions they may be enabled to form, eilh
et to sell as they may send in, or to hold on ;
accordingly as they may believe the mar- j
ket will be effected.
A short crop would unquestionably en
hance present prices. It would lake u very
large crop to depress prices much below
what now obtain, if other disturbing causes
do not combine to produce this result.
If the gram crop ol England be not great
ly cut off', and if the peace of the world re
main uninterrupted, cotton manufacturing
must coutinue flourishing and on the in
crease. Prices of cotton can scarcely rule
so high, with the ptesent large supply on
hand, as seriously to check consumption.
From all the inlot nation we can gather, wc
believe it impossible that the present crop
can be a very large one. A thousand casu
alties may yet occur seriously to injure it.
Bad weather for picking, stoims and an
early frost may cut it off very much. The
crop of Georgia and South Carolina must,
tinder the most favorable circumstances from
this time out, be short. South-Western
Georgia will, however, be an exception to
the rest of the state. The crops in that sec
tion are promising. In the Mississippi
Valley the crops are also generally promis
ing, and we may reasonably calculate upon
the receipts in Mobile and New Orleans,
equalling those of last year, provided noth
ing hereafter occurs to change present pros
pects. In a portion of Alabama, liouevet,”
the crop, it is thought, x ill fall beiow an
average.
If, however, the entire crop does not ex
ceed that of 1844, we may consider it a short
crop.. For the probaoilhy is that the quan
tity of land plan ed is greater. There bas
been a steady annual increase lo the force
applied to the culture, and ibis was stimu
lated last spring by a rise in the price of
cotton, at the period of planting.
The accounts of the 3*l March last, re
ceived on this side from Liverpool, reported
a tise in price, produced partly by accounts
troni America of diminished receipts, and
stiffened prices, and partly by the proposi
tion in Parliament (which afterwards be
came a law) to take off the duty on cotton.
From that time the market continued to go
up. This had its influence in some sections
to a limited extent to increase the quantity
planted. But the greatly increased con
sumption would cause a crop of 2,404,000
to press less heavily on the market than
Wid that of 1844.
The futility of all calculations on the
amount of a growing crop, however, is stri
kingly iliustrated by the circumstance that
as late as Jauuaiy 2911i, 1844, a very dis
tinguished Senator, iu a speech of that date
in the United States Senate, expressed the
opinion that the crop of 1843, would not
much exceed 1,600,000 bales, and stated
that “no bidy estimated it at more than
1,800,000.” It in fact exceeded 2,000,000.
Yet few men are better informed or more
apt to come to correct conclusions on this
subject.
Business operations could scarcely be
based with safety upon calculations thus
catly upon the amount of the Collou crop
of 1845.
CROPS, &c.
We had been in lo pes, as the season ad
vanced tin*! the piosprcis ol the incoming
crop would he better. But uur information
from various parts of the cotton-growing re
gion, confirm our previously expressed opin
ion that the crop must he a short one.
In this Slate, there can he no doubtthatlhe
falling off will he fully equal, and more than
equal to what we have heretofore stated.
In Georgia appearances are no heller. A
gentleman irom Milledgevillc, who has had
the best opportunities for observation, in near
ly half the coumies of the State, informs us
that in what is termed ‘llie Colton Belt’ ihey
are making tolerably fair crops—but in all
i lie other port ions of the Slate the prospects
are worse than they hare been for a number
of years.
In South Carolina the crops are equally
bad. A recent letter from a very intelligent
Planter of that State, residingat Columbia,
conveys the information, that the crops in
that vicinity are nearly ruined by the long
drought they have experienced.
Even on Bed River and other places West
and Soutii of us, where a full crop was anti
cipated, they fee! the effects of the dmught.
An overseer on Bed River in writing re
cently to his employer in I his county, says
lliai in June lire prosnects were never better
for a large crop, hut that since that time the
effects of the drought have heeii such, that
he does not think much over half a crop will
he made.
With all the information, therefore, of
which we are now in possession, we are ol
opinion that the entire crop of the Uniled
States will fall considerably under two mil
lions of bales. —Montgomery Journal,
IMPOR'I'A NT DEVELOPMENT.
In a letter from the “Hon. Aslihel Smith,”
published in tiie list “Now York Journal of
Commerce,” he makes the follow,ng state
ment, viz ;
“ The insinuation that I have opposed annexation,
or that I wont lo Europe lo concert measures, or to
co operate in any w; y well any European govern
ment for the purpo.e of preventing annexation, is
utterly Jalsc. ‘t he following facta will illustrate my
views on this subject. In June, last year, a propo
sition was made to me, as Texas minister In France
and England, lo pass a diplomatic acl, whereby these
powers would gu iranly to ‘Texas peace with Mexi
co and independence, condiiioucd that we should re
main a separate Government. 1 communicated the
proposition to the Department of Slate, accompanied
with what I conceived a strung argument against its
acceptance, based onihe grave objections to Euro
pean interference in American alfaira, on any pre
text whatever. This despatch of aiino is in the ar
chives ol Texas. ‘The proposition has uevar been
renewed on either side. President Jones, then Se
cretary of Stuto undei General Houston, entirely <q>.
pioved my conduct.”
The important portion of this statement is
the disclosure of tiie fact, that Great Braitain
and France offered to guaranty the indepen
dence of 7 exas, amt peace with Mexico, pro
vided the young republic would not annex
herself to the United Slates ! Yes, they would
compel Mexico lo give up Texas, would de
spoil her of her territory—as our Anglo-
American whigs would say*—to repress the
growth of the United Slates.’
This impertinent interference in American
affairs—these disgraceful manoeuvres to de
tent our peaceful policy and “balance of pow
er” in America, admonish us what confidence
we can place ia those European powers,
should they proffer mediation between U 6
and Mexico.
England and France have already inter
fered with our interests in regard to Texas.
Can they act the part of impartial mediators
where Mexico is a party, and where Texas
is one of the great objects of contention ?
Can they hiediate for peace first, without
next attempting to guaranty the boundary
between Mexicoandtbe United States?
Tiie fact is, that it is best for the govern
ments in Ameiica, who have their own pri
vate interests to presents, to manage their
own affairs, iu relation to other, in their
OWU waV,
From OmOlnion.
THE PROTECTIVE TiWKXF.
Such articles as the tollowing are calcu
lated to show the nue character of the pre
sent tariff. In the same proportion as it at
protective to the manufacturer, it must be
oppressive upon tho rest of the community.
The further must derive his high profits
from the pockets of the consumers. The
whole system is at war with that equaliza
tions ot benefits and of burdens, which
ought to be one of the great characteristics
oi our tree, equal, federal institutions.
We must Bak the favor of our brelheren
ol the press to publish, in a conspicuous
pari of their columns, such tacts, like the
following, as demonstrate the rate of the
dividends; and, still further, to call our at
tention to those several articles, as they
respectively apjear in their papers:
“Two or ihroo of ilio Lowell eon panies, which
made good dividends last year, earned ihtui alio
gather ny manufie urmg lor/ortiga market*, wlicru
ihcir products came in direu competition will, iha
cheap fabrics of England.”
New York Tribune, Aug. 14.
Then they certainly do not require a protective
tariff to sustain them against a cuiupetition with the
tbreigu mamiUcluier ai home, it rhiy can heal hint
siyle handed abroad, afier ail the lisk and expenses
ot exportation.— Boston Morning Post, Aug. 16.
The high protective lards papers ate eic.edingly
alarmed ai tne possibility of a war between hie U. b.
and Mexico,on account ol the injury it will be lo
our shipping interest! Ones a concern of itiis kind
enter their mutds when they advocate % nrohibilo y
tan If?
The Suffolk and Tn moot manufacturing corpora
tions have tacli declared a semt-aunuai divnteud of
ten per cent. I/6id.
“Semi-annual dividends.—The York, Me
thuen, and Dtuhain inunnlactnring companies have
each decland a semi-annual dividend ot IU per cem -
andihe Norfolk Manufacturing company ditto of IS.
per cei-l,”— Boston Post.
This is neai 2o per cent, per aunum profits,’ and
how much is reserved, nobody knows. Oo manu
factures need exc/usic* protection ? I’eople are be
ginning seriously to ask this question, and it is lime
mat they should.
We have no hostility totvaids manufactures. The
greater piofila they can make, the beiiei; for no ona
is proscrib'd trom entering into lhat business. Bid
we object lo the many being onerously taxed to help
swell me pruliis lo go into the pockets of a few.—
T here must be more equality. Yes, must is the
word. The farmer must uot much longer he tram
pled in Hie dns ;jji orli the hat dost of any class, anil
tare the poorer* St auge, that wt b the power in.
hi- hand-', lie vsisfnut use it for his own elevation.
Wake up! —lvcene (-V JS J R,publican. Aug.. 14.
We extract ttie lollowtiig siiheiuMir; e
qually pungent autl just, Iron) the St. Al
ban’s (Vt.) “ Republican,” of the 15 h in
stant i
The whig prtotTErTivF. svstem —The whole
policy of the whig*, lor half a ccatniy, has hem to,
extend the pnviltges of tie wealthy, and uhndge
those ot the poor—to nairovv the field of employment,
and tlius deprive labor of its just denfSnck But tho
injustice which the manulacturing capitalist- havo
been allowed to practise under the present larifiTuw
towards the laborers, is awaking them to a true sense
of their condition, ami the deep and demanding in
justice that Ims been practised upon their too easy
credulity. The darkness hich overshadows llteir
prospects is made visible by the dawning of light. A,
fair trial has been given to a “protective system, ’”
that was to bring upon evi ry class aiike unexautph and
piospcrity. Whut has been the result? Precisely
what might have been expected from its unequal and*
unj at provisions; precisely whai was foretold by
those who demanded that it should foster no one in
terest at the expense of another—that ii should place
ALL UPON AN EQUALITY.
There is no class in the community who r e> I more
directly the eviis of the whig “protective system,’’’
ihau tlie farmers. Through its wondw working pow
or. they were promised not only higher prices for
. Ihcir wool, but higher prices and ready markets id*
a 1 the products of the am). Vet can sny one re
inenibi r vvi.eh the agiioillural interest was in n
more intense state of deptession?—when wool tttld
for less 7 —when labor and its products were lower?—
The time cannot be remembered. Do the whig*
dispute these facts? No,-but they impute it to tl
policy of President Po k’s adminisiiapon. “]iw
thieatena,” say they, “loreduce the tanfi; and n
consequence, no one vvdl venture to give what a,
iliing is worth.” Hut tbsasseilieu. so gra eliil to
die panieans of w higgery is contradicted by the fact.
The manufacturing pin ces, for whosi special bine
lit the present laidl was hunted ate erecting new,
and clarging their old establishments--en- rniopg 1 li st
mlo the country Lryer qounli iis li.nii eur of the
cheap f-'ouih Ainoiican woo I —r.iulaie making is - r
dividends than in any loitner period of then esi- ‘em e.
With these facts before us, we are irresistibly’ htl t,
believe that tiler- is something wrong somewhere.-
They cannot ullngtnhir lesull from the rollo
fluence which Mr. Polk’s administration cacms ov rr
lie e. emir;; hut iu her fiom the enormous inequali
ties of the present tariff law. ll should lie so ban ed
as to add to the profits of the fume r, ns iveil a* to tins
profits ofihe mamifucluter—to the profits of labor,
as well as to the profits of canita'. We ask tho
freeman if this is not the true “American system?”
From tho Constiiutionaisi.
The follow in or remarks are a portion of an
editorial in the New Y< rk Sun:
“77i prevent policy of England and Mexico is f>
talk wur t and drive Ute Untied States to all tlte tost oj
a defence, in the hope that the j ournuts in their inter--
est here may take that as a tea t J'or making annexation
unpopular, in that,as in everything**!*#, they will
hud their nets but cobwtbs before the sturdy,sfr&iyht
forward policy of this nation; fui we know as well as
they co that, as an element of strength, the undivided
control of the cotton umrkt t is bet* r for us than forts
and navies. That while Europe mutt spin aid
u eave lo t-xi&i it will keep the peace for us, aud entui •
courteous treatnu ut belli r tl an coi non.
‘ The true object of all these portentous but unact*
ed ihreatnings, is to create panic and division among
our uitiz,eiis, ami embarrass the Executive with vx+
pensive, annoying nod unpopular pnpnraiions lor
war, but they wi l be foiled in then cunning aim ”
Nothing is more apparent than that tiie last
hope ot England to defeat annexation is by
operating upon popular opinion in this coun
liy. With what success she may do this, w e
are not lelt entirely to conjecture. We be
hold here in our very midst, signs that this
hope is not entirely chimica). Look at the
“Augusta Chronicle,” the undisguised and
hitter opponent of Texas, and ihe reviler of
its people. Look at the “Columbus Enqui
! rer,” another pleading whig print, not lets
uncompromising in its opposition to this great
measure ofnational honor. Already are they
playing into the hands of British sagacity, and
seconding the wily schemes ol British diplo
macy. Having sought in every other imag
inable way to prejudice the question, they are
now seeking to foment this prejudice anew,
I by talking oft be cost of the war with Mexico,
j This may be intended lo pave the way for
the renewed opposition of Judge Berrien, in
lire United Slates Senate, to Ihe annexation
of Texas at the next session of Congress,
and lo increase the party in Gecjgia that will
sustain him. It is a miserably poor calcula
tion. Sadly do they mistake the spirit and
ihe patriotism of every true Georgian. All
sordid considerations will lie cast to the wind
when the right, the honor, and tho soil of our
country are threatened by a foreign foe.
Tbe following gibe is indulged by the
Chronicle of Thursday last, iu rtfajence to
lire celebration, by the Democrats, on the
third Saturday in September next.
“ We would rccouimentl a postponement till after
the war; then wo vhall know more eoireclly what
the acqui.oiion cost us, and more just y estimate the
umount or* glorification” which is truly due lo ihe
udiievuu nt; ihe blood of ihe brave, and ihe sweat
of ihe poor, with which the deed must probably be
defended, oughi in all fairnets lo be taken inio the
account; and perhaps a so, in addition lo war aud
prospective famine, we may yel have other nianifee
laiioas of ihe Divine displeasure, which we might do
well lo lay lo our hearts. Let us pause anil consider
-—the wisdom of man mayafter all bebu* foolishness,”
In the same spirit, we have the following
language from Ihe Columbus Enquirer of
the 20ih instant;
“Tne consequences of the Annexation scheme, aa
foreseen and foretold by die enlightened arid patriotic
of ah parlies, are now ineviiable mid impending—-
Wn-. wild all its meidentul horrors and evils, iiidi
vid ia! suffering, privation and death — a national
debt, high taxes, the interruption of coll u-erce, and
last, though not teasl, the corruption of thu public
morals, are Ihe bit ter fruits now commended to our
lips, ut that fatal measure, -ctyicemd in sin and
brought forth in iniquity —the preiiiavire and inde
cent annexation of Texas.” ./A.
It will be ralher difficult far lo
stem tiie tide of popular enthusiasm in fa
vor of Texas, and even in favor or a war,
if necessary to maintain our right to her.
But if the whigs think they can make any
thing by their present course let them play
thegameout. We have carried annexa
tion “in spite of iheir teeth,” and we can
carry oil the war in defence of it, without,
their aid. It is an ami-American spirit
which would find fault with a wat founded
on such principles.