Newspaper Page Text
lor* upon ihe poor visionary who adored
her.
On the days ive met I was gay and happj:
bill on the intervening ones I ivas in despair.
All uiy dirtiest thoughts come back upon me,
fraught with even greater horrors. I tried to
battle with my evil spirit, but I could not
subdue it. ll'grasped me tightly in its fetters;
and I had no respite until 1 was again in ihe
presence of iny Julia. The smallest sound
of her voice, with its silvery sweetness, broke
the sad chain which had bound me, and l
was free to look—to love—to worship again.
Oh, why did not these moments of rapture
last forever J This holy calm, like ail en
chanted circle, into which mv spirit ofeevil
dared not venture, why was it broken! Why
did sickness, and sorrow, and madness —yes
furious, hopeless,desponding madness—dark
en those sunny days J IV Fy did death come
to her, ami thick cloods to me?
The sky mocks me with its gemmed radi
ance. The stars shine on brightly; but they
failtogive light and hope to me. I have gazed
on them with her. I have seen her stand
with her fair brow raised and her lovely face
bathed in moonlight; but, as the pale beams
danced around her, to my eyes her own glory
dimmed all other brightness.
The winds howl, and the waves roK to and
fro in the WmpesT, and with every blast comes
a shriek, as il Julia were in despair, and I
rise to rush to her rescue; but the clanking
chain of ihe maniac binds me. 1 try to break
my bonds, but they clasp ine; and my hide
ous companion, the phantom, jeers at me;
and! hear the voice of my beloved receding
further frosn me, till, w th an agonized mean,
studies away i:i the distance.
’And this the world calls fancy—the fan
tastic vision of a madman’s brain ?
There was never a voice like her voice;
and tic ugh the winds rage tempestuously
among the waving branches of the storm
tossed trees, I bear the liquid name of her
accents above ail, and I strain my eyes to
catch a glimpse of her peison, but there is
nothing; and I crouch down again in my
chains and my madness, on my dost lale bed,
feeling how utterly—how entirely, 1 aui a
lone.
(TAn interruptionoccurrod incur intercourse,
in consequence of Sir diaries Trace v being
obliged to go abroad on business connected
■with ihe state. Ilislady accompanied, and
alley were absent some months. Hmv I
spent these months I scarcely know. I avoid
ed all society—f felt moody—wretched—des
pairing. I grew violent. Restraint became
necessary. Then, indeed, I knew that I
u>at mod. Life was a blank; and 6oine
weeks passed while this dark cloud was upon
me.
At last, though my recovery bad been a
work of time, I was called convalescent, and
the violence of my phrenzy abated.
I heard with joy that Sir Charles and his
lady had returned to town. I thought ibe
hour would never coine when I might setaxut
on my visit.
I flew rather than walked, to her residence.
1 felt startled’and alarmed as I trode the
streets ; for I had not been out lor months,
and I fancied every one stared at me—that
everyone knew I teal mad: but Die one
darling hope of seeing her cheered me on.
At last J reached the house. I was ad
mitted; and in a moment I was by the side of
Julia. She was looking pale and ill, but very
lovely.
I rushed towards her. I knelt by her side.
I took her cold hand in mine, and kissed it
ardently. A bright color suffused her cheek.
She endeavored to withdraw her hand from
my grsp ; but Ihe demon was within me. I
held that pale, small, fragile hand tirmly ; and
pressed it again and again to my lips, and my
.lliorbhiitg, bursting heart. 1 laughed aloud
and wildly, and she looked at me fearfully.
She had discovered iny secret, and she saw
that I was mad.
“You, too, hpve been ill ?” she said.
The honied accents of that beloved voice
fell on my ear like dew to the parched flower.
I was calmed in a moment, ami 1 endeavored
to look coldly on herwho was life—light—all
to mo in this world.
I found she had been dangerously ill. and
1 felt, as I looked ou her imperial loveliness,
that she was not destined long for this
world. t •
Daily J saw her. I could not see enough of
one I loved so desperately; and 1 feigned
calmness while 1 endured agony—lmt uiy
madness ruined me at last.
One wretched day—l spoke to her of love.
I told her of my hopeless devotion for so many
years. I knelt by her side. I passed my
arm around her waist—and for one brief mo
i'ueui rested my|ecorcking, maddened brow
vipon her ooeatn. It tvas only a moment of
reality—but an eternity of h iss in the recol
lection.!
1 strained her fragile form to my bnea?t. 1
kissed her pale cheeks—her brow — her lips.
She moved not. I found site tainted. J
4bought she was dead, and my brain ree'ed
I raised her beauuful form in my arms, and
laid her georiy on a couch.
She was like marble—so cold, and pale,
and breathless. 1 called no one to my as
sistance— l was the madman—the desperate
heart-hearted madman—and 1 saw before me
the ruin 1 had wrought.
flow long this lasted I cannot toss; only
know my feelings were worked to frenzy.—
I called upon her by name ; 1 conjured her to
look at me, to speak to me once—blit once
more.
I longed for tears to cool the burning heat
of my brain. In my agony, 1 laughed amt
shrieked aloud; I could not control myself.
She opened her eyes, those large, bright,
JuFtrous eyes, and loukid, I thought, k ndlv
on uie. How those glances entered my soul.
“Speak to me, Julia, forgive me,” 1 said.
She smiled, and extended lr hand- Her
eyes were in a moment fixed and glassy.—
She tried to speak, when, O God ! as her lips
sepciated.tlie lile-bloodgushcd from her heart
and the purple stream flowed over her neck
and bosom.
I was paralyzed—l moved not —I looked
on horror stricken.
She made one movement with her hand,
and then it fell lifeless by tier side. She gakre
one deep B'gh, and all was over. I saw that
she was dead, but l wept not. I stood by, a
miserable madman, uiy heart heaving with
agony, but iny eyes refusing to weep, and
laughing that violent, horrible laugh, that
mockery of mirth which belongs ytuiy to the
maniac’s raving.
I 6tood by the couch —I bathed my burn
ing forehead with her blond—l saw that
beautiful being cold and motionless, her eyes
closed, and her lofty brow damped with the
hues of death. I saw this, and yet lived on.
There was stillness,and gloom, and death
around me, but I was not alone. 1 felt that
creeping consciousness that my evil spirit
was near. 1 raised my eyes and saw tlx;
phantom—the dark and hideous one ;my o'd
companion was standing b.v me, muttering
and mockina at my grief. I shrank from the
fiend.
I drew closer to the loved form of her I
adored. I took her cold hand and placed it
on my burning brow- I can feel the death
like coolness now where that small hand
Jav. I closed my eyes and tried to pray;
Shut fiendish shouts ol laughter rang in my
rs, and I felt that an evil spirit was by my
tide. My whole frame quivered with sup
pressed agony. I turned. I saw it move;
and the shadowless hand was raised to
touch the precious and costly form ol her I
lowed. I can remember no more; all, for a
lime mas gloom and misery. * * *
Wild spirits are dancing around me, bear
ing in their aria* the dear form cf my Ju
lia. Sometimes her voice breaks the still
ness of m.v chan iter in the darkness of night,
for I never sleep—my brain is too hoi son
sleep. S metimes lam roused by feeling
the softness of her light, taper fingers on
my brow, and then 1 start In in my uneasy
and wretched bed to look for her once mere;
bill instead of her I see my dark spirit the
demon, w atching me with that untired eye
following me with that noiseless step, that
shadow less form, and then falling on my
bid, I bury my face in iny pillow, and try
to pray for peace and tears —but both are
denied me.
The sun mocks me with its bright, clear
dancing beams, speaking of life, and hope,
and joy. Jt brings back the memory of Inal
wretched day when I had killed by burn
ing passions the only wo nan 1 had ever
loved.
She was, indeed, the sun of my gloom ;
and, without her, 1 am a captive in
a darkened cell,through the gratings of which
thoughts of her s'rrarn in, and make a dim
twilight—and satisfaction. Ol,! if 1 were to
he false to her, tny soul would be a void;
my memory a curse ;my heart a heap of
ashes.
1 see again, with terrib'y reality, that
graceful form—that regal face—dead, yet
smiling—as -last saw her in ihatcustained
chamber, with the sun shining in glory thro’
the crimsoned drapery, and elieddiug* warm:
glow on the inanimate features.
Even now 1 see her. 1 see that look of
unsullied purity and fear. 1 feel again that
warm blood, as it trickled down and fell on
my forehead, and 1 know that it is eatiDg
in, deeper and deeper, towards my brain.
Her last words ring in my ears; her last
‘smile is my beacon, my only ray of hope,
luring me on towards a happier future.
There is a file kindled within me that
will dry up every thought but recollection
of her; for every circumstance connected
with herds impressed on my memory with a
vivid distiivctuese.
Can it be?—the thought sometimes oc
curs to me with a balmy and consoling pow
ea, like that fragrant wind from the Spicy
Islands, which the manner feels blowing
cool upon his brow, as he lies becalmed, in
[ the still noon, on the wide and desert seal
Can it be, that the devivlion of a lifetime—
such as my devotion has been—may be
paid by associations in eternity?
May 1 dare to hope to live hereafter in the
shadow of her glory! Shall we meet again
in that bright land?
No—the vision is too joyous for the poor
maniac, her murderer. 1 shall see her no
more—we are separated for evei!
Hell—deep, deep hell—is the madman’s
portion; and heaven, that pure and distant
clime, is thy resting place for ever—thy ra
dieol home—thy peaceful heaven —my lost
—my adored—my sainted Julia !
From the Macon Tclegiaph Republic,
THE WHIG ADDRESS.
Jt has heretofore been the usage of the
Whig party to adopt in their polit cal conven
tions a series of resolutions declaratory of their
political tenets. The usage is a good one.—
The people have a right to know upon what
principles either party applies to them fur their
suffrages. And if either remains silent or
skulks from an independent avowal of their
political faith, the party thus acting deserves
and will assuredly receive the public disap
probation. How stands the Whig and Dem
ocratic patties in this regard !
The Democratic Convention which assem
bled last May, reiterated all the doctrines
tenets and principles fur which they so suc
cessfully contended the past year. The
Whigs in their convention of June la6t were
most recreantly client in regard to Mr.Clay’s
ser es of measures and tenets, which he set
fortli upon retiring from the Senate, and
which they attempted to maintain throughout
the presidential canvass. Their total silence
may be justly construed into a disavowal of
their former principles. Conscience stricken
they are fearful to reawaken a discussion
on questions which has already crushed
them in one campaign, and will, if agitated,
annihilate them iu auotlier. They therefore
say nothing about their devotion to a pro-
iff, their mad attempt to strike the
veto power from the Constitution, and no
longer denounce the aimexaiiooot Texas as
a national robbery. They are even willing
to make a holocaust of Adams and Berrien,
provided the memory of their treachery to Ihe
constitution, and their foreign coalitions may
oe obliterated from the memory ol the peo
ple. Rut lor this they must cease to hope.
Treachery may be forgiven, but it is nulfor
gotten. Ihe pen that records the treason of
Arnold, the conspiracy of Burr, and the his
tury of the HaillordConvention, will likewise
trausmit t<> the undying recollections of the
people the names ot those wings who record
ed their voles on the English side of the Texas
question.
As an apology to the people for Ihe non
annuuciation ol their politico! principles or
rather a forgetlulness that they ever had any,
they adopted a few general apothegms rela
tive to our domestic policy, and gravely tet
| them forth as their rules of faith.
For example: They announce the aston
ishing fact that Governor Crow ford has not
stolen the public purse and run olfto Eng
land with it, but applied it to the payment of
the public debt. A grave principle this, and
certainly Governor Crawford is very much
indebted to his political friends for thus ably
demonstrating his hotieeiy. Reasoning a
priori, we presume, like adroit logicians, they
intend to leave tlie impression upon the public
mind dial the Democrats have no man in
iheir ranks sufficiently trustworthy to pa6s
through the same fiery ordeal and come
llirougn wii h sue li distinguished integrity as
his Excellency.
Again they sagely aver that Vise Penit-en
tiary should be so conducted as to be a source
ol revenue to the State. This, from Ihe em
phasis I heir presses seem to pul on it, is the
lie plus ultra of whig principles. If so, then
indeed, have they entered the wrong nag
Mr. Redding the superintendent of the Pen
itetitiary is a practical man, a good mechanic,
ol great energy and industry: and to him
alone belongs the credit that attaches to the
pressnt condition of the State Prison.
True Gov. Crawlord has spent large sums
of the people’s money in tne purchase of ex
pensive machinery, raw materials, and other
improvements in and about the Penitentiary.
The Superintendent is the man who is enti
tled to all the praise if there be any to bestow.
He should not have been stripped of his lau
rels to cover the baldness of Air. Crawlord;
and we insist if a Governor is to be made
upon the I’ententiary system that Anderson
Redding he the man.
To what a despicable* pass have tine VVliigs
come, when they are obliged to r< b su hnn.
eel mechanic of his reputation in order to
create capital to uphold a profligate party.—
Now that the State government should be
administered with the strictest economy, ami
tiiat the Penitentiary should be so conducted
as {if possible) to be a source of revenue and
not a burden to the State, ate truisms which
are indisputable. Both parties admit them
I and both have acted upon them. The demo
crats with more success, it ts true than their
opponents; for they are the only party that
ever existed in tins country strictly derivative
from the people, and the public good has ever
been a paramount object cf their organiza
tion.
To give the affair the semhlence of a po
litical body, before adjournment, a coimniltec
was appointed to draft a Whig Address to
the people, or in other terms to humbug the
public if possible- Toxin this work of hum
bug anti misrepresentation, fit subjects were
found in Messrs. Nesbiq Meriwether and,
Stephens. We have no idea that the wretch I
and patch work was submitted to Messrs.’
Jenkins and Alexander, for though these gen-]
lieiut u belong to the same school of politics,
still we believe that their sensibilities are not
wholly indurated, and that they must blush
hot fur themselves and their patty at the con
temptible position they are competed to oc
cupy by the W’hig address.
To prove their utter destitution of both
political principle and and consistency we
have only to invite attention to the fifth item
in t heir ( professed ) series of apothegems. It
reads thus:
5. Thai the depres wd piicc of our agricultural
products requi-es That Ibe burthens of taxation should
be alUviatrd al the earliest moment consistent with
the obligati ih of the State—and that no mo'e money
should be raised from the people by lasution than is
necessary to supply the wants of Government econ
omically administered.
Was ever there such a public prostitution
of political character or rerreanev of princi
ple ! A pharaphase of one of the Baltimore
resolutions by a Georgia Whig Committee !
After all their cant about a protective ta
riff, t heir base surrenderor the old stale rights
doctrines to W'ebster and Adams, and their
doubly distilled federal principles that have
become stale in the mouthsofthese political
neophytes they now attempt to ilisguiee
themselves in a democratic garb. The wants
of the government (say they) should be the
standard of taxation. If this holds good in
state affairs why not in national politics. A
principle cannot vary; it is both unchangea
ble and incorruptible. Why, therefore, did
not the Whigs co-operate with tliedemocrats
in reducing the Tariff to a revenue standard
to meet the wants ul a government “eernom
icolly administered.” Oh no, they then pre
ferred party to principle—office to the people
and Air, Clay to country. It is too lale gen
tlemen to delude the people. If you are sin
cere in what you now avow, haul down your
black flag of Federalism, put out your blue
lights, and fall into the ranks of Republican
Democracy. Do this in all sincerity and the
people of Georgia may take you into full fel
lowship. Nay, even the Republican State
of Texas will forgive you for your unhallow
ed Sympathies for England and Mexico, and
forget that you denounced them and us as
national robbers and pirates.
From Ihe Federal Union,
“FEDERAL MASSACHUSETTS.”
Alison lias a vei j fine work extant, “on
Taste.’ - It is however, destined to be
superseded we opine by the production of
the gentlemen of the Recorder, whose first
lecture appears in their last number, and is
founded mainly upon Mr. A'lcA.lister’s let
ter of acceptance. The expression “Federal
Massachusetts,'’ has given their nostrils :he
spasms, and we doubt whether the organ
will ever again relax into that state winch
indicates perfect repose of the nasal. The
gentlemen ought to take a trip to some A
rabian grove for the health of their most del
icate and sensitive noses 1 It is rather sur
prising that gentlemen of such exquisite
taste, should have condescended to read
such a miserable [ iece of political literature,
while they have access to such polished ef
fusions as emanate from the W hig press.—
But they have doubtless suffered this great
shock to their refined sensibilities, for the
public good. For more than two months,
this offensive letter has been permitted to
pass currently with the newspaper reading
public, offending the taste of the refined, and
tainting the political literature of the day
and nobody lias had tile benevolence to ex
pose its deformities but the Southern Re
corder. It is however, a period of leisure
with the Recorder. Having fought the bat
tle of the ’’balance sheet” until it lias left the
field behind it perfectly fogged with “run
ning comments.” it deigns to devote a por
tion ol its time, to ei.lighientng its readers
in matters of taste.
Alter getting through with its criticisms,
upon the bad taste, it then gives vent to a
strain of comment upon ilie substance ul
the letter of acceptance, which indicates
considerable tenderness, in relation to the
reputation of Massachusetts. To charac
terise tliis State as federal Massachusetts,
iu the estimation of the Recorder, is not on
ly bad taste, but unkind, and particularly so,
coming irom Mr. McAllister, who was at
one ttme the recipient of an office at the
hand of her favorite son. The Recorder
almost says, that it is ungrateful in Mr. Mc-
Allister to have made such an insinuation a
gainst the Bay State. But the Recorder very
prudently waives the discussion “of the im
portant issues involved in the acceptance of
these favors which have been placed before!
the public eye.” We should like lo know j
what issues? The office which Mr. McAl
listei accepted, was judicial and not politi
cal. k It involved no issue of principle, and |
so far as that office might bring him in con
flict with the interest of the State, touching
the Indian questions then pending, the Re
corder knows full well, that Mr. McAllister
was not the man to lake sides against Geo
rgia—that he was identified with the parly,
who was most hostile lo the policy of Mr.
Adams in relerence to our Indian affa rs,
and in a word, that he acted with the party
with which that journal was connected at
that dav. Indeed the studied phraseology
of the llecotder’s remarks on this subject,
indicates clearly that it is seeking to do by
insinuation and inuendo, what it would bej
dishonorable and false to body forth in the
lorin of distinct and direct charges.
But let it bo granted for the sake of ar-1
guinent, that the acceptance of the office ol
Ui-trict attorney, by Air. McAllister, at the
hands of Mr. Adams, did involve “impor
tant issues,” does it lie in tile mouth of the
Recorder and its associates in slander, to
speak of ii? Does it becomes those who
live in glass houses, to throw stones? Who
is Mr. Clay? Did he not accept ti e office
of secretary of State, from Mr. Adams?
Is not this confessedly a “favor” involving
impoiiani issues—issues of political princi
ple—issues touching the interests of Geor
gia in reference lo her Indian ailaits? Aye,
is it not true that Mr. Clay seconded Mr
Adams” policy, hostile and bitter as that
pobey was towards Georgia? Was he not
the adviser and friend ol Gunter? Did he
not charge our state with fraud and coirup
tion, in the procurement of her treaty with j
Cherokee Indians? All this is fresh in the |
recollection of the Recorder; and it knows;
full well, 1 hat the Troup parly of t hat day, j
among whom was Mr. McAllister and ai
vast majority of those who are now the
Whig party, heaped upon the head of Mr.
Clay, bitter execrations. And yet, in -the
face ol this, they voted lor Mr. Clay for ibe
Trcsidency in 1814—heard him in this city,
brand our Slate with corruption and fraud,
on this every quesliou,—heard and swal
lowed it all—and even his Excellency, Gov.
Crawford, was especially deputed te wel
come him to the Metropolis. Jn view of
these facte, how can the opposition dare to
throw a single insinuation against Mr. Mc-
Allister sot accepting the office of District
Attorney under Mr. Adams? How can
they dare do It, when it is known that
hits acceptance, was quid. Tied with a deter
mination to resign the moment that he
should be required lo profs cute any case,
which conflicted with the interests of his
State! We can characterise the course
ol the opposition towards Mr. McAllister,
on this subject, hy no milder term, than that
of down-right hare-faced hypocrisy.
But there are perhaps, oilier reasons whv
the Recorder is very solicitous about the
reputation ol Massachusetts. It sympa
ibises with that State, doubtless tn her de
votion to the Tariff of 1844, and her yield
ing opposition to Texas Annexation. The
very reason why Mr. McAllister cliarac
jterises her by the term ‘•Federal Massa
i chuaette,'” is that which would prompt the
’ Recorder, to become the champion of her
| lair fame. The course of Mr. Adams, and
Mr. Webster, the leading spins of that
S;ste, on these subjects, is familiar to there
collection of every Georgian, noi is the ap
proval ol that course by the Recorder and its
party ever to be forgotten In order to fur
|nish the Recorder with the materials, to
vindicate its dear Massachusetts from Mr.
| McAllister’s assertions, we will recur to
| some ol the reminiscences of IS4I. We
: would invite the special attention of tho
! Recorder, ttfMr. Berrien’s speech, extracl
: ed in our last, from the Georgia Journal—read
’ its opening compliment lo Webster for the
• ability with which he had demonstrated the
of “protection not incidental,
: nor accidental .” And then go with Mr. Ber
rien to the great Whig mass Convention on
Boston Common, the 49th Sept., 1844. Mr.
Webster presided, and in his speech, de
clared lie could give his vote heartily for
Mr. Clay, “because he is pledged against the
Annexation of Texas. In my opinion,” said
Mr. Webster, “annexation does tend to the
extension, and to the perpetuation of slave
ry, and to the tyranny of one portiou of the
human race over another upon this conti
nent.” He further said:
“Were Sir Robert Peel to present such a propo
sition in Ihe House of Commons, while Texas is a
slavehnidino community, not a man would hold up
head or hand against Ihe current of tcprobation
which would sweep away the advocates of such a
measure. No minister could remain in power in
England -one hour, who was not of opinnmdiat there
should he no extension, no perpetuation of slavery
and no favor shown to it any respect.”
This is the Rtrain of remark in which the
speakers indulged on that occasion. Cas
sms M. Clay was there and reiterated them.
Senator Berrien was there, and did not by
word, look, or deed, disapprove, or denounce
them, but sat and beard, in the calm dignity
of an “American Statesman,” a Southern
man, and a Georgia Senator, w hile banners
waved over him, Inscribed with the most odi
ous mottoes. Take a specimen—
“ Clay and protection, No Annexation
“ Protection . No extension of the bounds
of Slavery.”
“ Let the Lone Star of Texas shine ly itself,
our galaxy is complete.”
In this brief sketch is bodied forth the
spirit that animaUd Massachusetts iu 1844,
on ihe question of Texas and the Tariff
With Massachusetts, the Recorder arid its
parly, led on by ihat most gallant son of the
S.mill, John M. Berrien, co-operated for the
election of Mr. Clay—for the support of the
Tariff'of 1842 —in opposition to Annexation
—in favor of distribution, a National Bank,
and the modification of the Veto Power. It
is for her being foremost in Ihe maintainance
of such principles and measures, that she
was styled hy Mr. McAllister “federal Mas
sachusetts.” Is it for the same reason that
the Recorder takes the remark in high du
geon, and vindicates her from the slander
which it conceives to be embodied in the
appellation ? We should like to know if
the Recorder represents Gov. Crawford
faithfully hi espousing so warmly the cause
of the birth State of Federal John Quincy
Adams ?
(From the N. Y. Morning News.)
LETTER FROM MR. VAN BURF.N.
We have been favored with tlio follow
ing letter for publication. ‘Jk\e
viewsNfcich Mr. Van Buren
■1 my ofWkin the present positioMnf the
Texas qulwon, are eminent I v jgpii and
patriotic, but find in
every truly an heart -gs
Dear Sir— l honor to re
ceive your liicndly l^^^tconv eying | 0 me,
by Us direction, of n spon
taneous
Hlth and VAArjflfeitds ol New
The juaMßcfiroinaiiot] ami ar
dor hyudßrli those
guisjudHo honor to the meeting, in
with llie invaluable
oft hose who com pos-d it. I have
reaTthem with great satisfaction, and do
not, in the least, doubt that they speak also
the sentiments of the Democracy of the
whole city.
Without a more particular notice of the
contents of the Resolutions, in respect lo all
of which my sentiments are well understood,
1 will content myself with a single remark
j it! on one only of the points they embrace,
i It is well luiovn that the preliminary steps
j taken by the late Administration for the
annexation of Texas, did not, under the
then exist ng circumstances, meet with Ihe
j approbation of portions of tlie Democratic
i party. Yet you are, in my judgment, quit
right in assuming that that measure has
been so far consummated uiniei the sanc
tion ot ihe constituted authorities of both
Government*, as to lender all farther agita
tion of the question, or obstacles to its ami
cable completion by the citizens cf either
country, unwise and highly inexpedient.
‘To retrain from sued) a course is not only in
honorable consistency with ihe justice and
sincerity of the dissenting opinions to which
1 have alluded, lull, under the circumstan
ces, ihe performance of a solemn duty on
the part of those who held them, it can
scarcely be necessary lo enlarge upon the
ex cat to which the imperative nature of
1 hat duty would be increased, should our
country be involved in a war with Mexico
in consequence of the adoption of authorized
measures to catry into full and fair effect
the. compact of annexation. That no such
consequences may follow is, lor manv fea
st ms, to be most eame tly desired. But if
l lie result he otherwise, 1 cannot permit my
self to doubt that the Administration will,
as it ought, be suppoited in*the prosecution
of sucli a war by lire beans and hands of
the whole people.
I am, dear sir, very respectfully and tru
ly yours, M. VAN BUREN.
Air. D. Kei-lcog.
THE TARIFF.
One of the great objects of the republican
party is tho reduction of the tariff ‘I he
“Union” will take up thesubject in a few
days, and discuss the whole system in a reg
ular manner. As Mr. Walker emphatically
said, “the Tariff must be reduced to the rev
enue standard. 1 ’ The manufacturers are as
yet rnak ng enormous profits, at the expense
of tho rest of the community. But the num
ber of manufacturers is very small,compared
with the whole society. An estimate has
just been made, hy which it appears that
from 4830 to 1840, “the manufacturing popu
lation has increased 231,343, and the people
who are to feed them have increased 1,465,-
100 ” Every consideration, indeed, of jus
tice and equality among the different sections
of the country and classes of the community,
conspires with the soundest principles of po
litical economy, to recommend important re
ductions of the tariff; and to bring about an
equalization of burdens as well as blessings
upon the country— Union.
SOUTH WESTERN GEORGIA.
From ibis, decidedly the most ptoducl've
cotton-growing sectiifft of the Slate, we have
renewed accounts of the most discouraging
kind, relative to the effect of the drought
upon the growing cotton crop—of all other
crops best calculated lo withstand it. A
Iriendfrom Balt ir, whosejudgment we con
sider altogether reliable, informs us that the
crop cannot, under the best slate of the
weather yet to occur, exceed one half a full
crop—that fields whose first picking last
year amounted to2oo and 250 lbs. per acre,
Do tot now, at the first picking, yield over
100 lbs. This he thinks the general falling
off'through the whole of that ptoductivc re
gion.—Southern Recorder.
THE TIMES.
COLUMBUS, GA.
Wednesday, September 17, 1815
<B®VaißSr®l3
M- HALL McALLISTEE,
OF CHATHAM.
FOR SENATOR,
JAMES JOHNSON.
FOR REPRESENTATIVE,
JACOB AI. GEE Iff RY*
JOHN Al. BETHENE.
Democratic Nominations for
Senators.
l*t Dist. Chatham county—Joseph W. Jackson,
2d “ Bryan and Liberty—Ray mond Harris,
| 3d “ Mclntosh and Glynn—Edward JJelrgal,
4th “ Wayne and Camden—J.J.Uufour,
sth “ Ware and Lowndes—William Jones,
Ctli 11 Appling and Montgomery Conne.r,
7th “ Tainall cud Uudoclt- -Peter Cone,
B'h “ Effingham and Scriven—,Geo. W. Boston,
9th “ Burke anti Em muel—Geo. W. Clitton,
l Oih £l Lau-reris and Wilkinson—G. M. Tioup, Jr,
Ilth “ Teifair and frwin—Rro. Wilcox,
12ih “ Decatnr and Thomas—^Wm. Wil iams,
13th “ Early—John Colley,
14th “ Randolph aad Stewart—Wm. A. Tennille,
15th 11 Lee and Sun ler—William Mims,
16th “ Mnscogre and Harris—Janies Johnson,
17th “ Houston and Macon—James Holdernt ss,
18th “ Talbot and Mnrirua—Geo. W. IS. TowiteSt.
19fb “ Pulaski and Dooly—Wm. S. WhUffeld,
20lh “ Bibb and Twiggs—A. H. Chappell.
‘-1 a! “ Washington and Jefferson—l. H. Suffolk,
22d “ Richmond and Cos umbia—
-23d “ Warren and TaliaJerro
24th “ Hancock and Baldwin—E. PI. Baxter
25th “ Putnam and Jones—William Turner,
26th “ Monroe and Pike—Jacob Martin,
27lit 11 Crawford and Upson Carey, J
28th 11 Meriwether and Cowela—S. Lee
2f tit “ Troup and Heard———
30t!t “ Carroll and Campbell—Win. Beall,
31st “ Fayette and Henry—John D. Stell,
32d “ Butts&Jasper—E. A.Pruddus & J.Waters
33d “ Newton and Walior.—Warren J Hill,
34th “ Morgan and Green
35th “ Wilkes and L'nookn—
36ti, ■’ Elbert and Franklin—Martin Dedwjder,
37ih “ Oglethorpe and Madison
38th “ Clark and Jrckaon—Themes F. Anderson
3911i “ Gwinnett and DcKalh—Charles Murphy,
40th “ Paulding and Cass—Rltt ese McGregor,
41st “ Cobb gtnd Cherokeee—Jt hit W. Lewis,
42d “ Fors>th and Hall—George Kellogg,
43d “ Habersham and Rabun—Wnt. B. Wolford,
4dth “ . Lumpkin and Unior—John D. Field,
45th “ Gilmer 4* Murray-J .Bate* & E W. Chastain
46th “ Walker and Dade—R. M. Avcock,
471 h “ Floyd aid Chattooga—Thos C. Hackett.
THE COLUMBUS EvaUIRER.
The Senior Editor of the “ Times” has
returned lo his post. We left the Enquirer
a bone to pick, and we regret to see that Ire
has done it in a very snarling mood. As
we do not admire, we shall not imiia’e, the
example the Enquiter sets us, in losing his
temper, although we might find some ex
cuse in the marked discourtesy with which
the Editor has treated us in this discussion.
We are entirely satisfied with the advan
tage of keeping cool, while our adversary,
waxes warm. Tire gentleman who was
kind enough to take our place, in order to
aJIow us a couple of weeks of relaxation
and travel, has provoked tire wrath of our
neighbor in a special manner. We wete
really surprised to see the dignified Editor
stoop to apply epithets to an adversary
whose highest offence appears to be, that he
had beaten hi in io argument.
We have looked in vain through the dis
cussion on the part of our Iriend, for aught
to provoke the anger of an even tempered
mind. And really, considering the promi
nent position the Editor occupies, as a mark
to be shot at —being botli candidate and Edi
lor, we do lldtik his skin must he of exceed
ing thinness to he jostled from his proprie
ty by what has been said. The “puny
one in charge” lias not the slightest occasion
to feel mortified at the result of the contro
versy. Calling names is an unmistaktable
confession of being worsted in an argument.
DEMOCRATIC PROSPECTS.
A recent visit to several counties of Mid
dle Georgia, enables us to say that the finest
spirit animates the Democratic party. There
is a general confidence in the?.'Oortainty of
Mr. McAllister’s election by a handsome
majority, and a growing belief that the
1). mocracy wili gain the Legislature, which
the gerrymandering of the Whigshad seem
ed, (until lately) to make almost hopeless.
We are happy to leant IVoni gentlemen,
from the up-country, that (lie difficulties in
several of the counties, arising from double- j
tickets have been arranged. In Franklin |
and Jackson, and Giliner and Murray, de-!
volion to the cause has proved superior to !
personal ambition. In Hall, no doifbt is
entertained that a similar result will take j
place. In Meriwether, three candidates 1
are tunningi We caution our friends there
to beware of Whig promises of forbearance
and support. Take care that they do not
atthe eleventh hour catch you napping and
bring out a fourth candidate. The Legis
lature is too important to be jeoparded, aud
the Democratic party will not forget the
personal sacrifice which any aspiring can
didate may make in foregoing bis ambition
for the TViblic good.
The Democratic party ol’ Georgia is uni
ted—Mr. AlcAllister is acceptable in it eve
ry where. The ingenuity of the Whigs
has entirely failed them, in their efforts<o
cast ibe least blemish upon bis character or
to weaken his popularity. He stands be
fore the people a sound Democt at aud a high
toned gentleman, sans peur et sans reproche.
He cannot be beaten. The skies are bright.
FROM EUROPE.
The Great Western arrived at New fork
on the 9th with Liverpool accounts, four days
later than those by Caledonia. The latter
will be found in another place.
The weather was exeecdnigly unfavorable
to the harvests. Torrents of rain fell in Ism
don for 24 consecutive hours, ending the 22d
ult. Bread stuffs had advanced in price.
Cotton, and trade in the manufacturing
districts were about the same.
Queen Victoria was “starring” it on the
continent, eating niagnific.ient dinners and
frolicking in right Royal style.
I The jditkal news is unimportant.
INDIANA ELECTION.
The official returns from this Stale shew
a Democraric majority of 10 in the Legis
lature, on joint ballot, thus securing a U. S.
Senator vice A. S. White, Whig.
Eight Democrats are elected lo Congress
and two Whigs. And the popular vote, ex
hibits, according to the “ Union” a Demo
cratic gain ol 4,421 votes, since the Novem
ber election. A fine example !
“GEO. W. CRAWFORD HAS MADE A
GOOD GOVERNOR.”
This is the parrot cry of the Whig papers.
They re-tterate it as if they had learned no
other note. It is their whole steck of politi
cal capital. The Southern Courant, quotes
the “Times” where we we ray his Excellen
cy has made a very respectable officer, as an
admission from the enemy, which ought to
be conclusive of lheranva>s. And to give
more effect to t! e admission, the Courant
flatters this paper for its superior conduct and
ability! We certainly designed to do Gov.
Crawlord justice, when we said he had filled
the “chief Clerkship” of the State very pass
ably. But, this may be said of the Governor,
and he be neither a Solon in Statesmanship
or a Necker in Finance. It is one thing to
do simple justice to the Governor as we have
done, and another thing to puff’ him to the
point of bursting as the Whigs have done.—
Mr. McAllister has every talent and qualifi
cation to make just ns good a chief magistrate
as Mr. Crawford, wi.li the difference in lavor
of the former, that he is sound upon the great
questions of Federal policy, which have al.
ways been field vital to Southern riglits>
Southern safety and Southern prosperity.
Our admissions in favor of the claims of
the Whigs, that Mr.Crawford had made a
good Governor, were an argument against
i the policy of his re-election, supposing what
the Whigs claimed to be true. It was really
“damning” his excellency “with faint praise,”
and the papers in his interest must be sorelv
pushed for ihutider w hen they ate driven to
the use of bolts like these.
THE COLUMBUS EXQ.UIUER AND THE
TARIFF.
The temporary Editor of the “ Times’’
has saved us a large part of the task of re
plying to the Enquirers three columns of
the-3d uist. We had however put some re
flections on paper, before we saw the
“Times” of last week, which we proceed
to give for the benefit of our neighbor.
We regret that the argument is still ham
pered with “Cobwebs.” If the Enquirer
will continue to weave them, we have no
choice but to brush them away, although,
we should much ptefer sticking tothe ques
tion.
The Editor still harps on tire “ latin” and
declares that the people ptefer “common
sense.” Yet lie never omits ail opportune
ty to use a latin common place. Perhaps
it is only what the school-boys call hard
latin” that lie objects to. Politeness forbids
us to retail the insinuation of a want of
“common sense” in the Enquirer generally,
but truth compels the assertion that there
has been a “plentiful lack” of dial com
modity in his discussions on the protective
side of the Tariff! The best excuse we can
make for the Editor, is, that he was brought
up on the oilier side of the question. He
belonged to the Free Trade school, until last
year, when it became necessary to support
Mr. Clay’s principles with Mr. Clay him
self.
We are not” growing prematurely old and
ill-natured” under the duties of “two offi
ces.” We have plenty of leisute to attend
to the Editot. and our readers will judge
j whose good temper, has held out the best.
Possibly, if one of our “two offices” was
I that of candidate, and we were annoyed bv
the lukewarmness of friends, roweled with
reminiscences of the past by live “South
wing” arid picked up and exposed in a false
position into which we had heedlessly blun
dered by the “ North wing,” we might be
come nervous and cry out ‘-stop thief” to
our neighbors.
Your “ dear young friend” will not “cut
his editorials a little shorter” until our dear
old friend cuts his bow a little shorter and
shoots less wildly at “men and tilings.”
We are not so “young” as to permit our
pa/er-nizing friend to palm oil high tariff
fallacies as sound arguments and oracular
concl usjons.
The Editor is surprised that so “ pearca-
Iccablc” a person as bis ‘t,young filend,”
■ should have presumed to “ wage a qnatiel”
with him. We thought so. We inferred
j . CT
correctly, it seems, that the Editor, was
reckless im his “random dashes” from a
fancied security and impunity. He confess
es that he would as soon have expected an
“irruption from ihe Mormons as an attack
from the Times 1” Indeed he talks very
much like a man who feels that he has
“caught a Tartar.” V\ e beg to be under
stood by 4he Enquire!. The civility of our
notice of the accession of the Editor to our
tanks, sprang from a genuine feeling—a feel
ing of regard and good wili to him which
still exists, without abate merit. But, the
Editor was much mistaken, if he took that
as such a “protestation of good conduct and
good feeling towards the Enquirer,” as to
amount to a guarantee, that, we would per
mit it to assail our political ftiends and
.principles without a blow of defence and
vindication. Our “quarrel” is with the
Enquirer’s doctrines. It will he his and not
our lault, if the issue is ever changed. Tlve
Enquirer speaks of our “ rash and bitter
spirit.” We are conscious of neither. Our
conclusions might have been bitter, because
as to the argument of tlie question which
brought us out—to-wit: direct taxation, or
a public debt the result of modifying the
Tariff—we do think, tlie Editor was fait ly
driven to the wall. It was the fact, and not
the spirit that vvas bitter.
The Enquirer justifies its allusion to the
“Post-master” on the principle ol retalia
tion. The Times bc%aye singled out “ the
Judge” of the Enquirer. Tlie apology is a
lame one. Everybody knows that Judge
Calhoun is “the Editor” of the Enquirer—
that be became so, on the retirement of Mr.
Flournoy, who was “the Editor.’’ Now,
we should like to know wliat difference there
is between “the Editor of the Enquirer,
“Judge Calhoun, Editor of the Enquirer,
”J. S. Calhoun, Editor, <fcc.” end v !li
Judge.” They ate all one and the same
person, aud one designation is as proper a s
the other. But the “ Editor of the Times,”
and “ the Post-mastet” are distinct charac
ters having no necessary connection If
blended, it was from some motive—ifagood
motive it was in “bad taste”—if a bad mo
tive, it was to say the least, ill-natured.*
Fo much for live generalities of the En
quirer. Now for the argument
Tlie Editor must come back to his origin
al position, or acknowledge like a man, that
lie is driven from it as untenable. He laid
down the proposition, that the Tariff of
1842 would not bear alteiation, without
inducing direct taxation or a National debt.
This was the original provocation to what
lie is pleased to call our “ attack.” We
assailed the absurdity on these, among other
grounds—because the protective principle
which is envtipdied in the Tariff of 1842, is
inimical to revenue—its .object being lo
check and to prohibittivc Importations upon
which the duty is levied, and the revenue
raised. It is the protective policy that tends
to direct taxation. What Is the principle
the protectionists go upon? They say, let
us shut out all foreign goods—manufacture
everything at home and be an •‘indepen
dent nation.” Success in carrying out this
principle, brings the Nation at once to direct
taxes. For the moment the United Slates
becomes “independent” in tin's Whig sense,
that is when her navigation and commerce
are destroyed, and her agriculturalists are
cm off from all the markets of the world
for a sale or exchange of their products,
that moment, tlie revenue by indirect taxa
tion ceases, because the impoits are nothing.
How then is tiie Government, to be support
ed ! We say, it must either borrow money
. and run in debt, or it must levy a direct tax
and that is the final result ol the complete
triumph of the protective policy. But ae
conliiig to the Enquirer's logic, you have
only to put on a slapping high duty and you
will gel revenue a plenty—and this wheth
er there are importations to levy the duty
on or not. To be sure he does not utterlhe
absurdity in so many words, that an hund
red per cent duty laid on nothing will pro
duce something— but he stares it in effect,
when he declares that the Tariff of ’42
which is highly protective, and in many iu.
siances prohibitive cannot be reduced with
out diminishing the revenue.
The late Mr. Ilayne in a speech deliv
ered in the Senate in 1832, makes our posi.
lion as clear as sunlight. He was replving
to Mr. Clay, when he said;
‘la ‘he so-st plane, then, tho giTtlerran a'mts,
■ that t tie mucti a'ttisctl policy ot 1824, tho (protect
ing inriff ol ihat year,) has filled on coffers and en
abled us lo pay off ihe public d 1 bt ” a debt of SIOO,-
OOOjOOO of principal, and $100,000,000 of interest.—
Now, Sir, if any thing is capable of demonstration,
li may he demonstrated, that the protecting system
could not, by possibility, have contributed in the
s'tgh est degree lo produce this result, One would
suppose. Indeed, that the very last merit which wou'd
be ascribed lo this system, was its tendency to fid
the * public coffers *’ II is unquesiimebly to a ta,
rff, arranged and adjusted with a single eye to rev
• nue, that we aye to look for such a result. The ob
ject of a protecting terjli as such, certainly is to di
minish or exclude importations and >f course lo les
sen ibe amount of Ibe revenue derived from dwtes.
The very end and atm of such a system is to enlirtt
(ute lor I lie imported article, paying fores le govetn
ment—ihe domestic Artic'e paying none—tn transmute
dm duty into a bounty lo the manufacturers, and jii-l
so ar as ihe'ariff is protective, mini it cut off llte
pubi c revenue.”
There are very many foreign articles
which are now excluded by the Tariff of
’42, which under moderate duties would
come in and be a source of revenue. Among
these articles ate a long list of those “cot
ton cloths” which the Enquirer so compla
cently and triumphantly cites as an exam
ple against us.
The Enquirer scouts at our table of du
ties for no Letter reason than that we ate
indebted for it to an “ exchange paper.”
Why, the Editor need not sneer at it, for it
was nothing but a transcript ftotn his
own dear Tariff’ act of ‘42, and copied to
show the people how shamelessly they are
oppressed by some ofits features. But, let
us see what he makes out of the table, aud
leave to our readers to determine whether
the Enquiter had not better ntend “/it un
derstanding of the operation of the Tat iff.”
Take first the article of Leather.
“ ‘I he Times “ stuk* in the back’’ if the few fig
ures ot Ins “ exchange” exhibits all ids understanding
of the operation of the Tariff. Does the Times
really believe, what is designed lo he impressed on
the u.intls of the people, that the fatn'erpays for tlie
leather which lie uses, a tax of 30 per cent ?—that
is to say, if he bins ten dollars -orllt of leather, he
lias to pay a tux ot three dollars foe il !”
Wc will answer the question, in the Yan
kee mode, by asking another question.
If the object of laying a heavy duty on for
eign manufactured leather, is not lo give
the American manufacturer, a monopoly of
the home market, what is the object? No
one pretends that the price of the home
made article is enhanced, in the precise ra
tioof the duly on the foreign—human in
genuity could not frame a law to control so
subtle a subject with entire precision. But,
the manufacturers, hy w hose advice and
influence the act of M 2 was flamed, took
cate to make tiie duty on leather high
enough to give them a peifcct monopoly in
this country. Sometimes the tax upon the
consumer may he less, aud sometimes High -
er than the duty—but it is always a tax,
laid on with a ruthless disregard of jpstiee,
and upon the naked principle that Govern
ment lias a right, in the protection of “home
industry” to levy a contribution upon every
man who wears shoes and buys a bridle
saddle, or a gin bawl, lo pay over lo the
Northern maker of these articles.
The principle involved in this branch of
the subject, forms the gieat issue between
tire monopolists and the ftiends of Free
Trade ; and it is so important, that wo beg
attention to a few general remarks, in which
we shall try to be understood by the plain
est reader.
There are two great parties to the dis
putes upon the Tariff’ question, which has
so long agitated this country. On one side
are a body of capitalists with many million*
engaged in manufacturing cotton, leathet K
iron, and other useful articles, and investet
in iron mines and salt-works and in the cul
ture ol sugar.
These persons (a very small minority
the whole people of tlie U. S.) content
that a sound National policy entitles them
to the fostering care of the Government,
and to such legislation by Congress, as will!
give them a monopoly of ills'” home mar-