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TIE TI ME 8
COLUMBUS, GA.
WnlMtdar, October I, 1345.
M. HALL McALLISTEB,
OF CHATHAM.
i r ibaoaoai^Jirajij
rati senator,
lAMES JOHNSOH.
FOR RKPRESEIITAtIVE,
JACOB M. GVERR¥‘
JOHN M. BE THUNK.
ELECTION RETURNS.
D- We hope our friends in the adjoining
counties, and throughout this district, will
give us early reports of the state of the polls
in their counties.
Mr. Cox, Book-seller in Broad Street
has placed on our table a volume of the li
brary of Select Novels, entitled “The White
Slave ;or the Russian Peasant girl. By the
author of Revelationa in Russia,” and the
September No. of tire “Floral Wreath,” pub
lished in Charleston.
THE ELECTION.
Before our next issue the people of Geor
gai will have decided at the polls, between the
several candidates fur Governor, and upon
the political complexion of the State Legis
lature.
The canvaas has been remarkable, above
all others we ever witnessed for calmness
and quiet. This state of things is highly
favorable to a cool and honest decision of the
questions before the people, and may resuli
in a thin vote. The issue is a momentous
one. Upon it depends the election of aU. S.
Senator in the place of Judge Berrien. Upon
ft depends the question, w hether Georgia is
to give her countenance and support to the
administration in ila solemnly pledged efforts
to break down the Tariff monopoly of 1842
and bring the taxing power back to the limits
of the Constitution. And upon it dcpenJs
one vote in the Senate of the United States
upon such measures as may arise to give effect
and completion to the great measure of Tex
as annexation. We have been warned that
the battle is not over, and that the anti-slave
ry enemies of Texas have not grounded tbeir
arms, but will fight the measure to the last
gasp. Upon these topics we have no ap.
peals to make. We know it would be vain
had we the wish, to attempt to get up a po
litical excitement. Let every man goto the
polls and exercise the great birth-right of an
American citizen, for the beet good of his
country.
WHITE FROST.
Wo learn fioin ihe Charleston Courier of
the 26tli ult. that a letter received in that
city, from Camden, dated 23d ult. states
that a while frost had occurred within a
abort distance above that place that morn
ing. The weather here has been cool for
tho season, particularly yesterday morning,
when the thermometer in tho city showed
58 degrees; and we apprehend there was a
while frost within a short distance of Charles
ton. This is very unusual in our clime in
September, and although it may not he suf
ficiently severe to kill vegetation it will
doubtless check it, and thus may lessen the
production of the crops, particularly Cotton.
HON. J. M. BERRIEN.
There can be no doubt that a conspiracy
is formed in the Whig ranks against the re
election of Judge Berrien, in the event of a
Whig majority in the Legislature.
We are no advocate or apologist of Judge
Berrien. We believe he deliberately con
ceived tho design of abandoning his Free
Trade principles, and (as a Georgian) Iris
natural predilections in favor of annexation,
as a sacrifice to Mr. Clay’s political desti
ny, and his own advancement, necessarily
connected with it. It may be, as his dis
contented friends say, that he is responsible
for indicating that course of his parry in
Georgia, which has brought them to a posi
tion as disreputable as it is embarrassing.
It may be that it was he, who advised and
drove the Whig party of Georgia into a de
nial of, and an open hostility to, alt the
measures and principles which that party
had been distinguished for advocating. Ir
may have been by his instigation, that the
Doughertys and Dawsons and Toombs
and Stephens and Mciiwethers of Whig
ism, stumped the State last year, in a bold
crußade in favor of the protective policy and
against annexation. But the question re
curs, with what face can these men who
followed his call and did his bidding, now
lorn upon their leader ! Why is he to be
made the scape-goat and sacrifice of acouise
of policy which they approved and devoted
their whole energies to carry out 1 Had ihe
fraud intended lo be practiced upon Geor
gia, succeeded, Judge Berrien, would have
been hailed as a political hern and deliverer.
But as the scheme /failed. Judge Berrien is
expected to bear all the odium of defeat
under bad counsels. A just and discerning
people will decide that there is no difference
between the Captain and lire Lieutenants
They are all in the same boat, and the at
tempt to sacrifice him for a coutsc in which
they were the active and hearty participants,
strikes us as a sample of ingratitude and
meanness, unexampled in iheunuals of par
ty selfishness.
If Judge Berrien has betrayed the people
of Georgia upon the subject of the Tariff!
and Texas, so have all tiie Whig leaders.
Not one ol them held back—(except per
haps Gov. Crawford, who has not yet found
the “ proper time” (o declare his sentiments)
Not one of them raised a voice of patriotic
warning against the suicidal comse which
Judge Berrien poiotedouttothe parly. Bui,
say these gentlemen, Judge Berrien, went
too far. We never intended to commit our
selves wholly to the principle of protection—
we were only conditionally opposed to Tex
as. The campaign of ’44 is too fresh in
the public memory ro palm oil i his quibble
upon the people. All who heard the speech
es cf these men, and read their essays and
the editorials of their presses, will remem
ber to what entire anti indecent lengths they
went, in the zeal of their new-born ajKistuey.
| The whole of the disgusting subject
proves (hat none of these men —Chief,
or sub Chiefs, are worthy of the confidence
of the people, and that they are repenting of
their political sins .and follies now,—not
with the sincerity of real coutrition, but be
cause they did col succeed, and have been
baulked and baffled in theif efforts to throw
Georgia Into the embraces trf Federalism.
They are acting upon the Spartan motality,
w hich encouraged tbeir Youth to steal with
adroitness, and which punished ihem when
delected, not for the crime of stealing, but
for being such bunglers as to be caught at it.
THE “ ENQUIRER”—AGAIN.
Tire tartness of the Editor of the Enquir
er id thrown away upon us, and had better
he reserved for more profitable use. No
degiee of severity ol which he is capable,
can convince the public that he has not
evinced a manifest wantofteniperin thiscoo
tfoversy. We have now to add to the cala
logue of his failings, ihe charge of disin
genuousnesT in this paragraph :
“The'Senior Editor’ of the Times lave ’the flat
tering unction’ lo h>s vanity, that (he Enquirt r ‘is
worsted in the argument.'”
Anri the Editor proceeds in a strain of
comment to convey the idea that tre had
boasted of our victory over him. We meet
the insinuation with an open denial. We
were guilty of no such display of puppy-ism
ns lo vaUnt of our own achievements—we
despise, alike, bragging and braggarts. And
we are at a loss to conceive how it is, that
the Enquirer did not know, that we spoke
of the gentleman who occupied our place
two weeks, during our absence. We were
no party to the •• record” and had a right to
judge that the writer for the Times had
‘‘worsted” the Enquirer, when the latter
condecended lo the use of epithets.
The Enquirer undertakes to re-affirm the
pioposition, to which we took exception, as
“ his frinids understood” him. We can
not pretend to say what his friends under
stood, but we affirm that his last proposi
tion is no more like his first than ‘‘chalk is
like cheese,” and if he had stated it origin
ally. as he has seen fit to state it lastly, the
spilling of much mutual ink would have
been saved. Let us refer to the “ Record”
and see how this valiant Editor, who is so
ready to throw his taste & tempet 6t talents,
upon the public arbitrament, crawls through
a veiy key hole lo fly from a charge boldly
made against his political enemies—a charge
which he cannot maintain and which he
has not the magnanimity lo retract. We
copy his first proposition.
From ths Columbus Enquirer, 6lh Aug.
“ How are these immense sums of money to be
rant'd ? Remember the democratic pledge, which
they dare not redeem, lo reduce tho Ist iff. The
present government receipls are inadequate lo meet
(ho requisitions which the Preeidenl must make upon
Congress, to enable him to comply with Insr engage,
menls with Texas. What is tc be done ‘! We-an
ewor, to raise lire money, the people must he taxed.
There must be a resort to direct taxation, or a funded
debt must be created.
But Oregon must be looked afer. How much
more will that cost us ? Millions added to millions
again.
These things are ro. Can any one doubt the
utter insufficiency of our present revenues to meet
the demards that must soon be made upon the
Treasury? Cntt the deficiency be supplied other
wise than by direct taxation f Ihe people of this
Union shall look at this tiling at once. We are on
the very verge of ruin, and nothing but Whig con
servatism, can rescue the country (Tom degradattun,
and utter dismay and confusion.
Direct taxation, and the b'tghting train of evils
with which we are threatened, is the biller fruit of
Doaiocxatic Misrule.”
Here, as plain as language can speak, is
it said, that the Democrats are about to niin
the country, make slaves and paupers of
the people, and play the very deuce, and
how? why by the Democratic “ pledge to
reduce the Tariff” —the necessary conse
quences of which, an argument is made to
shew, will l e direct taxation or a national debt
For says the Editor, the Tariff being reduc
“ ed, “ can the deficiency be suppliedother
“ wise than by direct taxation ?”
We took up the subject to show that the
revenue might be improved by reducing the
very high and prohibitive Tariff'of U 2, and
after five or six weeks of begging the En
quirer to stand up lo his own issue, the Edi
tor at last comes to the scratch, and ’‘reaf
firms his proposition as his friends under
stood” it. Here it is :
From lire Columbus Enquirer, 21th Sept.
“We reaffirm lhai propose u,n in ihe sense in which
our/iiend* understood us. dial the Kinoum of revenue
rui-ed by tho Taritl'of 1842, was indispensable lo ihe
adurnisirniimi ot the government in its present neces
siiies ; nnd that any reduciion of that amount of rev
enue, would render a resort lo direct taxation neces
sary, to the extent of that reduciion ; otherwise a
public debt would be tbe consequence.
By the substitution of the word “Reve
nue” for ’* Tariff,” the Editor of the En
quirer has changed his entire ground, ami
while pretending lo re-affirm his original
proposition, affirms an entirely new and
different one, and one be it said, to which we
have not, and do not make the least objec
tion. Whether tho reunite will bear di
minution is a question of dollars and cents
depending entirely upon the necessities of
Government, but whether a reduction of
the Tariff will diminish the revenue and
ruin the country with debts and taxes, was
the question between the Enquirer, and
ourselves. It is no longer so, for the Edi
tor has fairly quit his field, and not candid
enough to acknowledge it, pretends still to
hold the same proposition as his “friends un
dersiood”it. The Enquirer denies us the
right ofjmlging in matters of “ taste”—but
truly this strikes us as a “ puny” business.
It is what Lord Palmerston calls “legerde
main logic.”
MISSOURI.
Late Missouri papers, furnish accounts of
further troubles with the Mormons. A let
ter dated Quincy, Illinois, Sept. 14th, gives
the following particulars.
Gentlemen :—Wc write in haste to inform you of
ft Serious disturbance thai I,as taken place in the un
per pari of ibis county, between a portion ol the “old
cit'zcue” of this and Hancock county, nnd iho Mor
mons. A gem eaian, belonging lo Ihe city, relumed
from Lime, in Ihe vicinity ol I lie oiitljpnk, lest eve
ning, end informs us tliui on Tnur.-dav sal ihe Anli-
Mormoiis, attacked a sell lenient known by die name
of “Morlcy's Settlement,” a short distance northeast
of Luna, in this county, and that up to the lime he
lefl, twenty five or thirty lutusis hnd been hvrnl. togeth
er With Several h*rna and wheat slacks. Ths ex
ciifincm waa very great, and large bodies ofanii-
Mortnori, wore pouring in from adjoining counties
ann from Missouri, and they were anil burning ad
destroying property, arid were determined toilrive
the Mormons out ot the county. Our mfomiant saw
about 50 Mormons, under arms w idun 2 miles li tin
die set i lenient, who appeared determined lo delend
themselves. It was in coutenq luiion by Iho Ami-
Mormons loanees two more aelilenivnialast evening.
In liaaie, yours, &c.
In Bililition to what is staled in the above
letter, we learn hy the Die Vernon, that a
gentleman who hod visited the camp ofthe
Anti Mormons, near Lima, estimated them
to lie about three hundred strong He was
aleu ul (Ire camp of the Mormons, and liuund
them to number about one hundred After
leaving the camps, he returned lo Warsaw,
where he remained some lime, and learned
there that the Mormons had all moved into
Nauvoo, and that Backenslos, the Mormon
Sheriff, backordered out the Legion, to ar
rest those who had commenced these disor
ders. If this report should be Hue, and the
Legion turns out. a conflict is inevitable.
A letter to Messrs. Mai hews & Patch, of
this city, on Saturday evening, from War
saw, says that business was suspended on
account of the difficoties with the Mormons,
and that several houses had been burned
and lives lost.
rot, THE TIMES,
TO THE VOTERS OF THE COUNTIES OF
HARRIS AND MUSCOGEE.
Fellow-Citizens : —Whatever efforts may
be made by the friends of Jas. S. Calhoun,
to deny the authenticity of the pamplhel
issued by him in 1838, to which I called
your attention last week, will be vain and
fruitless. It is in possession of ihe writer,
and will be left at the “Times” Office for
inspection by any one who desires lo satisfy
his incredulity. It is badly worn, and has
not only his printed signature attached to it,
hut a note addressed to a friend over his own
sign manual. The older citizens generally,
and especially those of Upatoie, will remem
ber well the unenviable notoriety it gave
the author, who was lot a long time known
by the name of the “Pamphleteer.” In
deed, Judge Calhoun himself, if appealed
to, would uot, dare not, repudiate it ; how
ever deeply concerned at this untimely dis
covery of what he hag hoped arid believed
wasjlost and forgotten. He, at least, lias
not forgotten it. As well might a father
foiget and disown the paternity of a son
who had dishonored him. Nor will an in
dignant and outraged people forget it; for
Providence will never permit man’s derelic -
lions from the path of duty lb be buried in
oblivion. They may slumbet for a while,
but will, at last, like dragon’s teeth, spring
up armed men todcstroy hint who sowed
them. Retributive Justice will, erelong,
overtake the offender and bring him lo the
bar of public opinion I'm trial and condemna
tion. That time has arrived wiib Judge
Calhoun, and the witnesses are now in
Court, ready lo confirm the righteousness of
his doom.
In n>y last communication I showed you
by extracts from this pamphietofJ udge Cal
houn’s that he openly avowed himself in
lavor of “calling into requisition the ener
gies of the State forthe purpose of construct
ing the various Rail Roads then contemplat
ed in the State” —that lo this end, he was
in favor of ‘creating and putting on a for
eign market State Bonds,” —and that, “in
the event the Legislature could not be in.
duced lo undertake these works as State
measures, lie was most decisively in favor
of loaning the credit of the State to incorpor
ated companies.” I use his own woids.
I also showed that the Stock of the “vari
ous Rail Roads” at that time chartered by
the Legislature amounted to about sixteen
.millions of dollars and that at 5 per cent,
the Slate would have had to pay an annual
interest of 800,000 dollars in addition to the
onerous burdens that now hear so heavily
upon the people! Is not this, fellow-citizens,
in character with the whole system of legis
lation and financiering that has distinguish,
ed the wild, reckless and scheming career
ol him who has now the hardihood to “fawn
and sue” for the confidence lie has so often
and so signally betrayed? If, by the strin
gency of party drill, he is successful, and
“thrift should follow fawning,"what a heait
sickening commentary would it afford upon
the blindness of prejudice and the infatua
tion of party despotism ! Can it be that the
people will voluntarily commit their inter
ests into the hands of these “State-selling
Patriots” and Utopian dreamers, when they
have it in their power to choose one who is as
pure, and spotless in his private life as he
fins been honest and consistent in his public
career? Alas! we cannot draw from the
past much cheering hope for the future ;
but if the people rush madly into the em
brace of such treacherous politicians it shall
not be because the voice of warning was not
raised in time to save them.
I promised you, lellow citizens, some
mote disclosures this w eek, relative to the
private history of this “State selling” finan
cier. It will be remembered that he was
M ayor ofthe City of Columbus in 1838, and
issued the Bondsofthe City to the amount of
300,000 dollars lot the purpose ol furnishing
capital to the Chattahoochee Rail Road
and Banking Company. lie says, in the
pamphlet befoie me,
“ Certain Commissioners appointed by said Coin
puny to negotiate Bonds of Ihe City if Columbus,
based upon mortgages of Real Estate, at the rate of
two dollars for one, were able to sueceed only by
pledging securities at tho rale of four for one, ar.il
then paying an annual interest of 2 lo 3 percent,
more than Maj. Crawfoid disposed ol’Siate Bonds at
tho same moment. Our Commissioners were onlv j
able lo sell our Bonds at par. bearing an interest of’
seven per cent, and Commissions .’’
It will, however, be recollected, that the
Bonds of the City were not negotiated as
was supposed at the time when Mr. Cal
houn wrote his pamphlet—thanks to the en
ergetic arid patriotic efiorts of our fellow
citizen—Gen. Bethune—lo whom trie En
quirer of last week pays the just tribute of
straight forward and incorruptible honesty;
though he regards him, ul the same time,
as somewhat eccentric in his political no
tions. Commend us to such eccentricities!
We want more such men to oid a dema
gogue-ridden people to unhorse these daring
projectors and moon-reaching schemers
from their insolent elevation He goes on to
congratulate the public, however, with the
success of the Commissioners and the gold
en harvest which is now spread out belbre
the reapers, ripe for the sickle. He says :
“There are many who have n r l forgot'en the tem
pest rais and during the earlylpart of ihe present year,
when I deemed u my duty lo bring to tin considera
tion of the Ci'y Council the project ot issuing City
Bonds, in aid of this important woik. Every juslifia.
ble means was resorted to for the purpose of defeating
us. I regret to add, ibat tlieie were means also us
ed, hitherto unknown in honorable opposition, Not
withs'anding I Ins most violet)’ and unnatural opposi
tion, I am happy to announce that our u.osi sanguine
exp'Claoons have been realized. And now in .-obir
earnestness, allow me to ask you, that if with Ciiy
Bonds we can command success, what may we not
anucipatc, when our great parent, Georgia, shall come
to our aid? That our road at h ast lo the Dcltaib
trunk, will be built, is now almost ascertain as that
the sun will go down. So soon as ihe last l.eeisia
ture adjourned, without aiding us in th‘se works, 1
forthwith proposed to Council lo issue City Bonds to
Mieh an extent as would enable our Rail Road arid
Banking Company to commence business. They
have already negotiated Bonds to the umo rnt 0f3C0,-
100 dollars, and by or before the lblh ot October,
will commence operations.”
T!i!9 is a scheme for which, you will
have observed above, he arrogates to himself
all theciedit. lie is certainly welcome to
it; fr.r no one is proud enough now of his
agency in the business to dispute Judge
Calhoun's pre-eminent claims to it.
He may be equally unwilling to have it
known that he introduced into the Legisla
ture the act incorporating the said Chutta
hoochee Rail Road and UankingCompany,
and was instrumental in its passage. Rut
so it was ; and if we had room it might uot
he inapproprfliS also to call your attention
to some reminiscences ol the old Farmers
Hank that would alarm
the conwleucc of the Senator and awaken
you to your interests. ■ But these matters
together with the history of the change in
the name of this institution into that of the
Phoenix Bank, would of themselves he sulli
’cient to make a lengthy article. The pen
pie, too, have lelt too deeply the wrongs
they have suffered hy these institutions to
be forgetful of them.
We have baiely room and time to add a
few reflections upon the City Bond scheme. 1
The Tax upon the property of this city
varies from 5 to 6,000 dollars per annum,
and is considered very oppressive when ad
ded to tbai of the county arid Stale. The
city, however, acquires revenue from other
quarters, such as the bridge, wharf, license,
Sic. to the amount of 12 or 13.C00 dollars in
addit.on uiilie above.—Making our income
about 19,000 dollars a year.
IfMr. Calhoun's “project’’ Lad been ac
complished, the properly of our City would
now hav e to pay 7 per cent, on 300,000 dol
lars; or 21,000 dollars a year in uddirion to
its present burdens— that is, nearly four
times what is paid at present!/! What
would have been the consequence ol this
deplorable slate of things ? It would have
decreased the value of property —it would
have paralized commerce —it would have
checked emigration to the city—it would
have eaten up our substance —depopulated
our streets, beggared an enterprising people,
corrupted public morals and spread a blight
ing mildew over the surface of our now
happy and prosperous city. No thanks are
due lo Judge Calhoun for our fortunate es
cape from this moral death ; for he exhaust
ed every means he was master of to bring
it about, even to casting obloquy and abuse
upon those noble and independent spirits
who were virtuous enough to the tide
which they foresaw was fast drifting us to
hopeless bankruptcy and destruction.
There is another view of the consequen
ces that would have followed the success ol
these reckless projects, that probably so oc
cupied the selfish thoughts of this Slate and
Ci'y Selling Patriot, as to account for his
■lnfatuated blindness or criminal indifference
to the interests of the City mid the Stale.
He is a man of grasping ambition, and his
whole private and public career prove that
he cares not who sinks, so he rides upon the
wave. The revulsion of 1837 began lo be
fell most heavily in 1838 ; and even those
who hnd been long revelling in ihe ravishing
prospect of untold wealth, suddenly saw
bankruptcy and ruin staring them in the
face ; and began to castaboul them for some
desperate.expedient lo uphold their sinking
fortunes. Judge Calhoun was one of tins
class; and though he may not, with ado
liberate purpose, have concocted a plan to
barter the public good for the selfish end of
his own aggrandizement, there can be no
doubt in the minds of hose who know the
man, that the prospect of extensive contracts,
extravagant expenditures, and a Bank whose
directors would be devoted to him as the
presiding genius of these grand schemes,
and whose vaults would be open to h.s in
sat able demands, so biassed his judgment
and distorted his views, that lie was inca
pable of seeing any lliing that was not col
ored by the prismatic light of his own inter
est. He had so exaggerated his importance
that he began lo regard himself as the public,
and probably thought, that the interests
of both were identical, it is Certain that
those of the people were in imminent
peril, nnd that his own were mean while
walled onward by prosperous gales, until
the bubble burst in air, andlelt him still ait
expectant of governmental favors,*—a beg
gar at the public crib, where ho had once
felt himself a dispenser of It* bounties.
Such is the man who professes himself a
servant of the people, and asks lo he the
guardian of their welfare. His opponent is
obnoxious to none of these charges—not
even the brealli ot suspicion has ever soiled
his fume in private or in public life. Choose
ye between them. UPATOIE.
Messrs. Editors: For the benefit of all
concerned, permit me through your val
uable paper, to notice some of the
scenes or rather farces that have been te
ecntly acted by a portion of the people in
the country and some of out own citizens;
you remember that about the first ot July,
a few experit need and well meaning Mci
charils and others, assembled together and
in view of difficulties, which the cotton
trade has all along been laboring under,
proposed a lew rules, which they thought if
put in practice, would prove mutually bene
ficial to both seller and buyer. Tltete was
no secret meeting, no solemn conclave met
together at the datk hour of night, to com
bine and plot against the libugies oi interest
of the none of tBR but a meet
ing of the mahouts jwblicly called at
noon-day, ami prtjpediugs published
immediately to the ; no one dreamed
that they trail a tiiiglny mon
ster that wiuld, if upt arefaried, svvariow up
both the liberty awrintereSbl'ihe Farmets,
anand the
scarcely a nwmfii rolls this
liberly-destr*rig, this
Ilydta headed ■ monster, is disturbing the
good people of llatris, then in Stewnit, then
in Muscogee and Meriwether. The peo
ple are called out, and exhorted to do battle
to the death, ptesmblcs and resolutions are
adopted as chivalrous in their beating, as
was the Declaration of otir National Inde
pendence; at all of which the good people
of our own town were in perfect amaze
| ment, all enquiring, what can the matter
j be—what can the matter be!!! An old
! I'tieml who has had much experience in this
j world, replied ; oh, nothing very claiming,
| only a return of the days of chivalry, some
j of those people are desirous to elevate thein
| selves iri the estimation of their fellow citi
j zens, and are preparing (like that ancient
champion Von Quixote) to charge upon a
wind mill. Keep cool, gentlemen, better
j adopt Davy Crockett’s rule, “be sine you
j are light, then go ahead.” Now let us lake
a son of a birds eye glance at some ot our
jow n citizens, and see if we can discover
j vvliat'part they are acting in this fancy game;
i they seeing such a ir.uss stiried up in the
country, concluded that now is the time to
make their jack, that they would forthwith
open a w arfare upon these monster Cham
ber ol Commerce men, that the Fanners
when they conic to muiket laboring under
the iinptession that their liberty and inter
est were in great jeopatdy, would naturally
fly to them lor reluge, and while under their
philanthropic protection, that they would
be able to appropriate tbeir cotton to them
selves, at almost any price that they might
choose lo offer, believing that the planter
would be alraid to try others in the market,
lest he might lull into the hands of some ot
these Chamber of Commerce me.
It was my good fortune to witness an ope
ration of one of these philanlhiopic gentle
men the other day. he proposed to purchase a
loud of cotton, & the first thing w Inch lie did,
was to impress upon the mind ot the planter,
inmost eloquent language the horrible and
wicked designs of the Chamber of Com
ineice, this done, he then portrayed in lively
colours the geneious purposes of himself
and a few others who had stepped forward
for the protection of the planters; having
thus as he supposed lulled all apprehension
ol insecurity, he began thus, “ Your cotton,
my dear friend, unfortunately, became a
little knapped in ginning, and you have
hud a bad lime for picking, the rains have
almost mined your cotton. Jam disposed,
however, to give you the veiy highest juice
for your cotton, (drawing a jtaper from his
liocket,) just let me show you what such
coilon as yours is selling lor in New York,
which you sec is 5 cis.; now that you may
know that you can sell your cotton as you
always have done, and as l exjieel to ho in
ihe market ail the season, and have large
oidersto till, i will give you 5 cts. for your
cotton ; I can put it in with some other that
I have,and peiha|)s 1 shall not lose any
thing on it.” Thu fanner whose txpccla
tions had been wrotight up to the highest
pitch, looked up at him, and as the blood
receded from his cheek, his eye became
firm.vwhen putting one finger to the comer
[of his eye, with a quisical turn ofthe head
[asked turn, if he saw anything green there,
j And as lik turned off indisgust, soliloquised,
“Lord deliver me from my friends,” and
on looking to see what had become of this
eloquent-defender of tbe rigbta'of the plan
ters, lie was sloping —thinking, no doubt in
bis heart that the farmers might go lo the
devil for him. if they did not ai preciate
their friends Wtier than that. 1 believe,
Messrs. Editor* that it is an approved max
im, “that when,a man abusesriiis neighbor
and praises himself, he will bedr watching.”
Having said thus.inuch concerning others,
f will say a few words as to myself and
close ; 1 generally do a*l please with what
belongs tome ; and I always expect others
to do the same; when I have anything to
buy 1 send or go to the best matket. The
same when I have anythiug to sell. And I
expect that every sensible farmer when he
has anything for market, will always carry
it where it is most to his interest. Ido not
expect that any persoo will sacrifice their
interest merely for the sake of trading to
Columbus. 1 expcctrii will be with Col
umbus as it is with all other cities, that we
must make it to llie ; interest’ ot the larmers
or they will not trade with us, and 1 expect
further that there will always be artful and
designing men, ready to take advantage of
every circumstance lo excite the prejudice
of the people, that they may the better,
thereby, promote their own interest.
AN OBSERVER.
from the Federal Union.
MR. PdLK AND THE TARIFF.
We very much question whether the
Recorder could be consistent with itselfthree
months, if the life of its most urbane Editors
depended upon the experiment. It will be
remembered, that in our paper of the 5 h
ol August, we called the attention*ot our !
readers lo the obvious tact, that there was
apparently a studied and concerted silence,
on rhe t art of the Whig press, in reference
to the issues oi trie lale l’residential election
—that we attempted to show that they were
intimately connected uiih the pending con
test for Gov rnor and members of the Legis
lature, andthatwe warned the people against
the attempt of our opponents to seduce them ‘
Irmn tbe consideration of principles, by hold
ing up tiie pretended financial wisdom of
Gov. Crawtord. O horror / thought the
Recorder. “The Federal Union is consider
ably behind lire times.” Its F.ditors were
indulging m a Rip Van Winkle doze—there
was danger, that the election would be over,
before they could be aroused. What have
these questions to do, asked the Recorder,
with the approaching elections in Georgia ?
“Mr. Folk is not a candidate for Governor,
that we have heard of, nor Mr. Clay either.
Mr. Crawtord and Mr. McAllister, are the
candidates ; and the question with the peo
ple is, not whether Mr. Clay or Mr. Folk,
would most prui.ently and economically and
and wisely administer our borne affairs, but
whether from the experience ofthe past, Mr.
Crawford or Mr. McAllister, is most likely
to do so.”— Vid, Recorder 12/A Aug.
New, Mr. Recorder, if you were sincere
in these declarations of the 12ih of August,
we should like to know, why you have con
cluded all at once, lo discuss Mr. Folk’s
Tariff views and policy? According loyour
own doctrine, w hat has it to do with Gov.
Crawford’s election I —Or that of Mr. Mc-
Allister or men.hers ofthe Legislature? If
Mr..Folk’s Tariff views at this time, be pro
per subjects lor discussion, (and we admit
ilint they are.) why are not Governor Craw
lorci’s ? Why not tell us his position ? Y\ hy
nol. inform the people, what are his view s.of
the law ol 1842 ? Why not let us know,
w hether he w ill sanction resolutions at the
next Legislature, instructing Mr. Berrien to
vote for lire reduction of the Tariff down to
the Revenue limit? Why not tell us the
views of Ihe Whig Legislature, in the event
there should be one, on the question of the
Tariff? Why not inform the people, whether
such a Legislature will return Mr. Berrien,
or elect another to the Senate, who will re
present the true interests of Georgia, and
tbe South on this great question ? We pro
, pounded similar questions to the Recorder
j weeks ago. It has remained as silent as an
I Egyptian Mummy, under the pretext as we
[ supposed, that the subject of the Tariff, had
| no connexion with the approaching election
[Georgia. But now, that the Recorder lias
i broken ground on the subject, and voluntari-
I ly connected it with the campaign, we renew
j our call, even at tli s the ‘'eleventh hour,”
; upon it, to define tiie position of its party and
[ standard bearer.
We think the appearance of this article ol
the Recorder at this time, is conclusive of
what we have always believed to be true.
That it is “allstufi”—affectation of devotion
to tlie peculiar borne interests of Georgia, on
the part of the Recorder and iis companions.
It is perfectly legitimate and proper todiscuss
the Tariff, when they can glean an item from
a disaffected quarter which they hope ntay
Le med as a firebrand in the ranks of the
Democracy. They are perfectly willing to
speak of the Tariffj when it can be done to
the disparagement ol their opponents. But
the moment you touch Gov. Crawford and
his party, and begin to inquire their senti
ments, O ! it lias nothing whatever to do
with the election.
Now, we are glad, thrice glad, to meet you
Mr. Recorder, on Ihe subfect ofthe Tariff,
and if you are alraid to declare Mr. Crawford’s
position, we will discuss with you, Mr. Polk’s.
And before we close, we will produce to you,
some evidence w hich you ought to recognise
as being as weighty as that oi an anonymous
correspondent of the Charleston Mercury.
But, belore we proceed, we must be permit
ted to make one or tvro observations.
It is a little singular, at this late day, that
the Recorder should be found rejiroaching
j Mr. Polk, for being in lavor ot a protective
Tariff We should suppose that it would be
considered a feather in Ins caj>, by the follow
ers of Mr. Berrien. The whig party last
summer, supported Mr. Clay, because he
was the advocate of protection, and they
branded the Democratic party as sympathis
ing With Great Rraitain and opposing inanu
tacturing interests, because they coniended
for the old Southern doctrine of free trade, as
advocated by all parlies in Georgia, in 1832
and ‘33. Now, with what face can they cen
sure Mr. Poik, because (as they pretend,)he
is for a protective Tariff !—Ought they not, to
be consistent, to applaud and commend him
for it ?
And it is somewhat amusing, to see how
open the Recorder is lo conviction. So
ready to belive Democratic testimony, when
it is of a character to afford it a morsel of
political capital I — ‘‘always belter pleased to
listen to a candid opponent, when we (tho
Recorder,) think him itIGHT, on public topics,
than to listen lo those who uniformly think
with us.” Wonderful stretch of liberality 1
Now, Mr. Recorder, who is this political
opponent 1 It is an anonymous correspondent
of the Charleston Mercury. Why, how open
the Recorder is to conviction! You are
“butler pleased” with the testimony of such a
writer, llian with that of those who “uniform
ly think with” you. And why!—Because
you “think him right?” And pray.why do
you “think him right 3” Simply because
iiis testimony happens to suit your purfioso at
this particular juncture. It would be a de
lightful thing, if you could, just on Ihe eve of
the election, to cast a fire brand into tho
Democratic ranks—to shake their confidence
in the fidelity of Mr. Pulk—to cuol their
ardor in favor of his administration. But ye
shall lai! ol your purpose, gcntletneii—the
Democracy of Georgia will not look to you,
nor to the press of South Carolina, for the
fair interpretation of the motives and policy
ol'Mr. Folk. They intend to try him by his
acts. You cannot influence them, by any
such insidious efforts, to condemn turn in ad
advance.
But let us weigh the testimony of this an
onymous “candid opponent” which gives
the Recorder such delight, “in lire balances,”
and see how far his opinions are entitled to
confidence in opposition to the weight ol
evidence against him. We assert that Mr.
Folk is opposed to the protective policy, ex
cept atricUy within the revenue limits, and
that from all the indications which we have,
it will be the aim of the administration to re
duce the Tariff to that standard. In proof of
the first branch of this proposition, we will
first introduce the testimony ofthe Hon. John
M. Clayton, of Delaware, delivered at Wil
ming'on, at a whig mass meeting, on the lo:h
June 1844. On page 8, of his speech, Mr.
Clayton said: —
“But I am not yet done with Mr. James
K. Polk, of Tennessee, and Ins bitter hos
tility to lire Frotecrive policy. Search the
records ol Congress, and you will find that,
in every instance vyhere the American Sys
tem was attacked, lie was its assail
ant, its constant and uncompromising foe.
On the 23d of Jure. 1532 he voted lor the
motion of Mr. McDuifie, of South Carollina,
] to reduce the duty on cotton goods, costing
! not exceeding 15 cents the square yard, to
124 per cent ad valorem. On the same
day he voted for Mr. McDuffie’s Motion to
abolish the duty of S3O per ton on rolled iron.
On the previous day he voted to reduce tire
duty on salt to 5 cents on 50 lbs. and voted
against the duty on bouts and bootees, on
cabinet waies, hats and caps, whips and
briddles, saddles, carriages andpait.pf car
riages blank books, earthen and stone
wares, and manufactures of marble; and
also against the duty on wo.il. With this
exhibition of the friendship ojL James K.
Folk for
[in this
hands. I
speeches on the always biealli
ed the most settled to the whole
policy. Politic speak one
way and vote anjroer. Buren al
ways spoke the generally
voted for were
of this Congress at the of
the last Tariff. But Janies K. PotKwas
never of that school.
The next item of testimony which we
shall offer, is the following extract of a
speech of the Hon. John M. Berrien, de
livered at Albany during last summer, and
published in the Georgia Journal, Sept. 10,
.844.
“ I he protection is endeavored to be made
a Polk argument, Mr. B.observed / So per
fectly sett ltd is the great ol necessity of pro
tection with the American people, that I have
found the friends of James IC. Folk say to
Ihe people that he 100 is the advocate ot pro.
lection! This attempt, said Mr. B..exceeds
in impudence any thing before attempted by
the party, to impose on the American people.
If James K. Folk is the advocate of Protec
tion, where is it recorded in the history ol his
country. \\ hero has lie ever shown him
self tbe advocate of a tariff either accidental
or incidental, actuel or proposed? To ex
pose the falacy such attempts to make Jan es
K. Folk appear as the advocate of protection
Mr. B. proceeded lo judge him from his own
words, and read sevsral passages from a
pamphlet of Folk’s speeches and letters. Let
him speak, said Mr. B. for himself. 1 appeal
not from Alexander drunk to Alexander so
her, but 1 appeal from all argument to James
K. Folk himself—and here lie quoted from
Mr. Folk’s reply lo the citizens oi Tennes
see, when they asked him if he was in favor
of the compromise principle of 1833 (which
will be remembered was the plan proposed
to bring about tbe horizontal Grecian 20 per
centduiy.) Mr. Folk’s reply was that “I am.”
They then asked him if ho was in favor ol
the tariff act of 1842, (which act, as Mr. 1!.
had shown, bad restored the credit of tiie
country, had replenished the Treasury and
had so certainly improved the personal con
dition of the people ) The reply of Mr. Pula
was that he was not, as it was in many of its
provisions, highly protective, and not design
ed as a revenue measure !! Thus it is seen
by Mr. Polk’s own words that h s opposition
to the tariffof 1842 was because it was highly
protective of the industry of this country.—
But, said Mr. B. this now be praised advocate
of protection further adds io the above: ‘At
all times lhave been Opposed to the policy of
protection!’ So that Dy Ins own w oid it is
evident that be never bad a single ray of light
shone upon bis free trade mind to shew him
the necessity of protecting the industry ol
this country against the pauper labor of Eu
rope. Again, says Mr. Folk, “1 am in favor
ol the restoration of tbe compromise act of
1833;” or in other words, he is opposed to
everything but the2o pr ct. Grecian hor.zoti
lal duties.”
This species of testimony might be almost
infinitely multiplied to sitow that l'/esideiil
Polk is sound on tbe subject ot the Tariff—
That he stands where Mr. Berrien and his
party stood in 1832 and ’33. But our limits
lorbid its introduction, and as Ihe Recorder
is so open lo conviction , we presume that the
opinions of these distinguished gentlemen,
will be quite sufficient to produce conviction.
But justice to the President as well as the
party that placed him in power, requires that
we introduce mote recent evidence on this
subject. It would seem that Ihe following
solemn declaration in his Inaugural Address,
ought to be satisfactory even to South Caro
lina, that so far as Mr. Pnik’s power and in.
fiuenre extend, they will be exerted to reduce
the Tariff to the revenue standard.
“One ol the difficulties which we have to
encounter in the practical administration of
the government, consists in the adjustment
of reveuue laws, and the levy of the taxes
necessary for the suj>p >rt of the government.
In the general |>ro|)osition, that no more mo
ney shall be collected than the necessities of
an economical administration shall require,
all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there
seem to be any material difference of opinion
as to die absence of right in the government
to tax one section of the country, or one class
of citizens, or one occupation, for the mere
profit of another. “Justice and sonnd policy
forbid the federal government to foster one j
branch of industry lo the detriment of another
or cherish the interests of one portion to the
injury of another portion ol'our common coun
try.” 1 have beretohre declared to my fel
low-citizens, that, iu “my judgment, it is the
duty of the Government to extend, as far as
it may be practicable to do so by its revenue
laws, and all other means within its power,
fair and just protection to all the great inter
ests of the whole Union, embracing agricul
ture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, com
tnerce, and navigation - '’ I have also declar
ed my opinion lobd"iii favor of a tariff for
revenue,” and that, “in adjusting the details
of such a tariff 1 hate sanctioned such moder
ate discriminating duties as would muluce
the anient of revenue needed, the
same tralk afford reasonable
tection home industry ; auJphai I was
“op|iosed for and
These are with jMilch he was in
stalled into the E*uiivedfair of the Untied
States. And we are the evidences
that ho will pruve r|Paiit to them ! On,
the contrary, there evidence that he
still adheres to tlidn, that the.v will
eliapethe policy oLWs adnlmm! ration. Wham
shall we anonyWuus corresjvm
dent of the flpatleston. ftlWuiry, or dis
tinguished ipFnbeis ol All
candid men would say the he
it reroeuibeted, that Mr. Bancroft and Mr.
Walker, have both declared for a redu*
of the Tarrift to the Revenue limit, ane
latter gentleman is the Secretary of the
Treasury, and therefore has the subject ofthe
Tariff', in all its details, under his peculiar su
perversion. And in a letter to ibfgteuior ed
itor of the Mtssissippian, dated Juifc jth 1845,
he says :
‘•lt would be impossible for me to give
any adequate conception of tbe labors of
this office ( Secretary of I the Treasury )
suffiee it to say, I never have any lei
sure. At present my chief occupation is
with the details of ihe Tariff. It aiust be
RF.DUCED TO THE REVENUE STANDARD.
Ever truly yours, R. J. WALKER.”
in reterence to these declarations, by the
Secretary of the Treasury and iff the Na
vy, tbe -Daily Union,” of the Ist July last,
says: -
Messrs Bancroft and Walker have just
struck a blow—one for live “revenue limits,”
and for the “ revenue standard.’’ —which is
calculated to command the attention of the
nation. We said some weeks ago, that the .
tariff system must ‘‘be reduced to the reve- .
nue standard;” and that the tariff of 1842
“can scarcely stand as the pormaneut sys
tem of this great country. It is too une
qual in itself—too oppressive upon some
interests, 100 partial to others—and too fa
vorable to the rich, too burdensome to the
poorer classes of the community. The
sooner it is reduced, the better for all. It
is bet’er even for the manufacturers them
selves to understand on what they are to
calculate. It is better for the rich capitalists
to liave moderate and stable duties, than
those which are too high, and on that ac
count, never fixed, but always unpopular
a rid always fluctuating. It is belter for the
tranquility of the administration—better for
the prosperity of the whole people.”
And again, under the head ol *• The Ta
riff must be Reduced,” the Daily Union
of August 11, says :
“And now we ask the friends of the oili
er interests of the county—(he fanner (ihe
great stable interest of the land.) the mer
chant', ihe professional classes, the ship
owners, &c. —what they think of the justice
and equality of the protective system, as
set forth in the act of 1842 ? Can they
longer silently acquiesce in its provisions?
Here the farmer sees the manufacturer di
vide 20 per cent, or more, and in one case,
the enormous profit of 42 1-2 per cent.,
whilst he himself must be content with 3 or
4 percent. The manufacturer makes this
immense profit out of the other classes. It
is a tax which the present tariff'enables him
to lay upon the other portions of the commu
nity, for his own protit. And still, we are
to lie told hy the National Intelligencer,, and
the affiliated whig presses, that it is all
right; that tiie protective system must be
maintained in all its vigor and in all its reali
ty ; ihat the law of 1842 is, like the law of
the Medes and Persians, not to be changed ;
and that the tariff must not be. reduced.”
Again, “The Union” of Ihe 13th inst.
contains the following distinct and unequiv.
ocal announcement ol the policy of ihe
President and his Cabinet:
“ We must set the whig press right at
once. We do not recognize, or adopt as le
gitimate, the expression ‘ in favor of the
proiective tariff', within the revenue stand
ard.’
“ The whig press Which quotes from ihe
Charleston Mercury a s‘ur upon Mr. Polk
and his Cabinet, will find itself mistaken in
supposing that ‘Mr. Folk will want the mo.
ral courage to carry out his principles.’—
lie will firmly abide by the resolutions of
the Baltimore Convention,”
The question recurs, whom shall we be
lieve, the anonymous predic lions of the cor
respondent ofthe Mercury, or the Constitu
tional advisers, and the recognized organ of
the President? The Mercury relics upon
the stuti meals of the former, douotless, un.
dor the influence ol a spirit of distrust of,
arul disaffection 10, (lie administration, which
obviously prevails to a great extent in South
Carolina, The Recorder relies on it for two
reasons: ‘
Ist. Because it is glad to snatch at any
little item which will gralily its pruriency
lor heaping censure upon the Demociaiic
pally, and which it may hope to cast as a
fire brand to divide them and produce alien
ation from tiie administration.
2nd. Because, being in favor of the pro
feeiivc policy, it sincerely wishes the act or
1812 lo remain undisltubed.
Bin ihe Democratic patty piefer to rely
u|ion the oveiwhelming |iroofs, that Mr.
Polk’s policy will he in strict cotiformiiy
with the couiseof his jiast life—tiis inaugu
ral declarations and the more recent annun
ciations ol his recognized oigan. Resiitig
here, they “ill be content to try him hy his
acts, and to condemn, when his infidelity
shall be proven by higher evidence than the
lugubrious predictions of the anonymous
corresjiondent of the Charleston Mercury.
MONUMENT TO JACKSON.
Pursuant to public notice, a numerous and
highly respectable meeting'ol the citizens of
Washington, favorable to the erection in tins
city of a colossal equestrian statute in honor
of the memory of Andrew Jackson, assembled
at the Apollo Hall, on Monday evening, the
15th September, 1845.
Tbe meeting was called to order bv Jamea
Hoban, Esq.; and, on motion, General John
P. Van Ness was unanimously caUed to tbe
chair ; and after a few appropriate remarks
hy him, the Hon. Amos Kendall and Joliu
Boyle, esq. were appointed vice presidents,
and James Hoban and John VV. Maury se
cretaries.
Mr. Hoban offered the following resolu
tions :
Itesolced, That the American people be
called upon to unite in erecting, at the seat
of the federal government, a suitable mono,
mei.t to the memory of the Hem, Patriot,
and Sage, whose recent loss the nation still
deplores, lo go down to our most distant pos
terity, as a record of the great man’s glory,
and of his country’s gratitude and grief.
Resolved, That a colos.-al equestrian sta
ute, in imperishable brot ze, is deemed tho
most suitable for the purpose, to transmit to
future centuries the features and form on
which the annals of the republic will teach
each new succeeding generation to look
with an ever-renewed love and reverence,
and an ever-renewing ambition to emulate
bis noble virtues.
Resulted, That, for the purpose of raising
by voluntary subscription the requisite sum,
a central committee of thirteen be appointed
which shall proceed forthwith toorgauize the
necessary measures for the collection of such
subscription, by whom a monthly publication
•of tbe same shall be made, and the money
secureiy invested.
Resolved, That, as Gen. Jackson’? owry
most trusted and beloved friend, and the se
lected inheritor of his papers and guardian of
liis fame, Francis P. Blair he appointed/trea
surer.
Resolved, That the follovviitg citizpnp cpn
stitute said committee of thirteen, with pow
,er to supply vacancies in their own number ;
jaiul, alter the completion of the subscription,’
j indirect and superintend the execution of the’
proposed work j Cave Johnson, Ifrancis I’.
Blair, Tho nas Ritchie, Amos Kendall, John
I*. Van Ness, John C. Rives, VVilliaqt A,
Harrjs, Jesse E. Dow, Benjamjn 15. French,
J.rvhn W. Maury, Charles K. Gardtier,’ James
llnbui, and Charles I’. Eengstack!
Which, resolutions uffire read, and enthu
siastically adopted.
And the meeting ndj'inrjreti.
JOHN P. VAN NESS., Prep.
AmosKenoa*, >■ Vie Prcs’ts.
John 13ovl£, \ - ■
J ames Hoban,- ? c ~•
John W. .a|auhv, J btcrelar c V