Newspaper Page Text
THE TIMES.
COLUMBUS, CIA.
Wedaesday, Klarch 11. 1846.
“Times Office” on Ran
dolph Street, in the Oglethorpe
Building, in rear of the Post Of
fice.
agents.
Mr. James Johnson is authorised
to collect accounts and receive subscriptions
ior this office in the neighboring counties of
Alabama.
£3-Mr. Alex. C. Morton is our regu
lar business agent, and will attend at all the
Courts of this Circuit, where persons hav
ing business witii this office, can transact it
with him.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
Wc ate indebted to Senator Colquitt and
our immediate Represeßtative. Col. Jones,
far copies of their speeches on the Oregon.
The firmer has already been laid before
our readers. We publish the latter
next week.
Judge Alexander of the Chattahoochee
Circuit held his first Court at Tazewell,
Marion county, on Monday the 2nd inst.,
Judge A.’e manner upon the Bench is at
once dignified and urbane, and we doubt not
that his judicial career will justify the high
expectations formed of him by his friends.
SIR ROBERT PEEL’S SPEECH.
We copy into out columns, the noble con
fessions of the great English Premier in fa
vor of Free Trade. It is a splendid speech
and will do more to vindicate the enduring
principles which it advocates, in this coun
try, than all that could be said or written
by their friends on tiiis side of the water.
We cmninend its logical deductions, and its
triumphant figures to all of our readers who
have any lingering doubts in favor of the
doctrines of the protective system.
FIRE.
Savannah has been visited by a series of
Fires, supposed to be the work
ct Incendiaries.
Cotton of the value of $60,000 has been
destroyed, of which $52 000 was covered
by insurance, principally in New-York and
Hartford.
THE MAILS.
The Georgia Journal is mistaken about our
mail arrangements. The LaGrange mail
Hue to Columbus is daily and'not tri weekly.
The diflS cubies and derangements are great
ly exaggerated. According to our recollec
tion for a series of years—as far back as we
can remember, and have been, as editor, an
attentive observer of mail irregularities, we
do not think that the service has been, this
winter, a whit worse than is usual in the
winter and spring months. As long as the
Wilmington boats are mere cockle shells,
which dare Dot put their noses outside of
port, if it blows a stiff breeze, and the Staie
Laws of Georgia endure mud holes for pub
lic roads and highways; no mortal Post
master General can ensure regular mails.
A great deal of the complaint is unjust and
peuri'e, and the blame lies elsewhere than
upon the Post Office Department. It is ve
ry easy for editors to 101 l comfortably in their
arm chairs and squib away at the wretched
irregularity of the mails, and the Post Of
fice Department is the readiest scape-goat
to pat the blame upon. But no power short
of the miraculous can overcome the stub
born realities of the most diabolical winter
roads that a civilized people were ever dis
graced with. We could easily shew by
facts, that many of the complaints put foith
from this place, are idle and unfounded.
07* Tlic communication of “ A Mer
chant” is published, although at the risk of
keeping our paper ftom the press, beyond
its time. Communii-ations, to insute pub
lication, must come in before Tuesday. Had
this been on the other side of the question,
it would have been left out. But this is the
firs! essay on the Shinplaster side of the
Shinplastcr topic with which we hate been
favored. The article requires some com
ment—but, time and space forbid it now.
If wo think it needful, it shall he attended
to, next week. We remark however,
the real or supposed sins of the Bank Agen
cies located here, ottered no sort cf apology
for those of the Shinplastcr issuers. “Suffi
cient unto the day is the evil thereof.” Let
the writer help us in putting down this evil,
and then prove to us that there ate others
needing reform, and we will help him in re
turn. But it is a wretched cause, that has
to screen itself behind the short comings of
others, and it is miserable morality that jus
tifies such a defence. The Shinplaster
cause, so far, stands naked before this com
munity—condemned by law and by reason,
and condemned by the failure of its friends
to produce a sirred of argument with which
to cover its nudity.
AN EQUIVOCAL COMPLIMENT.
The Georgia Journal expresses itself high
ly gratified with Judge Colquitt’s speech on
Oregon. “Mr. Colquitt,” says the Journal,
••has made a Whig speech upon this ques
lion.” Yet Mr. Colquitt goes for the “no
tice” as a peace measure, which the Whigs
lustily vociferated against, as leading to in
evitable war! Mr- Colquitt approves of all
the Pres dent has done, aud expresses Iris
unlimited confidence iu the safety of our
negotiations in the hands of the Executive
and his Cabinet—and this is a Whig speech!
We are happy to learn that the Whigs
are coming to their senses, ami in finding
out voho Mr. Polk is, are ready to do him
justice.
We congratulate the Journal upon being
on the same “platform” with Judge ddl
|uiu. If our contemporary will only stay
tliere with the Judge, wc trow that he will
have to “bid a long farewell” to all his
Whiggery. We cougratulate Judge Col
quitt upou having converted one of the
raunchest Whig Journals of the State to
the administration doctrine that the ‘• notice”
M nswary and proper.
JUDGE COLQUITT’S SPEECH.
We regret that we did not withhold this
speech from our readers until wc had receiv
ed it in pamphlet form, after it had receiv.
cd the careful supervision of its anthor.
The pamphlet speech is far more eloquent
and readable than the reported one. Indeed,
we think in point of manner and matter; it
is the ablest effort we have ever read from
Judge Colquitt. At the same time, candor
compels the acknowledgement, that there is
a lack of salisfactoriness in its tout ensemble.
! This may arise in pan from the difficulty
of the subject, but from whatever cause,
ihc Senator docs not seem to be understood.
The Augusta Constitutionalist, for instance,
remarks of it.
We do not dissrnt from the general tone and semi
men's of (lie speren, vetsr<- we surprisid and oisap
pom'ed at the Senator’s adhesion to the nocirme of
arbitration Ihe Senator distinctly expresses his
wiilingm ss to refer the matter to arbitration.
Now, we do not understand the Senator
to favor the plan of arbitration : He is in
favor of “com promise, 1 ” and the general
tenor of his speech is to show that those
who claim the “whole ot none”—those
who will fight up to 54 deg. 40 m., as “clear
and unquestionable,” and yield not an inch
less, are wrong.
When we read the speech last week, we
supposed and remarked that Judge Col
quitt’s position was this—that he favored the
“notice” as a peace measure, which could
be given as a matter of perfect right, and
without offence to Great Britain—and so far
his pamphlet speech cleaily corroborates
the reported speech. We also understood
him to be cleat upon the subject of the
American title up to 49 deg. and ready to
fight for it without resort to compromise, ar
bitration, or anything else, but an out and
out standing upon our rights. Above 49 deg.
we understood he was not clear—that our
title was shadowy and doubtful, and greatly
qualified by Briiish possession and the pro
per construction of the Nooika Convention,
and if he believed that our title was as good
above as below the line of 49, he would
figl t for the whole.
We do not gather the same idea from the
pamphlet speech, and we are sorry for
it, for we should then have had no diffi
culty in understanding him. In view of
the last speech, we cannot gather, wheth
er the Senator is willing to put the whole
country, or a part of it in “compro
mise,” or whether he regards our title to
any part of it, as clear and unquestionable.
The general sentiments of the reported
speech met our entire concurrence. Our
own belief has been that, an inch below 49
should not he yielded, because it was ours
“clearly and unquestionably,” and we had no
idea of compromising unquestionable rights
with any power that saw fit to putin a claim
to them. Above that line, we have thought
there was doubt ; if so, it was hut right and
justice, nay, it was obligatory upon the Na
tional honor to adjust the doubtful rights by
a fair compromise.
But we do not understand the Senator to
favor arbitration. The following is the on
ly sentence we find in the pamphlet speech
upon this subject.
” There being no arbiter to whom we can sut m't
tho decision, upon whose impartial judgment we can
rely, G- cat Britain and the United States stand in the
attitude of both judge and advocate m their own cause.
In suc(i a contest, we can easily foresee the improba
bility of an rgreement between them, if each insist
upon the full tx enl ofthe cla'ms they present. Ccm
promise is the only means left for a peaceful settle
tlernen’, and if this fail, the victor’s swotd must turn
the ba'ancc of justice. I should have r< joiced that
this Oregon qu stion had been settled by a treaty of
compromise ; and shall still feel gratified if such
shall be its termination. It is idle to boast of na
tional honor, and vainly imagine that it consists in
adjusting for ourselves for the extent of our rights,
and treating with contempt the claims set up by
others. In every such contest, compromise is the
honorable and magnanimous mode of settlement.
In the affairs of private life, he who would refuse a
reasonable proposition for settling a dispute, where
there exis'ed no tribunal to adjudicate the ques'ion,
might win for himself the character of obstinate’
and fearless courage, but would forfeit the prouder
characteristics of“wisdom, justice,and moderation-’,
On the whole, perhaps, Judge Colquitt’s
speech is as clear as a speech could be on
the middle ground he has felt obliged to oc
cupy. He lias adopted the motto of “in
medio tutissimus iftis,” and lias essayed to
steer clear of the two extremes of the out
and out 54, 40 men, and those who with
Mr. Calhoun, went for the “ masterly in
activity” policy, and opposed the notice to
terminate the Convention of joint occupan
cy. But at last, the only question now is
“ notice or no notice”—immediate settle
ment of the vexed question; or an indefinite
postponement of the evil day, without hope
that it will lose any of its complication and
vexedness by delay.
On the main question, we rejoice that our
Senator decided right, and in accordance
with the almost unanimous voice of his con
stituents.
TEXAS AND COTTON.
The annexation of Texas is beginning to
bear its fruits, in its effect upon general bu
siness. The impulse it has given to emigra
tion, is described as follows; in a commercial
letter received by a house of this city, and
bearing date, Mobile, February 14th, 1846.
‘‘Tie annexation of Texas will play the mischief
with the Southern States lor a few yeats. The num
ber of slaves that trill be this year in transitu, will
lessen very much the production if cotton. No
crop of cotton can be made the ensuing year where
they go, besides the production of sugar is so much
more favorable in Texas, that a large portion ot labor
will be diree'ed to that object, I suppose th're has
been, upon an average, 40 slaves a dav, pass through
our city ou the way to Texas, since Decembet.—
They arc Ruing from Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Mississippi. Louisiana, Tennessee, and some say
even from Arkansas. The great thoroughfares are
thronged with emigrants. The receipts of cotton
at all the Sou'hern receiving ports, at the last dates,
were less ih in last year at the same period 200.000
bales. It is believed this marked difference will go
on increasing throughout the season, and by very
many, that the crop ot the U. Statee, including Tex
as, will not be over 2 100.000 bales. This fact wit b
the great amount of labor that will this year be una
vailable for another crop is >rortby of considera
tion. ”
The elements here described as in action,
will doubtless operate to reduce the extent
of the cotton crop at a moment when there
are causes in activity in England to produce
a very extended consumption of the raw ma
terial. The result must produce a rise fa
vorable lo the profits of those planters that
raise their annual crops. Asa gicat whole
however, the South will sustain a loss, from
the locomotion oi hands that are usually at
work. This emigration takes place period
ically. It is new some tea years, since the
Southern planters “pulled up stakes,” and
removed in vast armies to the valley of the
Mississippi. Bank iacilities for settling new
lauds was the stimulating cause then, and
the hope ol better land is the stimulas now.
Texas does not however, possess Banks to
rob tho new p'anters of the proceeds of their
industry as fast as they earn it.
It ia staled that Prince Louis Napoleon,
nephew to Ike great Emperor, and who is
confined as a state prisoner in the castle of
Ham, has been offeied Uis liberty, provided
he would pledge his honor never to distutb
the existing government in France but he
declines to receive bis freedom on such con
ditions.
PROGRESS OF THE TARIFF.
The Washington Union in conclusion of
a long article on the Tariff, states as fol
lows:
“We learn from acr ideal inquiry amongour friends
in the House to-day, that the Committee of Ways
and Means wiil soon repoii a satisfactory revenue
bill. 1 he*\Vest is firm, the South is umhiken and
the North will do its duty. We but speak the voice
of honorable and experienced members, who are
bes’ acquainted with iheptorpects of its success, that
a revenue bill will pass, which will satisfy the great
body ofthe American people.”
THE RICHMOND DUEL.
The rumor of a sanguinary conflict be
tween Mr. Pleasants and Mr. Ritchie, al
luded to hi our last, has been confirmed, and
the painnUmtelligepce of the death of Mr.
Pleasants nas been received.
The combat shocking in its character
and#is might ha expected, fatal in its
result. It appears that Mr. Pleasants sent a
message to Mr Ritchie, informing him that he
wouid meet him at a certain spot, armed,
and without seconds. They met, and at a
distance of 200 yards commenced the com
bat with pistols, advancing as they fired.
The fire arms being exhausted, the fight
was continued with Bowie Knife and Sword.
Mr. P. was mortally wounded, and Mr. R.
received a contusion in the face from a blow
with a pistol, and other slight wounds.
The following remarks from the Augusta
Constitutionalist are in accordance with our
own reflections upon the subject:
“As the Union has requested a suspen
sion of public opinion in reference to the
late calamitous rencontre, we refrain from
many remarks upon it, but give our adhe
sion to the following from the Charleston
Mercury.
There are many circumstances to make
the death of Mr. Pleasants a peculiarly
painful event, in addition to the regret all
must feel at the extinction of brilliant gen
ius. But we hesitate not in saying that any
man should forfeit much of tire sympathy
of his race, who falls in a meeting in which
he has himself prescribed the terms, and
which are bloody, ferocious, and wholly at
variance with the recog .ized practice of
gentlemen under the code of honor.
At the same time, the circumstances must
be indeed extraordinary, which can excuse
a gentleman, who accepts such terms of
combat. Asa general rule, he owes it to
society, and bis own position, to decline the
meeting, and leave his justification not only
with the opponents of the duello , but with
those who, while they recognize the obliga
tion of its code, are not willing to see the
field of honor converted into the Butchers
shambles.
We have been requested, says the Rich
mond Compiler, to insert the following com
munication :
In common with the whole community I
deeply regiet the unfortunate meeting in
the neighborhood of this cify. Os the cir
cumstances attending it, I have nothing to
say, but as various and conflicting state
ments aDd reports concerning it are in circu
lation ; and especially as some of them re
fer to a letter written by Mr. Thomas
Ritchie and delivered to the gentleman
who bore the message of Mr. Pleasants, te
ferred to in the enclosed letter—l think it
cannot be amiss in me to send you a copy
ofthe letter itself, and to request its publica
tion in your paper. The note was append
ed by the gentleman who bore the letter.
Richmond, Feb. 24th, 1846.
Dear Sir:—The message delivered to
me by you this morning fiom J. H. Pleas
ants, was nearly these words : “I am re
quested by Mr. Pleasants to inform you
that he will be on the Chesterfield side of
James Rivet to-morrow morning at sun rise
armed with side-arms, without r ile, shot
gun or musket, and accompanied by two
friends similarly armed.”
This disguised challenge I protest against
—first, because it is not in the form which is
justified by men of honor, and to a gieat ex
tent upheld by public opinion.
Second. Because it pievenls that certain
ty of equal advantage recognized by all
gentlemen as an essential ofthe duel or fair
and chivalrous combat.
Third. Because it gives to the challeng
ing party the privilege of selecting time,
place and weapons ; a right which, accord
ing to all usage, belongs to the challenged.
Fourth. Because both the timeand place
are so selected as to occasion great incon
venience and danger to all parties concerned
from a legal prosecution.
Fifth. Because the terms proposed ate
savage, sanguinary and revolting, to the
taste and judgement, not only of all honora
ble men, but of every man in the communi
ty, and calculated to cast odium on any one
who may be governed them.
I am ready to receive a proper challenge
from Mr. Pleasants but for the reasons
above given, I solemnly protest against the
terms he has preposed. On his head, then,
must rest all the blame and reproach which
should be incurred from acting in defiance
of these considerations.
Notwithstanding these objections, I shall
be on the ground mentioned at sunrise.
Do not consider me as casting upon your
self the slightest reflection. I do not con
sider you in any way responsible for the
message delivered this morning
I am your ob’t. serv’t,
(Signed) THOMAS RITCHIE, jr.
[Note. — The message referred to in the above
letter was delivered to Mr. Ritchie about 3 o’clock,
P. M., on Tuesday, (the 24’h Feb.) One portion
ofihe message was inadvertently omitted in the above
letter; that portion specified “t*o hundred yards
above the cotton factory” as the precise place at
which Mr. Pleasants would be at sunrise. The let
ter was delivered to the gentleman who bore Mr.
Pleasant’s message at 9 o’clock, P. M., of the same
day. His reply was that he was not authorized to
take any other action in the m uter than that already
performed in the delivery of Mr. Pleasant’s message,
and that he be ieved it hopeless for Mr. Ritchie to
expect any other reply-]
THE EASTERN MAIL.
We find in the New Orleans papers some
correspondence between the Chamber of
Commerce of that city, and the Postmaster
General on the subject of the frequent fail
ures of the eastern mail.
The Postmaster slates that the anxiety of
the department to expedite the mails from
the east to New Orleans has been 60 great
that the briefest possible time hai’ been ah
lowed for their transfer, &c., and in conse
quence of this, the slightest accident or ob
stacle causes a de<ay in their transmission.
We quote below letter.
The regular failures of the mail at New
Orleans,after the arrival of the foreign steam
ers, gave rise to a euspiciou that fraud was
practised somewhere on the lines, and secret
agents were employed to accompany the for
eign mails through, so as to detect, if practi
cable, the persons guilty im
positions. . Thpy have not bqgn able to make
any discovery of such fraudulent practices,
if any existed, and the impression is left on
my mind that the failure to deliver ihe foreign
mails in proper time, is the result of the ac
cidental causes above alluded to, or insuffi
ciency in the means of transportation.
The Department had been advised of the
.running of the expresses, and all the means
in its power were exerted fur their suppres
sion. The remedy given by the late law is
wholly inadequate, and the attertion of Con
gress has been called to the subjec, ana a
strong hope is entertained that the present
session of Congress will not adjourn without
placing in the hands of the Department am
ple power for their suppression. In the mean
time, one of our most efficient agents was
despatched, ten or twelve days siuce, to the
unit between Mobile and Atlanta, to exam
ine the delays of the mails, and their causes;
and upon what terms an express can be had
between those points, which will be decided
upon 60 soon as his report is received.
1 am gratified to have it in my power to
inform you that, after the 15‘.h March next,
arrangements have been made for the deliv
ery of the Northern mail in this city ten or
twelve hours in advance of the present time;
and we hope to be able to form a schedule
between this and New Orleans that wi.l
give the greatest speed with as mueh cer
tainty as is practicable; but frequent failures
must be expected south of Charleston, whilst
the mail is sent by sea from Wilmington.
THE MAILS.
While we write (Monday) four North
ern Mails are due at this place. The cause
has been the extreme severity of the weath
er.
The Richmond Compiler of Wednesday
the 2J inst. says :
“Inclement weathek and no mails.—
For tnree or lour days the weather has been
very inclement. Saturday night, a heavy
sleet fell, v- ith some snow. Sunday was
cold and raw. with some hail. Sunday night
a snow a;oral of great severity commenced,
which continued nearly all yesterday. The
cars from both North and South have been
unable to travel, and we are already twp
mails behind hand 5>
“ A letter from Weldon, dated 2u inst.,
states that they were then experiencing one
of \he most stormy days that had been known
there for years past. The snow was about
4 inches deep, and it was raining and hailing
lreezing as last as it fell, and blowing a gale.
“The Potomac, it is stated, is closed by
ice. The James river was still open, and
passengers going North got on by the way of
Chesapeake Bay.”
The Raleigh Register of Wednesday the
8d inst. says:
“ If it be true, as the old adage hath it, that
“when March conies in like a Lion, it goes
out like a lamb,” we may prepare for a smil
ing April. Never, peritaps, in the history ot
the Seasons, has March been heralded in
with such a train of wintry attendants, as
has characterized the present month. Wind,
rain, hail, snow and hail again have followed
each other in quick succession, until now,
as this paper goes to press, we have, for the
first time in many years, the prospect of a
decent sleigh ride, provided such vehicles
can be manufactured, not while “the sun
shines,” but whilst he hides his head.
“In the mean time,an embargo is upon
travelling and the Mails. We have no pa
pers later than Thursday last—provoking
enough, at tins interesting season. The cars
have been unable to leave this city for the
North, since Saturday, in consequence of the
sleet and snow.
The ’Cheraw Gazette of Tuesday last says:
“For several days past the weather has
been very cold and inclement. It commenc
ed raining on Saturday night last, about 11
o’clock, and continued to rain without inter
mission until about 2 o’clock on Monday
morning, when it began to snow, the and ikes
continuing to fali until the earth was covered
to the depth of two inches. During Sunday
night the wind was very high, and blew
with considerable violence, but we have not
heard of any damage occasioned by it.
FOR THE TIMES.
Gentlemen—The subject of the currency
has received some attention through your
valuable paper. I beg leave therefore, to
call your attention to a communication in
last week’s Democrat, signed by “A Mer
chant,” a copy of which, I enclose you.*
What the Merchants and Farmers want is
a currency convertible into coin at the plea
sure of the bill-holder, where it is circulat
ed. Anything short of this, is no reform at.
all. A large portion that has been said and
written by correspondents upon the subject,
hears upon its face the strongest evidence of
a petty warfare and is so looked upon by a
large portion of this community. In order
to enlist the aid of toe whole community,
you must not content your selves with lopping
off a branch or two, but lay the axe to the
root of the evil and clear aw’ay the illegiti
mate growth that encumbers the ground,
paying Banks will spring up in
their stead. , A Merchant.
* ‘Are the several hger.cies located and doing bus
iness here authorized to do so by the laws of the State?
Js it n r t the duty of the city council to investigate
this matter lest they should be lound tolerating an
infraction of the State iaws.
Can depositors compel the mother Banks to pay
deposites made with the agencies here, should they
contest the same ?
] t is stated that if the change bills were driven
from circulation coin would take their place, would
this be the case while agencies continue lo send off
all the coin that they can get hold of? Under this
svstem how long wou’d it take the Bank of St Ma
rys’ to supply the.'community with silver change.
If the agency system was not tolerated here, is it
not remaikable to suppose that specie paying Banks
would spring up in their stead.
Can we even expect to have a specie etirrenev
while we have but one Bank to bring it heie and
three to send it off. If these questions are properly
investigated and connected with the movement of re'-
form, we shall be able to act advisedly in regard to the
currency, arid 1 pie ge myself to go for putting down,
any system where there is a reasonable hope°of es
tablishing something better in its stead
A Merchant.”
From the Savannah Georgian.
THE RECENT FIRE.
We learn that the risks of the Insurance
Offices were as follows :
Mr. Charles Ilartridge had in the ware
house consumed 15 to 1600 bales cotton, on
consignment, on w hich insurance was effect
ed as lollows : in the Agency of the Pelican
Mutual Insurance Company of New York,
$16,000; in the Agency of the Alliance and
Mutual Insurance Company of New York,
$12,000; in the Agency of the Howard Of
fice, New York, SIO,OOO, and S6OOO in the
Agency of the Hartford insurance Office,
Hanford. Connecticut, which will about cov
er his loss.
Messrs. Harris & Reilly had about 300
bales consumed—insured m the Agency of
the Augusta Insurance and Banking Com
pany for $9,000, which wifi cover their loss.
Mr. M. Dillon’s loss was about s2oo—in
surance SIO6O in ihe Protection Insurance
Company, Hartford, Conn.
Estate of Telfair’s house, valued at S2OOO
—insured for SIOOO in the Agency of the
London Phoenix Insurance Company. The
furniture of Mr. Papot, who occupied the
house, was injured to the extent ol about
s2oo—no insurance.
Mr. John McMahon’s house was valued at
slsoo— ivas insured in the Agency of the
ContriUutiobship Company, New York, for
SIOOO. Mr. Oliver’s loss about S3OO0 —
no insurance.
The stores adjoining the warehouse de
stroyed, were filled with Cotton, Molasses
and Hay, owned by different persons. Bui
through the active exertions of our firemen
they received little or no injury.
FORSI Gif.
From the Charleston Jierfcury.
NEW COMMERCIAL POLICY OF ENG
LAND.
Below we publish some long extracts from
the speech of Sir Robert Peel on the first
day of the Parliamentary Session. Nothing
has appeared more worthy of the study of all
who are interested in commercial legislation
than the tfeemier’s vindication of the changes
he hag proposed in the British tariff. The
Washington Union justly characterises his
speech as one of the most victorious vindica
tions of the freedom of commerce ever at
tempted.
SIR ROBERT PEEL’s SPEECH.
“I wish to explain what were the grounds
which led me, and those with whom I acted,
humbly to tender a gracious sovereign the re
signation of the trust she had reposed in them.
I wish also to explain what were the circum
stances under which that trust was resumed
and why I now appear in this ph.ceasa min
ister of the crown. The immediate cause
which led to the disolution of the government
in the early part of the winter was that great
and monstrous calamity, by which an article
of food on which a great nurnberof the people
in this pait of the uni'ed empire, and a still
larger number in the in the sister kingdom,
depend mainly for their subsistence was se
riously injured, and the supply materially
lessened. That was no donbt, the immedi
ate and proximate cause of the difference in
the cab net; but it would be unfair and uu
candid on my part, if I attached undue im
portance to that particular subject. That
particular cause appeared to preclude farther
delay—to require immediate decision not
only upon the course necessary at the time
to be adopted, but immediate decision as to
the course to be ultimately taken with regard
to the laws which governed the importation
of grain. I will not, however, assign to that
cause undue importance; I will not withhold
the homage due to the progress of reason and
truth, by denying that my opinion on the sub
ject of protection have undergone a change,
[loud and repeated cheers from all sides.]—
1 will not, either in a private or in a public
situation, dispute—on the contrary, I will as
sert—the privilege of yielding to the force of
argument and conviction, and of acting upon
the results of an enlarged experience, [hear,,
hear.] IyaKty be supposed that there is some
thing hiflpaiMg, in making such a declara
tion, [cries of “no, no.”] i feel no humilia
tion, [cheers.] 1 have not that confidence in
the intuitive capacity of a man to determine
at once what is right or wrong, as to
think there is any reason for feeling abashed
at admitting the error of a received opinion.
In this 1 should feel humiliation—that it niy
opinions had undergone modification, I pre
tended stili to adhere to them* under l'ear of
an imputation of inconsistency. [Cheers.].
The question is, whether the motives for a
modification or qualification of opinion are
sufficient and honest. [Hear,] Nothmg could
be more base on the part of a public man
than to protect himself from danger by pre
tending a change of opinion, but on the other
hand nothing can be more opposed to his duly
to his sovereign and his country than, seeing
reason to alter his course; he precluded him
self from alteration by the fear of a charge of
inconsistency. [Cheers ] The question, as
I have said, is whether the motives for his
modified opinion are sufficient.and sincere.—
Those who contend for the removal of impe
dirnents to the import of a main article of
subsistence, such as corn, have an immense
advantage over their opponents, for the na
tural presumption is in favor of fiee and un
restricted intercourse. It may, indeed, be
possible to combat that presumption ; it may
be possible to meet its advocates in the field
of argument, by showing that there are other
and greater advantages arising out of the sys
tem of prohibition than out of the system ol
unrestricted intercourse; but even those who
so contend will, I think, admit that the na
lural feelings of mankind are strongly in fa
vor of the absence cf all restriction, and that
the presumption is so strong that we must
combat it by an avowal of some public and
sufficient motive. VVball admit there is dan
ger in defending the protective system, on
the ground that itjs tor the benefit'd a partic
ular class. There is danger in that, but my
honorable friends, the most strenuous advo
cotes of protection, have rested the defence
of it upon higher principles and interests.—
They have alleged, as I myself have alleged,
that there are public reasons for not altering
the system ; and it might be absolutely ne
cessary, in the existing state of public feel
ing, to consider whether the public grounds
on which an alteration of the corn-laws could
be resisted were sufficient. I apprehend
those public grounds to be either that pro
tection to domestic industry was required,
and that agriculture being a branch of that
industry, was entitled to its share ; or that, in
a country encumbered with an enormous
debt, and with a heavy load of taxation, it was
necessasy that domestic industry should be
protected from the competition of foreigners ;
or, again, that the interests of the great body
of the community, of the laborious class of
the people, were not committed in the ques
tion—that the rate of wages varied with the
price of provisions—that high prices implied
high wages, and tiiat low wages were con
commitant with low prices. Again, it might
be said that the land was entitled to protec
tion on account of the peculiar burdens affect
ing it. But that, let me observe, is a question
of justice rather than of policy. The advo
cates of protection may assert that I have al
ways held that it was so. But then we have
the power of removing the force of the argu
ment by making compensation for any chancre.
The three first objections to the removal °of
protection are objections founded on consid
erations of public policy ; but the last is a
question of justice, which admits of the grant
of compensation, in order to remove the ob
jection. I want to deprive those who have
come to the conclusion a priori, without the
benefit of experience, that the system ought
not to be continued, of none of the credit due
to them; the argument was conclusive with
them belore the issue of the experiment was
known. My opinions, I admit, have been
mainly qualified by the result of the experi
ence of the last three years. I have had an
opportunity of comparing from day to day the
consequences which have followed the trial
we have been making during the last three
years. For some years past you have been
acting upon a different principle to that of
protection—namely, the gradual removal of
of protection on domestic industry. I have
had the means of comparing the result of pe
riods of abundance and low prices with periods
of scarcity and high prices. I have carefully
watched the effects of the one system, and of
the other—first, of the policy I have been
steadily pursuing for three years, or more,
than that,,for five or six years—viz: the re
moval of protection from domestic industry ;
and next; of the policy which the friends of
protection recommend. I have had an
opportunity of marking from day to day the
effect upon great social interests of freedom
oftrade and comparative abundance. 1 have
not failed Jto note the results of preceding
years, and to contrast them with the results
of the three last years. The conclusion from
my close observation has been, that the ar
guments I formerly used are nolonget (enable,
[cheers ;] that the experience of the last three
years shows that the rate of wages does not
depend upon prices. Ido not believe that
when prices are high, wages are necessarily
high too; or that lowness of prices necessari
ly implies lowtiese of ivages. [Cheers.] I do
not believe it possible fur me now to contend
—and this is no uew opinion—that protection 1
to domestic industiy is beneficial to that in
dustry. [Cheer*.] I said fast year, on the
mot ion of the noble lord, that I thought the
system of protection had'grown up with our
prosperity, and that it ought to be cautious y
and tenderly dealt with, but it is impossible
v. ith the change we have made in the s tarift
during the last four years, now to contend
that protection to domestic industry is in it
self, and abstractedly, a right. Then, as to
the argument—which I confess maae a strong
impression upon me in the first instance, and
is sanctioned by great authority that be
cause we have a large debt aud heavy taxa
tion, it is impossible for us to compete with
foreign countries, That argument has been
submitted to the test of the Jasl three years
and as far as we have experience. The re
sult, is, that a hrge debt and heavy taxation
are consistent with abundance and cheapness
of provisions. 1 proceed now to assign my
proofs derived from the experience of the last
three years. First as to wages: can we deny
that, during the last three years—l mean the
three years precedicg the month ol October
last—prices were comparatively low 7 There
was comparative cheapness, and yet at no time
were the wages of labor dearer. II you take
the three preceding year?, you will find high
prices, and co-exisleut with high prices you
find low wages. [Hear, hear.] You have
then six years. You have during the first
three years, high prices and low’ wages, and
you have during the last three years low
prices and high wages. [Hear, hear.] If I
could resist the’deductionsof reason,! cannot
resist the conclusions of experience, that
wages do not vary with the price of provi
sions. They do vary with the amount of
capital, with the prosperity of the country,
with the demand for libor, [hear, hear,} but
there is no relation between wages and pro
visions ; or; there is a relation, it is an inverse
one. [Hear, hear, hear ] Now, as to the
tariff. As I said before, during the last four
or five years we have been acting upon the
admitted principle of removing prohibitions,
and of reducing duties ; that is to say, of des
tioying protection. [Cheers.] That has been
our principle, whether right or wrong, [hear,
bear;2 the principle upon which we have act
ed has heen the removal of protection.—
[Cheers ] And what has been the result to
the country? I will give the total amount of
exports since the year 1839. The total de
clared value of tne British produce and man
ufactures from the United Kingdom were, in
1839 £53,0 0,000
3540 51,000.000
1841 47,000,000
1842 47,000,000
1843 62,000,000
1844 58,000,000
[loud cheers.] That is the total amount of
our foreign exports, which, from the year
1842, when the great invasion upon the pro
tection of domestic industry was made by
the tariff, rose from £47,381,000 in 1843, to
£58,000,000 in 1844 [much cheering.] Jt
may be said that the China trade has done
this. 1 expressly exclude that trade, [hear.]
In 1842, apart from the China trade, the ex
port to all other countries except China, a
mounted to £46,411,000 in 1844 they in
creased ten millions, and amounted to £56 ; -
000 000 [heaU] And this, as I said before,
deducting trade altogether [hear.[
In the last year,<(lß4s,] we can only have
the amount for thfe eleven months succeed
ing Dec., 1844. The exports of the princi
pal articles of manufacture to all parts of the
world were:
* In 1843 £4l 000 000
1844 47.312 000
1845 47,764,000
Thus showing another increase in 1845
[hear, hear.] This, then, is the state of our
foreign trade under this very system of the
continued removal of protection [cheers ]
Now, let me take the revenue [hear, hear,
hear.] Let me take the results ol the reve
nue as bearing upon this question : ought
there to be high protection in a country en
cumbered with a heavy debt? (hear.) In
1842, the House will recollect I proposed re
duction in the customs duties to the amount
ot an estimated loss of £1,435,000 ; and in
1844 I proposed a further reduction in the
customs duties to the amount of £273 000 ;
and in 1845, to the immense amount of £2,
418,000. 1 estimated that the total loss from
these several reductions would be £4.129,-
000 ; and let it be remembered, I discard the
revenue derived from corn upon both sides.
Have my expectations been realized? Have
four millions been lost ? No. The total a
mount of the loss has been £1,500,009 (loud
cheers.) 1 dealt with the excise last year,
and I made a reduction of a million in that
department. I took off the whole of the glass
duties; I look off the auction duties; and
I estimated there would be a loss in the ex
cise to the amount of one million. But ob
serve what has been the effect. It was not
like a reduction of one half or one quarter of
the duty, in the expectation that increased
consumption would make up for diminished
taxation; but these duties were absolutely
taken away. I felt the confidence that al
though we might lose from auctions, yet am
ple compensation would be derived from
vivifying other branches of industry. And
what would be the effect on the sth of April
next] (Hear, hear.) I believe that not
withstanding the total reduction—the abso
lute loss, indeed —of one million in the excise
the revenue from that department will be
more than ever, (cheers,) for there has been
a salient spring of prosperity which has more
than supplied the deficiency. (Hear, hear.)
With that evidence before mq could 1 stand
up and say that I believed, on account of the
great taxation, and on account of the great
debt of the country, we ought to continue
protection, (hear, hear,) now when my own
estimates as to the total loss by the custom’s
reductions had been proved entirety falla
cious. The customs of this year amount to
nearly twenty millions, whilst the customs of
1842, when we began this system of reduc
tion, produced, excluding corn, <£19,661,000.
I have since reduced taxes to the amount of
<£4,129,000; yet, comparing the customs
revenue of 1845 with the customs revenue of
1842, after that diminution of taxation to the
amount of four millions, we find the customs
of this year are better by one million.—
| Hear ] I will take now more important
considerations either than trade or commerce.
I will take the state of morality. (Hear,
hear.) My right honorable friend at the
of the home department (Sir James Graham)
slated last year ihere had been a great re
duction and diminution in crime. In 1842
there was a very alarming increase in ihe
number of commitments. In 1842, there
was a turn. The decrease in the number of
commitments remarkable in 1843 and 1844
has been continued in 1845, for the total
number in 1845 was 24,237, being 2,237
less than in the lowest preceding year,
namely, 1842. There was a decrease in
1843 of per cent, upon the crime of the
preceding year; and in 1844 there was a
decrease of 10 3-10 per cent., and in 1845 of
5 1-2 per cent. All this has been in the face
of an increasing revenue. (Hear, hear.)
The decrease of crime in the last year has
been in all the chief manufacturing districts;
but not only in all the chief manufacturing
districts, but, with the exception of five, there
has been a corresponding and almost abso
lute decrease in all the chief agricultural
districts. (Hear, hear.) What is the state
of Wales now, for instance 1 Why, in
Wales the decrease of commitments has
been more remarkable than in any other part
of the country. (Loud cheers,) Now for
crimes connected with sedition, discontent
and disaffection against the government.
Why I may say that in the last two years the
attorney general’s office in this* respect has
been a sinecure (hear, hear,) for there has
not been a single prosecution within the last
two years, I believe, but I am certain there
as not in the la9f, for any offence*)^this
nature, (hear* hear.) The govegjflrftu ) las
no right to take credit for lenity as tfislfiguse
of this, because tt is owing to the fact t lialtht
crime of sedition has not existed, (hear, hear)
In the years 1840,1841, and 1842, and I
bee the house to listen to this statement se
riously, (hear, hear)—in these three years,
1840, 1841, and 1842, no less than 1,257*
persons were committed upon charges of
seditious and riotous offences; whilst j n
1843, 1844, and 1845, there were only J 24
persons committed, instead of 1,257; and in.
deed in the last year, 1845, as I said before,
Ido not believe there was a single person
committed, (hear,) In 1545 there were 42*
persons sentenced to tiansportation less than
in 1843 ; and in the last three years there
were 1701 persons less sentenced to trans
portation than in the preceding years, (hear,
hear.) Now this has been during a period
of comparative abundance and of low price?,
(loud cries of “hear.’*) And I ask again, ig
it possible to resist the inference that em
ployment, low prices, qnd comparative abun
dance, contribute to the diminution of crime,
(applause?) These then, are great social
interests, which I will not say have been pro
moted, but I will say they have progressed
concurrently with the diminution of protec
tion to domestic industry, and with compara
tive abundance ; and I ask, have these ad
vantages been purchased by any serious det
riment to that great interest whose welfare
ought also to be the object of our concern,
the agricultural interest ? Protection to them
has been diminished, (hear, hear.) I have
been the object of repeated accusations arid
attacks for removing that protection ; and
deeply do I regreLif those great social advan
tages so which I have referred have been ac
companied, in consequence of the diminution
of protection with any serious injury to the
agricultural interest, (hear, hear.) Let us,
however, see what has been the result ; and
let us take the four great articles, in refer
ence to which there Ira's been and diminution
of protection, (hear, hear.) Foreign. fl ax is
now admitted duty free into this coi\* r y •
what remained of duly upon it was reinowj
last year. There- is, therefore, a pcrfccV/y
unrestricted importation of foreign flax, fi-f
1344, the duty upon foreign flax was £lO
14s. 6d per ton : it is now absolutely noth
ing. Since that protection lias been remov
ed, what has been the price of flax in the
Irish market, that is, since IS4I. The
pi ice of fine flax at Belfast was as follows :
In 1843 from 655. to 675.
I 1844 from 635. to 68s.
In 1345 from 645. to 68s.
[hear, bear,] and in January, 1547, this pre
sent month, the price of Irish flax—fine iri.-h
flax—in the Belfast market, was from 70 a
to Bs. [loud cries of “hear, hear.”] Them
was no reduction that caused so much alarm
and by alarm did so much injury 1 admit, as
the removal of the absolute prohibition upon
ihe importation of foreign eat’le [hear, hear]
The proposition to import at a very low rate
of duty foreign cattle and swine was nccoiik
panied by predictions [cries of “OhL”J that
>erious loss and injury would thereby be in
flicted upon the agriculturist, and 1 deeply
regret to this day tire consequences of tho
p inic that then arose. But has serious in
jury been inflicted by the measures 1 took
in 1842 (hear, hear.) There was before
an absolute prohibition; there is now a Jow
rate of duty. 1 must first admit there has
t'een a gradual increase in the importations;
and now I want to know if, concurrently with
the increase of importa’ioas, there had been
an increase in price over the domestic arti
cle? In 1813 there were 1,019 oxen an I
cows imported into this country; in. 1811, 2,-
880 oxen and c >ws; and in eleven months
only in the last year, 1845, ending 5 h De
cember, there were not less than 15 f)0(J
(hear.) The number of sheep impoi ted ha?
increased from 190 in 1843 10 112,000 last
year. Have prices in this country been af
fected in any corresponding degree by these
importations? JnU44lhe contract price
for salt beef for the royal navy was £3 18s.
5d.; but the contract for the corning year,
entered into in December, 1345, I regret to
say was, £6 Bs. Bd. (hear, hear.) The salt
pork which was contracted for in 1614 at
£3 15s lOd the tierce, was contracted for in
1845 at £6 12s 4d. (hear, hear.) The con
tract price for fresh beef for the navy, in 1S ‘4,
was £1 16s. S J.; in 1845, it was £2 2s. 2J.
And all this increase in price has been con
current with an immense increase in impor
tations (hear, hear.) The prophecy was, if T
recollect it, tiiat there would be 3,500,0.90
pigs introduced, but look at the salt pork
rising from £3 15s. 10J. to £9 12s. 4d., and
I think about 4,000 swine have heen tinpor
ted (hear, hear.) There was 110 article
which I touched last year that caused so
much apprehension as the article of lard,
(hear, hear.) tbeauty or. lard
was absolutely
were only 07 cvvt of {ere%M\ard brought in
to this country. In was re
duced by the tariff’ frorySs. to per cal,,
which was a great redi ction. The follow
ing are the importations since 1842:
1843 48,212 cwt.
1844 76,000 “
1845 80,000 “
(hear.) And what has been the price of
lard?
In 1844 383. perewt.
1845 675. “
Jan. 1846 52.-*.
[Hear, hear.] And all this notwithstanding
the enormous importations [loud cheers.] —
There is one olher article of gre.it impor
tance which has been seriously affected by
the reduction to which I shall recur, and
that is the article of wool [hear, hear.] We
proposed in 1844 that the duty upon loreign
wool should be altogether annihilated—that
there should be no duty, it was certainly
more in deputations than in this house that
any objection was strenuously urged to the
wool grower from the reduction of the duty
on foreigh wool. Here again there has bceu
an enormous increase in the imports.—
In 1842 there were 46,880,009 pounds
of foreign wool brought into this mar
ket; in 1544, 65,790,000 pounds; and in
ten months of the last year, I am bouud to
admit, there has been no le6s than £5,214,-
000 lbs. of foreign wool biought in, in con
sequence of the reduction of the duty (hear,
hear.) Now, what has been the reduction
in price? In 1842, the price of Southdown
wool, when there was a duty upon foreign
was lid., of long wool 10d.j in 1843, the
price of Southdown was ll£d.; of long wool
lid; in 1844, the price of Southdown was Is.
3d., and of Jong wool Is. 2d. also [hear,
hear.] In December, 1845, eighteen mortbs
after the total reduction of the duty, the price
of Southdown wool rose from lid., the price
in 1842, to is. 4£d. The average price in.
December, 1845, of Southdown, was 25.4d.,
and of long wool, Is. 2d. [beat hear.] Such
have been the effects of this reduction,
made tn 1842, so far as domestic agriculture
is concerned. [Cheers.] I think, as far at*
we have had experience within the last four
years, I have shown that, by the removal of
protection, domestic industry and the great
social interests of the countiy have been pro
moted, crime has diminished, and morality
has been improved, I cau briDg the most con
clusive proof that the public health has been
improved, yet the national trade has been
extending, our exports have increased; and
this—l rejoice in it—has been effected not
only without serious injury to those interests
from which protection wa9 withdrawn, but I
think I have shown that it has been concur
rent with an increase in the prices of those
articles. [Cheers.] It is right I shoult)
state that, notwithstanding the conviction* 1 *
which this experience lias brought home to
rny mind, my decided impression was upon
every ground, that the charge of reconsiacr--
ing the corn-laws ought not to have devolv-