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SPEECH OF fIOS. S. JONES,
CF GEORGIA.
ON TUB OREGON QUESTION.
Delivered in the Haute of Representatives,
January 15, 1846, on the Reso
lution f>r terminating the jmnt occupation
of Oregon.
Be lore proceed me, Mr. Jores, being in
formed by the Chairman that a mourn to
mend was aol in order, sent the follow lag
resolution *0 the Clerk’s tabic ; which at ha
request was read by the Cieik :
m Resolved, That the people of the United
• Stales have fu 1 rehar.ee upon the discre
• tion. the patnotisni, and the wisdom of the
• President, and these advisers whom the 1
• CoastTtot’ofl has placed around him ; and
• !*>e wt’.t'-, should negotiation ha renewed,
• to aubm.i las rights of the L'uiled States to
• an care, management, aad protection, with
4 an entire and abiding confidence that those
• rights. the honor and best interests of the
• United Stages, unit be sustained, defended,
• and protected.”
It • c 7 intention, Mr. Chairman, to vote
forth-? resolution offered by the Committee
>o Fore gn Alfa rs, a** proposed to be amend
ed by the chairman of that co niniitee ; and [
shall (ffer the resolution which has just been
read as an additional section, by way of
iSiCuu meat.
It is due ‘a myself and my constituent®, as
wed as 10 th:s House, thu; my reusous should
be g;vo for this course, and i shall now pro
ceed to do SOL
Lines- Oi. r title to Oregon be good and
sets; rent, it would be improper to vote for
‘.nil reso-ut.< u. But, on the other baud, if
we nave the heat title to ih it territory, hut
one coarse is left, and that is, to give the
notice, tearless of consequences.
I: cannot be denied tnat Spain made the
firs: c scover.es ou me western shore of tins
continent; and, by discovery, had the rignt
of settlement. lam free Jo admit this right
cf eer lenient, growing out of discovery, cuuid
coly endure lor a reasonable time ; and if it
were not unproved within a reasonable time,
any oiher oaiiou might, by actual settlement,
hat is, reclaim.ng the wdj lauds by culti
vation, umidtag up eities, &c.: anti not by
hitting and hunting, and erecting temporary
huts for those purposes oniy.) deprive Spam
it the right oi and tscovery, and oolaia a better
t.de—that by settlement- Has England or
any other nation made any such settlements
ia any part oi the Oregon territory, (except
ui the valley of the Columbia, to which 1
w.il presently call your attention,) ao as to
deprive dpaiu of her right by discovery ? 1
ihmi uot. Cauany gentleman oa this floor
point to ihe place wnere any nation bas
made any eett.emeiit winch would deprive
Spa,a ol ‘bat right ! I know ot none ; for i
do not call fishing and hinting hois, to pro
tact seal-ski aad peltry, such settlements.
I refer particularly to that part of the lerr . lo
ry above 4J degree ; tor l shaii contend and
show taat the United States is the only na
tion that had interfered with tins right cf
Spin, by discovery of the mouth ot the Col
umbia, aad the exploraion and sett lenient of
the valley cf that great river of the nrest.
Spam, then, having acquired the right of set
tlement bv discovery, by the convention cr
treaty cf i transferred ail her rights to the
United States.
But we are told, that before the treaty cf
1819 she had parted with some of those
rights, anti transferred them to England by
tae treaty of the Eoeuriai, commonly called
the N-..iku sound convention. \Va will
examine ih.s presently. 8/ Uio settlement
cf Canada on the Atlantic, France clriroed
lre r ght by continuity to ail the land to the
Pacific ccean ; and by the settlement- of the
English provinces south of Canada, England
claimed by continuity the neat of territory
also to tae Pacific ; and ehe asserted anil
j Tibocied this claim in the -everal charersio
her American provinces, by grintm?, in ex
prose term®, the whole territory bounded on
t;ie west by the Pacific ocean, la he war
commonly called the “Oi l French War,”
*vh ch was closed dv the treaty ot 176 J,
Canada was captured by Great Britain, and
France ceded to England fol her right to that
prov.nce east oftne Mississippi, and Engl and
ceded to France all her rgnt west ot that
river on tne Pac fie, not only to tiiat of Cana
da which France claimed ay continuity, but
to all tlie ter iito ry which England claimed
by continuity as appended to her American
provinces, f shall nut stop here to inquire
Was her th s right by continuity, claimed by
EngiauJ, be good or nad—-that is not impor
tant; ihe ceded aii her rig it to France and
sue s now oarred— as we would say in law
trapped —from settingup any claim against
France and those claiming under her. In
the treaty of IsO.S, France ceded to the Uni
ted Stales all her rights : and Spain alone
reuiaiiiirw to contest the rights acquired by
that trea y from France, iu 1819 the rights of
Spam were added to those acquired from
France, and houi became vested in the Uni
ted Crates. It may be urged mat England
:.ud ao t.tie to any par*, of Oregon in 1763 ;
t ut she claim* by right of discovery and set
tlement since tnat time. That uiuy be so.
B . . s;r, ..aving made the cession of ail claims
to France in 1763, sue ceul. not afterwards,
iaeq i.iyaad jusuce, acquire any rights in
coq ravention of the r ghts of France, and
sue gas net, in point o? iact, done so.
Sptin having first acquired the r ; gbt by
discovery, no subsequent right by discovery
can be set up ; and England never has ac
qu red a right by actual settlement—she
never has made settlements north of 49 deg.,
and her settlements in the vaiiey of the Coi-
Uuib a were posterior to those ct the United
estate*, s I mil preseutly show.) and coaid
not, therefore, c restitute any title. Being
without title, either Ly discovery or settle
ment, to any pari of Oregon, she invokes the
atd ot tii * Noetka convention ; and this natu
rally brings us to ihe consideration of the
stipulations ot that convention, a.id the rights
vrquited jy England under it. By the terms
of that convention, the subjects of Great Brit
ain were authorized to land *‘cn the coasts of
• those seas, in places not already occupied,
‘far the purpose of carrying on iktir com
‘ merce wi’k the mines of the country , or of
’ making S e':. merits there.'* It is a sound
principle that “tnclusio uniusest exclusio oute
ritts —the insertion of certa.n and specified
purposes exc.udes all others, and that the
right given ot trading with the natives does
not g ; ve any claim to territory, jurisdiction,
and sovereignty. The claim of England,
then, under the N'ootka convention, can only
extend by the stipulations of the convention
to the purposes of settlement and trade, and
cmuot extend to the right of soil, jur sd et on,
aad sovereignty. Having thus entered into
this conven'ion, and made their settlements
for the purpose of trade with Uio natives, all
the improvements or settlements made by
Eagi :p subjects since that time must be
considered as made under that treaty, in ac
cordance with aa-J to carry out the purposes
aileged a that treaty, and caaadd uot.h.ag to
tae rights of England.
If a man bycc itract with me enters and |
remans in possession of my land for purposes i
•pecided in the contract, bis pcssessioa and j
improvements can aevar ripen into a title; j
whiie u he had entered Without permission !
and held adversely to my title, long cootinued j
possession aad improvements inigutgive him j
a gt>od ard mdereasib.'e title. So, sir, Eng-!
laud having made ad her improvements lor !
tae purposes of hunting, dshmg, aad tradmgj
with the native?, under the Nootki conven
tion, cau never insist on them tor any other |
purpose, aad can never bring any aid to her |
es um nnder that eouvention, b;/ the set:le-l
ri-enfs that any have since been mad?. Eu
;'md, n.en, having no rghtfui cl dm to Ore-’
gon by discovery, cau set up none by settle- J
meut under the Nuotka coo vent ion, asall ;
uixla umicr that coavotitui were tor tl^ ’
purposes of setUement and txada with the
natives.
Again : the Nootka convention was en
tered into in 1760, and England and Swain
went to war in 1796, and by war all treaties
bet Ben the parties are abtogated. While
this is not dented as a general principle by
the English Minister, it is contended this
treaty recognised or ceded to England certain
rights of sod, jurisdiction and sovereignty;
in other words, tnat property in the country :
was admitted to be ittGreat Britain. There!
is nothing in the stipulations of the treaty]
wh.ch wlit warrant such a conclusion. Ba-l
gland was authorized to land in all places!
; not already occluded, “for the purpose of car- j
’ rying on commerce wita the natives of the!
i country, or of making sett emeats there;”;
’ and tina agreement neither adds to nor di
minishes the t tie which she nad hercre thatj
treaty. If she had a good title before that:
. time, that treaty does cot impair it; if she’
; had a had title, it dons not strengthen it;
i and if s;,e had no tide, it does net give her
j one, other than “for the purpose of carrying
i ..n commerce with the natives of the cuua'ry
j and of making settlements there.” There
; fore, accord ng to iuieruatiooai law, that trea
itv was abrogated by the war of 1796. This
principle of international law cannot be de
; ined by Great Britain, i-ihe has coutendeu
.at it the United Stales. By the
■ treaty of 1754, we had the right to dali on
| tue Banks of Newfouudiand, and to erect
‘estab ishments for the curing of Ash, cac.
By tiie war of Lci2, Great Britain contended
that the stipulations of the treaty securing
these rights were abrogated, and the pleni
potentiaries of lire United Suites, acting np
|on the Amer can principle of ‘‘demanding
j nothing that is vvrong,” admitted the princi
■ pie. and subm.tted to less advantageous eon
| ditioas ihan we had under the treaty of 1783.
; The treaty ol the Escurinl being then abro
’ gate.l by the war of 1796, England was
thrown back on the rights she possessed be
; fore the Mootka convention ; and before that
; she had neither the right ot discovery nor of
settlement,
The only nation which could interfere with
the right of discovery belonging to Spam, is
j the United States, by the discovery of ihe
: Co umbia river, the exploration cf that river
and its tributaries, and the settlement made
|by American citizens at its mouth. In 1789,
j Captain Gray first ascertained tne existence
|of tue river ;.m i79ti he entered the mou'ii
] and sailed some miles up the river, trading
! w’th the natives ; and in 1805-6, Lewis and
i Clarke explored it by order of Mr. Jefferson,
! then President of the United States, in
1810, a settlement (Astora) was made by
citizens of the United Stales. So far as the
valley of the Columbia was concerned, and
indeed all the country drained by that river
and i’s tributaries, according to the laws of
nations, the United States aicne had the
right to contest tne right of Spain acquired by
discov ry. It may be alleged that England
has also made settlements in the vaiiey of
the Columbia. This will not be denied;
but it confers no righh As no sobsequest
discovery can destroy the sight of Spain by
discovery, so no subsequent settlement can
injure or destroy the right, by settlement,
first acquired by the United States. And in
j further confirmation arid completion of tins
L ight of the United Stales, her citizen* have
j continually migrated and populated that
! country since tiiat time, and iu later years
! nor. by scores arid hundreds,but by thousands;
land now more than eighteenths were and
j are citizens of these United States.
I Without ad-mitring tnat a sufficient title
; has not been demonstrated to the whole
j country, lam willing to meet gentlemen,
j wire uggest douot& as to our tale, on tiiair
j own ground ; and I will ask if any ir.au in
i this House is prepared to deny that we have
the better title to tire whole territory 1
j It has not been dented by the English
‘minister that the title of the United S; ares is
Anally valid with that of England. Lord
) Cisciereagh “ad mitred, in the most ample
! extent, our right tube reiiuiated,' ’ (in posses
sion,) and io be tils; paiity in possession
wau.a TEEAirNG- of the riTLs f’ and Mr.
i Puiteuham urges the division proposed by
I urn on the grounds of <v ctrs-.ity aad coave
| nience to the interest of Great Britain. No
at iter na'iou than the United States can put
up a decent claim to that co m'ry. unless Eng
iaiid, iri the language of mvcoileague [Mr.
ruomnaj has the right to be considered the
residuary legatee from Adam, to ail n.e
canh to which ao oiher nat.on can show ihe
i best possible and periect title ; and that she
’ has the rij-ht. therefore, to order us, ex cathe
dra, to deliver the possession tuber. This
imperative language had been used to her
j youthful in 1776. Those colonies
.lad grwn iitvo uianL'.<od, ac.t a .der i;er fos
tering care, but by her negiect; and when
I their strength was oniy three millions, show
! ed that the Anglc-Gaxan blood was unproved
jby tue spirit us Liberty, and proved to tne
I weria that
j “Thirceisshe armed that hath his quarrel just;
j And he but na*t:d. thougii .j>:k Uup ui steel,
I VVhcst; conscience wi.h inj.’suce corrutile J. M
We then defied the g'.-antic power and
i ccuntUsSS weal'll of Britain; and shall we
: now cower belore her Irowns, when our pop
; lation numbers twenty oiiilions?
j While our right to tire country has not
| been denied, we have been to ; d of the im
mense strength and power of England, ffi’
the vastness of her resources, of her wur
3earners, her liue-of-batile ships, and all the
vast armament which catches every breeze
and whitens every sea, and by which she has
assumed to call herself mistress of tire ceeaa
f can ts little fear the’ power of England as
this House did, at the last session, fear the
impoteucy of Mexico. You u.d not besitaie
to annex Tex as (even to the Lire Grande) to
the Uni; dcsp.te the remonstrances of .Mex
ico; why new hesitate to g ve the notice, re
g ard less of the growling cf the Bnr.sh lion?
For my part, ‘*i much prefer to rouse the
lioa than to start a bare.” 1 love a “Leman
V7..r:f r ci our steel,” and would sooner throw
, the gage of battle to prouu, and haughty, and
powerful E.ighuJ, than to bullying, and biaa
riering, ar.fi impotent Mexico.
The next quesi ioQ for cur consideration
is, lire propriety of giving notice to 3. gland
aad tire consequences which may fo.i. vv.—
And here I wish it distiacJy uudersteed that
. having ascertained what the honor and best
, interests of our country demand and requrie,
I am almost wholly regardless cf consequen
ces. i hepeop e whom I have the honor to
represent would spuru me from their cod fi
de nee with coat err p f , were 1 to place iu the
j scale the danger cf a contest with England
| against the hauo.* aad interests of the United
j States.
L*t us, then, inquire whether the mice
ought to be given. The President has tc id
|as that our proposition has been rejected
;and withdrawn; and that this rejection, and
| the exirahrdinary and wholly inadmissible
j demands of the British Government. *• ailorJ
! satisfactory evidence that no compronyse
| which the United States ought to accept can
Ibe etfccted.*’ Can we oiler to renew the
! negotiations'under these circumstances? And
jlt we were to do so. can we expect any other
[answer than the one we have already re-
Iceived, ahd that, too, more haughtily ex
[ pressed. 7 Have we any reason to believe the
uiruti sos the English ministers have chang
changed, and that they now accept what they
have before so promptly—not to say rudely
—rejected: If any such exist, I have yet to
be informed of. them. Does the President
expect they will aecept any that we can af
ter, or that we can accept any they will ot
ter- He has told us, ia piaia and cistinb
terms, they will not; and locking over t.ie
whole subject-matter, and etschf rgicg the
h.ah duties imposed on hiru by the Const.-
tuTion, he has, without hesitation, aud with
aj ekriakiog &cm tko l ** e
office in which be baa been placed by the
people—the greatest in the world—advised
ua to direct hits to give the not.ee. Some gen*
tie urea are willing to Leave it to him. No, sir.
It properly belongs to us; and if, as some gen
tlemen fear.it will lead to war, the Constitution
mnphaUcaily requires U3 not to shrink from
feat responsibity, but fearlessly to determine
all questions of peace and war. It would
be a shameful abandonment of to re
quire the President to determine that ques-
I tion, that we might avoid the consequences,
I by te Ung our constitueats, “They cannot
say that we did it.” Again, sir: Alm >st eve
! ry gentleman wfm has addressed this House
j has expressed his conviction that cur title is
i good aud sufficreat, since the able ex
: oosition ot that title by cur Secreta
ries of State; and scarcely a man can be
lound, throughout the length and breadth
|of this land, that is not entirely satisfied ot
| *he goodness of that title. How, then, can
: we refuse tucarry out the judgement they
have pronounced, by taking possession of our
own property, so soon as a due regird to
treaty stipulations will permit? A tefusai
to do so so will involve us in this very un
pleasant dilemma: eitner we are not sincere
and do not believe the title to be good, or
tve are alraid to assert tjur rights against the
power ot Eagland; or, what id still worse,
that we fear to Lake upon ourselves the res
ponub.lity. From this there is no escape.
Let ue, then, determine for oarselves and our
constituency, whether tire notice shall be
gi van, aad direct the President accordingly.
We come now to inquire, not whether war
will follow our resolution to give the no ice
out whether it wul be a just and suffi
cient cause of war. Having satrified our
minds on this qnesrion, we have but one
course to pursue— -4 to go where duty calls
us; and vve snail be recreant tu our trust if
we fail to do so. By the convention of 1827,
it i3 expressly provided that either party may
terminate the joint occupancy by giving
twelve months’ notice, and it surely cannot be
! contended that it will be just cause of war to
| give notice in pursuance of the stipulations
jof the treaty. It iies been suggested that
j we should wait, and let England give the
! notice. Is it believed she wtii Uo so, or is
| there any man here or elsewhere prepared to
J say ii she were to give the notice it would
•be justifiable cause of war? I suppose not.
j Why, the", should vve believe it would be a
just and sufficient cause of war to her?—
] However, we are told,although the notice of
i itself would net be sufficient cause of war,
ret we are about to pass laws extending clv-
I ii and military protection over the territory
‘and inhabitants of Oregon. This is cectain
;ly tiue; and yet the passage of those laws
1 can be no cause of war. England has passed
; such laws more than twenty years ago, and
I ‘he United States have not declared war.—
The President and Congress have deemed
iiieta sufficient cause for war, or they have
tarnished the h0..0r and disgraced the Ameri
can name by basely and tamely submitting
to such humiliation.
While it cannot and will not be seriously
ee a tended that either or both these things
will be sufficient cause of war, there are
many wno will insist that England will go to
war; and almost in tire same breath hold
up, m terrorem her large standing army,
her extensive navy, and her immense mili
tary and naval armaments in every quarter
of tire globe. Sue has need for them all
where they are. She cannot withdraw her
lorces from India—from Irelanu —from the
slaud of Great Britain i’self; she needs
them all for ti e security of her India pos
sessions and in'ernai tranquility at home;
j and she has no force to spare for the con
quest of any part of the United States.—
Aud it had teen said we were unprepared
r-or war, and iu a defenceless situation. This
• mav be true. We are now much stronger
j i han we have been iu any war with England.
| la ‘7B she was little less powerful, in 1812.
! she was more powerful, than she is now.—
| Oar population has swelled to more than
■ twenty millions ; in 1812 we could not num
ber ruoie than eight, aad in 1776 vve had
only three mi lions. But 1 fear vve may be
iitmore weak and defenceless situation.—
Iriren we had stout hearts a::d strong aims,
and the battie cry was, “ Liberty or death.”
Now we have the whispers cf Gar even
within these wails. I fear vve may bo less
prepared, not in ships and in men and in all
the munitions of war, but that, our hearts
quad with fear at the prospect of a struggle
with the mighty power of England. I love
peace, and wou.d go as far to preserve peace
i — honorable peace— as any man ca bios flour.
! My cons duents have a deep interest in the
} preservation cf peace ; but, sir, they would
‘ despise me, and spuru their representative
i with scorn who would tell them he had se
cured peace bv the sacrifice of the rights
and the honor of his country, and that he
had prevented a war by yielding to the
i haughty demands cf Britain ail sire requir
ed. I cannot and will not do if.
We have been told el the wisdom and sa
gaci'y of the English ministers. It is upon
tills very w sdom and sagacity that rr.y opin
,on is predicated, that they will not go to
j war without just and suffi riant cans •. They
j arc w.se arid sagacious, and will, in the
| consideration of lire question of peace or
! war. uot confine themselves to Oregon, but
itakea survey of all the interests of Great
! Britain must certainly to be affected by the
(decision of it. Sir Robert Peel has oeen
j eurihatically styled the - balance-sheet min
ister,” for the reason that he has a due regard
:o the commerce of England—:he source cl
I her wealth aud power, the sintws of her
i strength; and ire vvfil ponder long ere he
i will consent to its entire destruction. I will
, not deny Great Britain can do a- almost in
j calculable injury. But she is by no means
; invulnerable. Ehe must surfer more in the
j Co.-diet than vve. Her victories, late those
jof Pyrrhus, will ruin her. Tue pressure
I aud tne calamities of wai may boar us down,
i and retard for a season our onward march,
bm tire reenperarive energies ci this young
i Llepub.tc will soon restore her. Not so
; wmi England. Break tire charm of her
| maritime power, and the mighty fabric of
| oer extended empire may crumble into rums.
In the sagacity and wisdom of her rntnie
; ters, we have an almost certain guaranty
That vvur will not immediately follow the.
, givi. g of notice, and that it will not be de
; ct a red, if ever, liii the expiration of twelve
| months. Site must have two crops of cotton
! vO keep her manufactories employed—the
one naiy being carried to her, and the one
which will be grown this year. 1 cannot
believe that Great Britain wJI go to war but
la the last extremity—not from fear, for she
i is a brave arid fearless uation ; she is too
; wise to sacrifice ail her important interests,;
j aud rush into a war for the acquisitiou of a:
; country to which she kuo.vs she has the;
; weaker tide; and in defence of that title,
> winch can only be defended by her arms.—
tine cannot and sire dues not expect to ac
■ quire any glory in a coulest with the United
\ Stitts.
C*n any man believe those wise and sa
gac.ous statesmen are prepared to turn loose
her thou sands of operatives from the work
shops and cottcn-raiiis into the streets to
starve, and add to her a ready (floated pau
perism! Are they willing to destroy her
manufactures ? to spread ruin and desolation
among her whole conimerehtl and shipping
interests ? Commerce is the source and
fountain of her wealth aad her power, aad
this is well understood by ail her leading
men. England doue, or rather,
what has she nut done, tor the advancement
and prctactiou of her commerce ? In ail
her laws, irer negotialion*, and her wars, she
ha - looked with an eye single to the promo
tiuQ of that darling and cherished interest
la peace and <a war she has never for a uio
riaeur ;cst eight of i'<; i&d when her aegotia
tors have failed, her admirals have used the
more mighty argument —!ine-ot-iiatt!e ships.
Without heaitatioo, she has violated her
treaties and the neutrality of other nations
in the captnreof the Danish fleet at Copen
hagen ; she imprinted a deep stain on her
national honor by chaining Napoleon, who
threw himseif into her arms for protection,
to the rock of SL Helena; and a foul blot
on her escutcheon, in forcing her opiatn upon
(he imbecile Chinese at the cannon’s mouth.
In barbaric ages, Tamerlane confined and
exhibited the captured Bajazet iu an iron
cage. In more civilized t Lines, Francis the
First, who lost ali but his honor at the bat
tie cf Pavia, was generously liberated by
Charles the Fifth T hut Christian, philan
thropic En?laud, deemed her-elf excusable,
for the advancement of commerce, to fo'low
the barbaric rather U.an the civilized exam
ple.
Will they be snrisfled to lose the carrying
trade of the world ! In ali her wars here
tofore, England has always been able to ob
tain soldiers from the Continent, and to retain
ihe carrying trade, for her contests have gen
erally beeiT with the continental nations ;
and she has always been abie to involve
some of them in the same contest who would
furnish the men, while her commerce ena
bled her to furnish the money. Now, she
must depend on her own men. and lose that
trade which poured millions into hertreasury
with which to subsidize the soldiers of other
naticas. A war with the United States will
deprive her of that trade; and though her
sails may catch every breeze, and whiten
every sea, they cannot escape the American
cruisers. They may fly to the uttermost
bounds of the sea, and even there the broad
stripes and bright stars will follow them.—
The high price cf insurance will force that,
trade into neutrals. Time was when the
loss of that trade would endure only with
tue war. Now, whan the commercial marine
of the continent has increased, through a
long peace, that trade once lost has departed
forever.
Again, str; are they prepared for an in
crease of her public debt? Will her capi
talists aad bankers agree to it? England
went out of the war with France with a debt
of £300,010.000, and thirty years of peace
has not reduced that enormous debt more
than £50,(.00,000; although every necessary
of fife—even the air they breathe—has been
taxed to exhaustion; and the haughty aris
tocracy has been compelled to disgorge its
overgrown weal h for the support of the coun
try. ~ Will they consent to lent! their money,
and swell to excess an already unwieldly
debt on the credit of a Government which
cau scarcely pay the interest of that already
accumulated? Or will the people of Eng
land or ean they, bear any increase of their
burdens'?
And where is Ireland, and what is her sit
uation? Can the British ministers veil their
eyes to it, when they know she wants but
the occasion cf war to enforce her demands?
Are Jiey prepared for unconditional repeal
oftiie Union, and to grant Ireland her own
parliament, with an equal participation in the
blessings of her Government? Or do they
believe, without these concessions, Ireland
will assist in the war, or even remain quiet,
and permit her to withdraw her troops and
send them to this country? No, sir : depend
upon it, the first gun discharged against an
American ship, an American battery, or an
American fort, will be the signal for the Irish
nation to rise, and, with the voice of authori
ty widen cannot be disobeyed, demand a re
dress of all her grievances.
And will Canada be salt? Bely upnn it,
the war will be fought i.i Canada. Are the
inhabitants of Upper Canada content with
English rule? VViii they not readily join
our standard, and strike for liberty, when they
know we are able to protect them? Will
Lower Canada linger behind her sister!—
Now, sir, l wish not to be misunderstood.—
Ido not desire to conquer Canada. I would
not if 1 could. I hope not to five to see the
day when the Government of the U. States
sha Ibe ex.ended by conquest. But i would
extend to them the blessings of our free in
sritutions, and invite them to par'.ake, and
my word for it, another annexation would
take place despite the diplomacy and the
cannon of England. Ail these things are
well known to England, and she fears them
too. She well knows she must seal her own
destruction by a war wi.h the United States,
which would only retard and not matenaliy
injure cm’ prosperity.
But if, under all mess circumstances, re
gardless cf all the consequences which must
follow in the train cf war, the English min
is; ers determine to resort to ihe ultima ratio
regwn —the artilery and the bayonet—we
snail have the proud consolation cf knowing
that we have discharged our duty; that we
have adhered to the maxim of the fearless,
lion-hearted Jackson, -to demand nothing
that is wrong, and to yield nothing that is
our right,” and that all the blood which may
be spilled in this dire contest must ire on the
skirts of England.
Mr. Chairman, there is one memorable
fact in the history of our Government, which
must fill the heart of every Amer can with
proud exukation—that we ive never com nit
tod an actot injustice &, oppression upon other
nat.ons.. While vve have been compelled to
demand indemnity lor spoi ations upon our
commerce and cur citizens in many in
stances, m no case has it ever been asked
for of us.
We need not fear that war will corns; but
:f it does, we ars ready lor tne contest. Let
out the clarion of war be sounded, and not
withstanding the diiierecces of opinion here
expressed, there will be but one opinion over
thia w hie-spread country. From the lakes
to the Rio del Norte, tnere wili be but one
voice, and oue heart, echoing the cry “Ah,
’us sweet, his sweet to die fur our country” ,
—that sentiment, imortaliZtd by the dying!
tongue of the noble Warren, the hero of Bun-i
kor Hill, the first sacrifice on the alter of his j
country.
Sir, l have heard with feelings of morti- j
Scat ion and regret, the declaration, on this I
door, that if we pass this resolution to give;
notice, England is obliged to declare war— :
that her honor doraunds it. This reminds |
me of that officious friendship which is some- 1
times miered, and induces seme persons, up
on a slight controversy, to beiieve that they
are obliged to fight. My hope and consola
tion are, that Str Robert Peel will not hear
ol them, or hearing will not heed them. li \
he were to act Iruui those suggestions, cr be j
influenced by those opinions, then he must
resort to arms; while, if left to tile promptings
of his own sagacity, and the interests cfEng
land, he will not disturb the general peace.
Whether peace or war ensue, we have the
proud satisfaction of knowing we have doue
our duty, and used every means to secure an
honuraole peace. But if me gates of Jaau3
must be thrown open, and war must come,
he hearts of the American people are ready
lor the conflict. Raise “high the banner of
our pride;” fling to the winds the broad
stripes and brignt stars, the glorious banner
o- r oar country; and every heart will respond
to the poet —
‘Ob, if liiere be within this eartfily sphere,
A u j ii, an uffering, fcteavea noidi dear,
’Tis lire iast abattoir liberty draws
From the heart that bleed* and breaks in her cause
kes, sir; the tree of liberty was pianted ia
the American Revolution; it was watered
by the tears and nourished by the blood of
our fathers; it has grown to be a great tree,
and the branches thereof will cover this whole
continent. I will not say the 30ns of the
sunny South—l will not make the invidious
distinction; bit t sav the North and the
South, the East ami the West —the sons of
the immortal heroes of tho Kevuluion—will
rally under its shadow, and defeud me stan
dard 0! our gantry with Uitux itvej, or, chug
ing to its branches, they wiii perish in its
ruins.
Sir, I have done; and to Him who holds the
the destinies of nations in hollow of His hand
—who gives not the race to the switt, nor
battle to the strong-'-with a firm reliance on
HLi diviee protection, most willingly do I
commit the fate of aor beloved country.
THE AMERICAN MINISTER AT PARIS.
Legation of the United States, £
Paris, Jan. 4, 1&46. j
Sir, —l have the honor to call the atten
tion of your excellency to the following par
agraph from the Loudon Times, of the Ist
instant:—
‘‘Mr. Calhoan and Mr. King stated in
their official correspondence, with an assu
rance that has never been equalled, that
they received from the K.ug of the French
a pledge that France would offer no opposi
tion to rhe work they had in hand. That
statement was utterly false; for, although
France, like England, did not conceive that
her interest in the province or State of Tex
as was sufficiently strong to justify a declar
ation or war against the aggressor, she did
protest, as energetically as England, against
the violation of those principles which are
the basis and the safeguard of international
relations,”
Upon the decency of such language, so
applied, or of the taste which tolerates it, it
is not my purpose to animadvert. This is
not the first time that the veracity of my
despatches, and of those of the late distin
guishad Secretary of State of the United
Stale?, has beeu assailed In the same quarter
in the terms of gross outrage. I would
continue to treat such calumnies with the
contempt they deserve, did they not receive
some sanction from their republication in
the Journal des Debats of this morniDg, a
paper winch if not official, is, from Ira char
acter and reiauoas, stamped with a certain
degree of authority. The respect which I
owe to myself, and still more that which is
due to my government, will not justify me
in permitting such charges, thus persisted in,
and thus re-produced, to pass any longer un
contradicted. The courtesies of private life,
not to apeak of those due public station,
must not be violated with continued impuni
ty.
Your Excellency will perceive that Mr.
Calhoun’s published despatch of the 12;h of
August, 1344, which is obviously referred to
in the paragraph copied by the Journal des
Debais, is egregiousiy perverted, so that the
charge of audacious falsehood, with which
that eminent statesman and my3elf are ao
coarsely stigmatized, rests, to say the least,
upon a rash misstatement
Noticing, in a summary, way, the infor
mation of my having received satisfactory
assurances that, though prelerring the inde
pendence of Texas, in no event would the
French government take steps in the slight
est degree hostile, or which would give to
the United Stales just cause of complaint,
the despatch referred to contains the follow
ing language:
“ I have laid your despatch, No. 1, before
the President, who instructs me to make
known to you that he Las read it with much
pleasure, especially the portion which re
lates to your cordial reception by the King,
and his assurance of friendly fee.ing towards
the United States. The President, in par
ticular, highly apprec'a’es the declaration of
the King, that in no event any steps would
be taken by his Government in the slightest
degree hostile, or which would give to the
United States just cause of complaint. It
was the more gratifying from the fact, that
our previous information was calculated to
make the impression that the government of
France was prepared to unite with Great
Britain in a joint protest against the annexa
tion of Texas, and a joint effort to induce
nur Government to withdraw the proposition
\o annex, on condition that Mexico should be
made to acknowledge her independence.—
He is happy to infer from your despatch that
the information, as far as it relates to
Fr nee, is, in ail probability, without foun
dation.”
To the joint effort tc induce Texas to
withdraw her proposition to annex, my des
patch had not alluded, anu I am not aware
that any protest, joint or stogie, against the
annexation of Texas, has ever beeu presen
ted to the American Government.
A little further on the preference enter
tained by the French Government for the
continued independence of Texas is alluded
to in these terms :
-44 Yua are right ia making the distinction
between the interest cf France and England
ia reference to Texas ; or, rather. I would
say, the apparent interest of the two coun
tries. France cannot possibly have any oth
er than commercial interest in desiring to
see her preserve her seperate independence,
whilst it is certain that England looks be
yond to political interest, to which she appa
rent iy attaches much importance.”
This despatch has now been before the
public for more than a year, and although
the subject of it has been relerred to in con
versations with your excellency, and has
been discussed iu the Chambers, when, if
my aiemory serves me well, both the con
certed and tue conjectured protest were dis
claimed, i have never received the slightest
information from the French government
that its statements were qunstioned. l’he j
positive allegations of the paragraph I have |
quoted, conveyed in character- ;
iatic coarseness, which shotjfnct lightly be i
appplied fc men who iiave*n etnineut and j
responsible stations iongjßssessed the con- i
fidence of and country,
having in a
leading under the eye of
the French goveijent, to remain silent any
longer were to an unworthy indif
leier.ee to private reputation as well as pub
lic consideration. The former has never be
fore been sJ: when Ahe latier can be
with impunity, I can longer serve my
country with advantage.
I feel it before giving a
public coniradictioryo at once I
to request your exiiency to enable me toi
3tate that they havfo no!, in the slightest de- j
gree, the authority or sanction of the French j
Government. Whatever feeling may have;
beeu exceed by recent political transactions j
I cannot but persuade myself that it wiil I
give your Excellency great pleasure prompt- j
iy to exonerate front sush unworthy accusa- i
tions a distinguished ctuzen, who has occu- 1
pied the most eminent stations, including
that ot V,ce President of the United States,
as weii as him who has the honur to be their
representative near his Majesty the King cut
the French.
I avail myself of ibis occasion to renew
to your Excellency the assurance us my high
consideration. WM. R. KING.
His Exce’lencv M. Guizot,
Minister of Foreign Affairs*
[translation.]
Department of Foreign Affairs Cabinet
( Private.)
Sir: 1 have received the letter which you
did me the honor to write (o me on the4thof
of th.s month, and [ hasten to reply to iu—
The Journal des Debais is not in any man
ner the organ of the Governmental th-* King,
whtcli cannot and should not, he considered
responsible for what is published therein,
whether from articles emanating froai that
journal itse.f, or those borrowed from foreign
journals. I add that in regard ia the ques
tion of Texas, at the same time that the Go
vernment of tho Ktag has pursued the course
watch seemed to :t in conformity with
the views of a w.ce policy and the
interests of France, ic never had, as
you have already received the assurance, the
’tutemica •© du^uything hoatus to th-j (Jai
ted States, or which might give to them a
just cause of complaint. I take pleasure in
repeating it o you.
Receive, I pray you. sir, the renewed as
surance of my high consul emu on.
GUIZOT.
Paris, Jnuary 9fh
Legation of the Unitel States, 7
Pans, Jan. 9> 1846. y
Sib: I have the honor to acknowledge
yout Excellency’s note of this morning.— .
My letter was not wrritten upon the assump
tion that the Journal de* Debais the
organ of the Government of hts Majesty*’ al
though, in the very article copied,!hat journal
qualified as is the “principle organ of the
French Government.” Its object, as stated,
was to vidicate my reputation, public & pri
vate, as grossly assailed under the very eye of
the French Government, in a place and form
which gave to the calumny a certain degree
of authority before the world. I presume
therefore, that in making your note “private”
(particulier) it is not intended by your Ex
cellency that it is not to be used by me in any
manner which I might think proper to attain
that end.
I avail myself cf this occasion to renew
to your Excellency the assurance of my high
consideration. WM. R. KING.
His Excellency M. Guizot,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
FRANCE AND THE ANNEXATION OF
TEXA3.
The following communication from M.
Guizot on this subject, will be read with
interest
1 Texas. —No. 7.
•M. Guiz'it to Count de Sainte Atdaire, at
London.
‘Paris, Jan., 20. 1844.
’ Monsieur le Comte, —Lord Cowley has
read to me a despatch, written to him by
Lord Aberdeen, on the project termed at
Washington of preparing the annexation of
Texas to the United States’ Confederacy.
The principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs
expressed in that despatch the wish to know
if the King’s Government be disposed to
furnish its Envoy to the United States with
instructions similar to those which the Bri
tannic Envoy will receive to manifest the
opposition ot his Government to such a
project. You may announce to Lord Aber
deen that I shall write to the same effect to
M. Pageot. Texas having been acknowl
edged as independent by several of the great
Powers, and particularly by that which now
seems inclined to absorb it, it is evident that
we have a right to appreciate the act which
would annihilate that independence, and to
urge the objections to which it may give
rise, as respects either right or interests.—
Those objections are numerous. It is known
that, even in the United States, the wish lor
the annexation in question is far from being
unanimous. If the slave states are very
anxious for it, in order to subject to a system
of Customs’ duties, by which they are
hound, a country whose commercial compe
tition they dread, and, above all, to secure
to themselves, by the acquisition of an aily,
a preponderance in the cuulederacy, the other
states would, by a natural consequence,
view it with extreme repugnance; and
though it behoves us not to meddle with
that internal contention, the consideration on
which it rests is not of a nature to make us
lean to the side of the partisans of the an
nexation. Ourdirect information from Texas
seems, besides, to prove that the majority of
the Texian people are contrary to it, and
that the thought of it is energetically rejec
ted by the existing GoverumenL It is
therefore, only by the aid of violence, more
or less avowed, or more or less disguised,
that it could be accomplished ; and, 1 repeat
it, it would in no respect suit us io accept
such a change without opposition.’
‘ M. Guizot to M. Pageot, at Washington.
* Feb. 10, 1844.
‘Sir, —I have received the despatches you
have addressed me unto No. fc6, and tire
date of the 28th of December last.
4 What President Tyler’s Message has
• disclosed, respecting the projects of the
Federal Government, regarding ihe annexa
tion ol Texas to the Uuited States, and
what you have written to me about it, could
not fail to attract my serious attention. That
of the London Cabinet is not leas excited as
to this question, as you will find by the ac
companying cupy of a despatch I addressed
on the 29th of January to Count de Bt. Au
laire, in communication made to me by Lord
Aberdeen,, through the medium of Lord
Cowley. This communication referred to
the opposition which the English Govern
ment proposed offering to any project of in
corporating Texas with the Uou'ederaey’s
territory, as well as to the instructions lobe
forwarded to Mr. Pakeiiham. Lord Aber
deen having wished to know whether we had
the same intentions, l have desired Count de
St. Aulaire to inform him that you would
receive similar instructions.
4 The last reports from the French Lega
tion in Texas, whilst informing me of the
efforts of the Washington Government and
its representatives at Austin, to forward an
nexation, represented President Houston as
energetically opposed to any arrangement of
that description and protesting that nothing oj
the kind should Lake place so long as he should
direct affairs. The language held here by
Mr. Ashbel Smith is not Less explicit. —
Nevertheless, it be hemes us to know whether
bolh faithfully expressthe opinion and w ishes j
of Texas, and whether the question of the |
annexation to the States ol me Confedera
cy, if agitated in the Texian Congress,
would not be affirmatively resolved on there.
That annexation would be law fully justifia
ble, but only rn the event of its being volun
tary, and not the result of violence on the
part of the United States—and with us, as
well as with England, it is, above all, on the
resistance of the majority of the Texan
people to the accomplishment cf such a
project, that the opposition we should mani
fest would be founded. But, I shall add,
that even should the- annexation be voluntary
and freely assented to ou tho part of Texas
considerations, both political and commercial,
wuuld not permit us to view it with differ
ence ; and that, under all circumstances, w’e
must wish that that couutry remain indepen
dent.
4 In a political point of view a real interest
of equilibrium is connected with the preser
vation of that independence. The annexa
tion of Texas, by extending the United
States territory to the Rio Grande, would
produce the immediate consequence of
bringing them in contact w ith Mexico—that
is to say, afford them the means of invading
and encroaching upon the country whenever
they pleased. Now, it canaot suit us to see
that barrier fail; every thing leads us to
desire that a confederacy as powerful as that
of the Un.ied States remain at a distance
from the Mexican frontier, by the interposi
tion of a state, also formed, it is true, of an
Anglo Saxon race, but still, and for a long
time to come, feeble enough not to justify
the same tear, whilst it would still sufficient
ly fu fil its destination of opposing the inva
sions of that confederacy.
‘ In a commercial point of view we have
also reasoas tor desiring the mainteuance of
the independence of Texas. Futurity has
chances which we must not lose sight of;
and, lrom this moment, we might find in tne
Texas colonists a progressive element of
exportation, and, above real **a!i.nent’*
for oar direct an advautage
which we have not, and Jan scarcely expect
from the Uuited Stales^
4 Lastly, Btr, for tip very reason that
1* ranee ot tlte European
Powers to ul
T“Xflu.Jaud to cvjmect ttselfwiWhxt repub
lic by a treaty 6f afAtty and commerce, doe#
it not, as it were, behove fcur dignity t>*ee
that what we have so solemnly acknowled
ged he respected and preserved t
4 From, all these considerations we most
be naturally opposed to any project ler.tfihg
to- the absorption of Texas by tfte Un.tttt
States. I know not what the tenor any b
of the instructions sent from London K> Mr.
Paketiham, and consequently how far th*
English Cabinet intends carrying the manN
testation and consequences of its opposition 7
but,
4 1 say enough as coocernaus not to let
you be mistaken as to the attitude you are
to assume, and ihe language yo are to hold.
We manliest our opposition to my v olent
and forced annexation of Texas to. the Urn.,
ted Etaies. and even should that Republic
spontaneously prouounce itself, as the news
papers announce, you would still have to
express yourself in sueli way as to make it
known and well recorded by the federal
Government, that we canEot behold with
ind.fference such an occurrence j and that
in the event of its taking place, we could
not dispense with very expressly making
every lawful reserve as to the alterations that
would result in the position, and advantages
our treaty with the Texan Rppxtlic has
yielded us in that country. I, howewfr,
confide in your judgment and experience,
and you will, besides, be enabled tu come t>
an understanding with Mr. Fakeuuara, as to
this object, w a.ch is common to the two lega
tions.’
CITT OF COLUMBCS.
mrO'l KJh. la hereby given mat on and alter ihe lat
jLvl day ot'July next, uothiug will be received ia
payment of Bridge Toll or Taxes, hut the bills of
the City Council of Columbus, Specie or ihe bills of
Specie paving Banka. By areer of the City Council
ot Columbus
GiiO. VV. TURRENTTNE. city Treasurer.
Council Ciiumbr,March 10, IS4&. “ 12-^lm.
TAKE NOTICE !
BOOKS SELLING OUT.
i. nr. tassox, & 00.
Respectfully inform the public that they
have v*i lefi, an assortment of valuable Mi*
celluneous Books ns well as a good assortment of
School Books, and stationery of every description,
which we wi.N sell ut New York priixs, hH are de
termined to di.-pnse ol our entire stock this Spiif*.
March 13, lc>4s. IT
CHEAP BOOK STORE.
Still remaii&ig at the old stand, just above the
% Market.
CHEAP indsnas you will see from the follow
rinintv’s Grammar iftd Smith's
Smiley’s AnilnneiuHu cents.
Smith’* Geogmphy flfc Adas
25 Quit's, a good for 5 cents.
5 Quills fir cent,
Fme ea<b.
Sim.li quawr 5 cents each.
Letter quires for Bwq s, 7$ cunts per qjr'.
Paper that writes weH.
Also, 1,000 vtStime*
selling at and less than New York Cost.
What friend to literature, will nor cheerlutly errt*’
Rratulate us in view of the fucL tfou the Che |V
Booh Store is thus able to outstrip air competition,
and s.i well to *ust iu i r 3'character, not by loud pi<f
fessions but ov actual selling paces as emphatically
the Cheap Book Store.’’
GEORGE DUNHAM.
March IS, 1848. IJ— It
THE
OGLETHORPE HOUSE.
Tlild Establishment is now under the manage
ment of ihe undersigned, and he assuies ‘ho
public he will cave nothing undone, that tny be in
lltt* power, to secure their comfort.
tiis rooms shall he rendered comfortable—his ta
ble shall be supplied with the very best the market
ariords—his servants shall be attentive and polite.
Stage travellers will be nx re conveniently focaieif
in this IB s ihun hi any other in the city.
The Po.-t Ollfoe is a room of the Hotel, where eve
ry si age is obliged to stop to deliver and tteeivu tho
marls—and near the very centre of ihe city.
The (hi.owing reduced rates wdi be charged >
Board and Lodging per tumuli, S2O
B< ard per month, 14
Boar-t per week, 7
Supper, Breakfast and Lodging, 4
Single Meal, 50 cunts.
Fires and Candles Extra.
No charge for servants.
Man and Horse for the night, $r 50
R.L BAtari,
Laic of die Cur Hotel.
March 13. 1943. * 12—if
To HOTEXi & STUAOTBOAT FRO
paisToas.
Mason’s Patent Ironstone China.
fHAHfci subscribers, having beta appoint'd Agents
JL by the pat-en'Ce for the sale of this nnequalled
ware, f.rthe On-led Slates, are fully prepared to
execute any orders from WHOLESALE DEAL
ERS in other cities, or Hotee amt Steamboat
Proprietors ; and would beg to refer to Hie acrooi
panying testimonials rfihc quality and peculiarJiln r*
of this article h r Hjtel and Steamboat uie; and
wouid add, erre of its excvliercies is, that it does
not become rfiscoloredwhv* chipped, Eke oth< r Ear
then or St..lie Ware.
They brave also on hand a general assortment of
Chinn Gl'tm and E art ken n: nr; suit ble for the Cown -
try Trade, which they will sell low for cash or appro
ved credit.
TTMOTFIY T. KFSSAM& SON.
N;m-York, Mar h, 1815, 145 Maiden Lane.
We,.the subscribers, have furr.isned our Ho’cls
with “ MASONri PATENT IKON STONE
CSINA,” imported by T. T. Kt>nAji & Cos and
grve it a preference over tvery oihei kind of China
nr Earthen Ware. of great strength and du
rability, it combines economy wi.h neatness of up
pearar ce, and we cheerfully recomm< nd it as be rig
tieiier adapted io Hotel purposes, than any other a.-
tide now in use.
New York, January, 1839.
BoTDk-V, Ct.LEMAW & Stet OX Attor HottseJ
V\ w. B. CozzK-XS, American Hotel.
Elakx & Rb ED W 7 avert y I Trust. ‘
Ha vei & The idtei.l Franklin Hours.
John 11. G.irdser * Co- City H tel.
Jour M. Flint, Pearl street House
| V. B. Since the above testimonials we e Pun? he' 1 ,
all these establishments have continued its use, wnh
all the principal Hotels in Boston. And more re
cently have furnished, wholly or in part, the following
Hotels, and several new lake and river steamers.
St. Charles Hotel, Now-OrlCans, Messrs. Mora*
Ik Wir.sow.
Galt House. Louisville. f\y., Mr. Isaac Everitt
Exchange Hotel, UiLdimund. Va , Mr K. Bor
dex.
French's Hotel, Norfolk Va.. Mr. W.w Frisch.
“ Petcrsburgh, va.,3fr. D. Fmcr?.
National H'd-.t, Washington city, Mr. b. fir,
CoLZJUUf.
Erchange Hotel, Baltimore.
Etetcu; House, “ Messrs. Jzcssobf tk.
Ch axstos .
American Hotel, Philadel; fra, Mr. 11. A. Chap
ter.
. Howard Hotel, New-York, Messrs. Tso Mas A*
Rok.
New York Hotel, “ Mr J. H. Bri.Llira*.
Troy House. Trev. Me.* rs. C vLKMZtt St Koe..
American Hotel, Buffalo, Mr. L L. Hodges.
Masisum H-rnsr “ Messrs. Doßsavixtc At Cos.
Cataract Houie. Niagara Falls, Messrs. WHi r
sky St rioTs. And others*
March 18 13tfi. 12—2 t
Stewart County
th£ lotei ior Court ui stud count v, *ht a Mi'ttrg*
of ordinary.—March term 1846.
It appdKng to this court that Jeffers- M. Lamar
lute of saiJfcouniy. deceased ; did in h#iifu ume,
to-wit : oni% day of February 183inake end
execute liu b*d for titles to lot o> landMmber iSS tn
the 31st diatiiAuf Lee county, and jLvered -aid
b. nd so execu etKti one James S. ■hi.-turd ; and it
fur her appearinJL the court limMd Lunsford did
on tit.eemh day ufjHarch 1333, dUnorse and assign
over said boa-1 la Mi VI. b. MiLwo.fi, and -hat
the conditions of sai-Aoud Latmbcen fu;ly coutpiu and
K is there for e \nui iidjfcrd ered. that Abner
Mcfjgiiee and Th- jKxnar, Execmors of sr ut
Jelfer-on J. Lamar at iiia May
t. rm of this Court if any they
nave, why they tiilrs to said lot of
.and to said vVa^ fJf of said bond, as
executors aj^rforesai^ffand imLt turthet ordered, that
said Thunks Jl. Lamar and McGeheo < x. u
---tors as aftreaaid be se-rved wi h a cupy of this tui-i
by publication in one of ih public Gazettes of thu
State at iea.-t thirty days bt fl ra the,next term of this
court.
A trie extract from the minutes of the Court of- r
dinary tins 2nd day of March. ISlti.
„„ JI. GiIEbHAM, c. c. o
March 13,
XOISISTRATOR’3 SALE.
WILL be so il in the town ut Lumpkin, site a i
county on the first Tuesdsy in Ju-v hcx', •• t
and laud No. 4J, iu the 32 1 district ot the 2r-t .-e-. t u i
of origiiiA.'ly Lee, now ri’ewart coanry. Sold ag>ee
shle to an • ruer <U the honorable thlnfvrinr court
ot Coweta rounty. while sitting fur or tmacy prwpr s n
fHr ihe benefit of the heirs and creditors ot Jeii-du.d
Miser, dta eas<al.
K- rV. h DIMES AJ:i r lie boms non.
Mttrrh !8 1515. IZ—r*