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SPEECH OF HON. 11. A. HARALSON,
r GEORGIA,
ON THE OHEuION QUESTION.
Ddittred in the House of Representatives ,
February 0, 184fi. The Resolution from
the Committee on Foreign Affairs, re
quiring the President to notify Great
Britain of ike intention of the United Stales
to tenmnale the joint occupancy of Oregon,
-and to abrogate the convention of 1327,
being under consideration in Committee of
tha Whale —
Mr. Haralson obtained the floor, and
%poke as follows :
Mr. Chairman : The anxiety which evi
dently exists on the part of some gentlemen
In obtain the floor, and the near approach
offlhe hour at which the debate on this sob- j
jeet must be brought to a close, induce rne
4o promise not to avail myself of the full
length of time allotted to me by the rule,
flad there been little or no debate upon the
resolution; had the House come up prompt
ly to the recommendations of the Piestdent,
and declared that the convention should
tetminate according to the tteaty stipulation
between the United Slates and Great Brit
Rin, —1 doubt not, sir, it would have been
far better for the interests of the country.
We should then have been spared much
‘which we have heard calcula cd to humil
iate us in our own estimation, and in the
esti.nation of others. We should then liaye
spoken a language in which we had a right
So indulge towards tile British nation, and
she could have taken no exception to our
action. There could have been no war in
the measure. But in this debate the wat-
-cry has been raised, (not by the fiiends- of
the notice, but those opposed to it,) and our
cars have been filled with eloquent descrip
lions of the hoirors of that war which is to
*omc upon us if we should dare to give this
■notice. This argument (if it deserve the
name) addressed to our fears, followed by
the communication of our Minister at the
Court of Sr. James, recently made to tins
House by the President, leaves us no alter
native which can be adopted with honor to
tire country, but to give the notice. We
ball have acted dastardly if we tail to do
-•o. 1 desire no wart it is the interest of my
•constituents, and I believe it the interest, as
it ought to be the desite of every Amciican
•citiaen, to preserve peaceful relations with
■all the other Powers of the earth.- Bui al
though this is their interest and their feeling
they require that these amicable relations
shall not be purchased atßie sacrifice of na
tiotial honor. No nation can long preserve
peace that disregards its sacred obligations.
While we would do justice to others, we
must be prepared to exact it from them ;
attd to let no threats or menaces, direct or
aodirect, influence our action. In the letter
of Mr. McLane, of the 3d January, 184<>,
-lo his own Government, it is communicated
that Great Britain is making warlike pre
parations. it is true Lord Aberdeen does
Dot say to him that tlisse preparations .were
jmemted for the United States, and for no
-other purpose; but say3, they will be
‘•'useful and important ” in the event of a
difficulty with us It was not to he expect
ed that he would admit they had reference
to, and were intended solely for, this coun
try. For such a declaration would have
resnlled, and rightfully too, in the withdraw
al of our Minister from that Court. Bat if
<bey were not designed by that Government
to be used against us, where the necessity
of the insinuation, “ that in such a crisis,”
{alluding to the possibility ofa with
the United States,) ‘'the warlike prepara
tious now making would be useful and impor
tant l” That these preparations have refer
ence, to some extent, to the differences be
tween the two nations, no statesman can
doubt. For what other, object can they be
intended ? Is England at war with any
wthernation? oris there any probability
that she will he ? A little war, to he 6ure,
M going on between her and Franee com-
- —i c —* a —p
tHions be intended for that quarter ? Cer
4ainly not. The King of the French, in his
•scent speech, said, that the most amicable
relations existed between the Government
wfFranee and that of Great Britain. For
*what quarter are these preparations design
ed ? .Let us see what opinion is entertained
npon the subject by Mr. McLane, the
American Minister at London, lu the let
aer to which 1 have already alluded, he
aayas .
“ In regard to my own opinion upon this subject,
•luch Uio President has been pleased to desire, *
• • • • * * *
3* • altogether probable that tho possibility cf other
•*<lscaalxie* from other quarters in EuroiiS “ * *
* * * * * * * *
ny have its influence in dictating the policy of the
extensive preoaratious in progress in all parts of the
Ithigdom; ana with unabated confidence in the frank
ansa and straightforwardness of Lord Aberdeen, and
-witboot meaning to distrust in the slightest degree
XIM auK'-rity of Ins disclaimers in our recent conver
atioa, 1 do not think it ought to be assumed bv any
‘aaotbat warlike preparations, upon such a scale as
that npoa which they are undeniably making here
would not have even an indirect reference to the pot
sible contingency of a rupture with us. And at ihe
name tune it ia perfictiy obvi us that they are in a
great degree, and especially so far as th ey consist of
an augmentation in the number of steam vessels and
es the naval maria-; generally, precisely of the char-
M*r to be the most appropriate aud th“e most us< ful
•n a war with our country. 1 am not prepared to
wy, nor do I deem it material to decide, how far we
have a right to expect an explicit disc'aimer of the
nharae'er and purposes of the warlike preparations
wow making by Great Britain under the circumstan*
•wee. They may be the dictate of various motives
wTpoKoy.and the result of many causes ; and, with
er* attempting to assign to each its particular lr.flu.
wnce, I am by no means prepared to admit that the
apprehension of difficulties with the lln< ed Stales
iwd ao abate in them.”
Do you credit your own Minister? Are
wreto put any faiih in the declarations made
by our own accredited representative at the
•Court of Sl Jaties ? If so, theu the fact, as
tonishing as it may seem, presents itself,
that the British Government, whilst nego
tiating with the United Stales in relation to
the Oregon territory, is also making prepar
ntions far war ; either expecting it or with
a view of intimidating u*. and driving us,
through our fears, fiuni the assertion otjust
tights, iiad this Government called on the
British Plenipotentiary here to disavow that
those preparations were making as against
the United Slates, and refused further nego
tiations or correspondence un ii that disa
vowal had been male, it would stand justi
fied before the world if they accredit the re
cent communication of our Miuister at Lou
don.
My honorable colleague, [Mr, King ]
‘Vrbo'il Ido not now see in his seat, and
who submitted a proposition lor arbitration
•mac days since, has seen proper to with
draw it. It may not be proper for me to
comment on the amendment which he gave
amtieeof his intention to oflet at the proper
time, (and which was printed,) as it has
bees withdrawn; nor even to notice- the
course of remarks in which he felt it his
privilege toiudulge. Upon a national ques
tion, involving: the interests and houorof
the nation, be who feels himself at liberty
to attempt to give.it a party cast, shall be
entitled to all the honor and glory which he
•nay reap from 4 h is course, as well as all the
enjoyment which he can derive from it.—
It may be well for him, however, to re
member, when he speaks of bullying and
petif jgging, and charges the Government
with acting not for the interests of the conn
try, hot for the purposes of political ffggran
dizement, that Mr. Clay bitnse f took
strong, grouod against the British title to
any portioa of Oregon. He should re
member that, when the President, in his
Inaugural Address, at the eastern port coos
this Cipiiol, reamrujored the American
title as * clear # aad Dqoe6Uoiuible,” It met
with a general and beariy response from
every section of the Union. Not a Whig
press dared to gainsay the declaration, or
object in any way to the sentiment, until
Sir Kobeit Peel, the British Premier, more
than a month afterwards, with true British
diplomacy, asserted the title of that Gov
ernment to be clear and unquestionable.—
l had intended more fully to notice llte re
marks ufiny colleague, and to have given
his amendment thai comment which it de
served ; but as the amendment has been
withdrawn, and my colleague does not
seem to be in his seat, I refrain. The sub
stance of his amendment is before the com
mittee in the proposition of the British Min
ister in his letters to our Secretary of State.
Thai proposition was made to Mr. Calhoun,
not in detail, it is true, but in principle, and
received such answer as was approved by
the nation. Ii was declined; and thecircum
staneesofthe late correspondence induce a
strong presumption that it was renewed
with a strong persuasion, if not with an ab
solute knowledge, that it would be rejected
by Mr. Buchanan.
Some gentlemen have expressed the ap
prehension that the recent cortespondeuce
leaves the country no alternative but war.
But, sir, they have not weighed well that
correspondence. Although the proposition
to arbitrate is declined, the grounds of ob
jection are fully and frankly stated, and,
amongst others, it is stated, ‘‘that as there
are no two nations on earth more closely
bound together by the ties of commerce, so
there are none who ought to be more able or
willing to do each other justice without the
interposition of any aibitratoi.” And in the
same paragraph, Mr. Buchanan declares
that “the President cordially concurs with
the Government of Great Britain in desiring
•that the present controversy may be amica
bly adjusted.” South ofthe 49th parallel
ol latitude, west to the Columbia river, and
thence down that river to its mouth, the
British nation lias never set up any claim,
until Sir Robert Peel’s setoff announce
ment in April last. Was it to be expected
that all the country —not only that to which
the British have not set up any claim until
recently, as well as that really in dispute—
should be arbitrated? Who expects of this
Government to give up all the harbors of
the tertitory, so important to the commerce
of the countty,’while she has, to say the
least of i>, a better title than Great Britain ?
The British Minister appears to have
made two propositions lor arbitration, al
though, in fact, he makes but one. The
first was to refer, nol the title, but the “whole
question of an equitable division ofthe. Ore
gon territory to some friendly power.” This
proposition seems to have been made under
instructions frotn his Government ; but it
will be perceived that it precludes the Uni
ted Stales from insisting upon her better title,
and has refetence alone to an equitable di
vision of the territory. It was a cunning
stratagem of British diplomacy. The other
which is, in fact, no proposition at all, and
which, it is clear from the language used, he
had no instructions or authority to make, is
in these words:
“The object of the undersigned in addressing to
Mr. Buchanan the present communication is to as
certain fiom him wnerther, supposing the British Gov
ernment to entertain no objection to such a course, it
would suit the views of the United States Govern
ment to refer to arbitration, ngt, as has already been
p oposed, the question ofan equitable partition of the
territory, but the qttesUoh of utie in either of the two
Powers to the whole territory, subject, of course, to
the condition, that if neither should be found, in the
opinion of the arbitrator, to possess u Complete title
to the whole territory, there should in that case, be
assigned to each that portion of territory whiclt
wou and, in the opinion of the arbitrating power, be
called tor by a just appreciation of the respective
claims of each.’*
lie says, “supposing the British Govern
ment to entertain no objections to such a
course,” evidently holding it up for the as
sent of his own Government. Had it been
accepted by this Government, what assur
ance Ftad we that the British Government.
■ i ■ tc-cnn-Tiraire any deninie
proposition; but, with the semblance ofan
anxious desire to settle the controversy,
leaves evetything totally indefinite and un
certain.
Sir, it is time that England should make
some certain, distinct, and unqualified offer.
The United States have shown, by the most
liberal offers, her disposition to settle this
question. It remains for England to do the
same.
Sir, if the British nation desire to settle
this matter upon just terms, l do not doubt
that it can be done. The President has, in
a spirit of magnanimity, with a view to the
amicable adjustment of thd dispute, propos
ed the 49th parallel of latitude, which was
rejected by the British Minister. No gen
tleman, Whig or Democrat, (and I rejoice
that there has been so little party spit it ruan
ifested in this discusgion, but that it has
been mostly confined to an honest difference
of opinion honestly expressed,)—l say, 1
have heard no member express a doubt that
the title ofthe United Stales, up to the 49th
degree, was not “clear & unquestionable.”
I repeal it ; this proposal of the 49t h paral
lel was rejected by the -British Miuister
resident here. It in his calculations this
proposition was rejected in the expectation
of getting one better, 1 think he is mistaken;
judging from the voice of the people as spok
en by theif Representatives here, they will
fight rather than make a greatet surrender
than this. To this parallel I feel that our
title is clear, even if it does not extend a half
degree further north, as demonstrated by the
honorable gentleman from Indiana, [Mt.
Owen.] 1 shall not discuss it. nor under*
take to say what particular tights, if any,
Great Britain may have to any part of the
territory, or to what privileges she may be
entitled. So far as regards the territory
north of 49, our title may be said to be deba
table. It has been questioned by the Brit
ish Government for the Ja6t thirty yeats ;
and our Government has recognised, by the
conventions now proposed to he abrogated,
that she had some interest there—the usu
fruct, in lmuting, fishing, &c., if no oilier.
Our title north ol 49 has been questioned,
and the quesrion of title made tire subject of
several unsuccessful attempts to agtee upon
a line of boundary between the two coun
tries by negotiation —offers by either Gov
ernment, thrice if not oftener made, to agree
upon a boundary, in each of which they
were allotted a portion of the territory, lu
deference, therefore, to the action ofoir
Government since 1618, the territory north
of 49 must be considered debatable ground,
and therefore a fit subject for negotiation.
It was indeteience to the previous action of
this Government that the President, in a
spirit of coucession, and with a desire to
preserve those amicable relations which had
so happily existed between two great and
powerful nations.tied together by language
and commerce, offered the 49th parallel, it
was rejected, it is not probable that it wilt
be again tendered by this Government; and
whether such a proposition, or one equiva
lent to it, will now come from the British
Government, remains to be seen. If it
the same feeling which led to the
offer made by tlrii Government heretofore,
and recently repeated by the President,
would induce him either to act opt or refer
it to bis constitutional advisers ; in which, 1
doubt not, he would be most triumphantly
sustained by the people, notwithstanding
the anathemas so freely announced against
him in advance of his action upon the sub
ject. ,
Mr.'-Ulnimran, these gratuitous denunci
ations are not commendable in thagenilemen
who have felt themselves at liberty-to indulge i
m them ; and it is hoped they will bedisre- i
garded by the President* He has shown i
himself sufficient for any crisis ; if need he,
that which would require personal sacrifice
for his country’s weal, he will resolutely
’meet. Nor should hts enemies find an
apology for their criminations in that he has
said that our title to the whole of Oregon ib
clear and unquestionable. Tins, perhaps, is
his private opinion. But whether it is or
no*, called to the high station which he fills
by the voice of the American people, and to
the settlement of the question with a Power
which the history of her negotiations proves
ha3 rarely failed in obtaining the utmost
limits of her demands, however, unjust, it
became the President lo assume high
ground, especially when it is almost univer
sally admitted that ours is the best title of
the two. England, airogating Englaud.
demands more and more at our hands. Fish
ing and hunting privi’eges have ripened into
a demand of an tquitable division of the
whole territory. 1 would not requite her
arrogance with injustice. I trust this country
will always do justice in her foreign rela
tions. I would nut be intimidated by her
power. No* should a conscious, ess of our
own capacity to repeal invasion and success
fully to cope at arms with any nation, pre
vent us from doing prompt justice at all
times I have no disposition to call into
requisition the powers of the American
people in the settlement of this or any other
question with foreign nations. 1 prefer that
our victories should be bloodless, and tiiat
our disputes should be settled without a
resort lo w'ar. If England desires a war, as
easy as it may be for her lo avoid it* she has
only to demand a greater has
already been tendered to her, and to attempt
to enforce that demand by arms. Judging
from the voice of the people, as expressed
by their representatives here, there is no
disposition to yield fuither than has already
been offered ; and ii war be forced upon us,
believing, as we do, that the American title
is best to the whole territory, we light for
all.
I trust, sir, that in all future correspond
ence and action upon this subject of boun
dary, the Government will maintain, as here
tofore, a firm, dignified position ; one worthy
a great, and powerful people, and not greater
than just; and speak a plain and decided
language, by which Great Britain may see
that we intend to abide by what we say. It
is time this dispute was settled, and bounda
ries definitely marked, that American citi
zens may know how far they may go north
and feel that they are on ibg soil of freedom.
Let the notice be given to abrogate the
convention. Os the different amendments
proposed, I have my choice, but care but
little about the manner, so the notice be
given in firm, dignified, and decided terms ;
terms by which the British nation shall see,
that her preparations lor war, if intended for
effect, have sigualiy failed of their object—
have had no influence in dictating; I have
every confidence, that any resolution which
you may pass will be communicated to the
British nation in language becoming the
American people and the great subject which
it involves; and if such propositions are
made as the country can with honor accept,
the difficulty can be adjusted by negotiation,
and we shall hear nothing more of that war
.pbout which so much has been said. Every
calculation which may be make in relation
to war must, from the nature of things, be
conjectural. England can have war if she
wants it—she can avoid it if she chooses.—
If she prefers it, and we, in the maintenance
of our just rights, should be forced to it, there
is no mjuiy which site can inflict, upon us
which we could nol measure out to her triole
fold.
Gentlemen have widely miscalculated the
strength; and resources of our country lor
national defence. To tins subject 1 have
given some attention for the last three years.
It is impossible that any Power can eve'r
make any serious intoads upon the United
States. The gentleman from South Caroli
na-C Mr- JLJ rruacj Usva. fc.l WuJ - CIIIYOrT)OTjEThf;
and other gentlemen have joined him in
saying that we were weak and powerless
There was more fancy than fact in the pic
ture which the gentleman frotn South Caro
lina has drawn of our capacities fur war. I
could but think of the Jamb in the lion’s
jaws, when the gentlemen was so eloquently
describing ihe horrors of that war which
was coming upon us. I had wellnigb for
gotton lor a time the triumphs of our arms
in the Revolution, beautiful representations
of some of which decorale the Rot undo of
this Capitol. The 12:hef September, 1814,
at North Point, and the Bth of January at
New’ Orleans, were remembered only to
beget astonishment at their results. Reason
returning, I could but believe that England
was compelled to acknowledge the triumph
of our arms in the Revolution, and that suc
cess attended our efforts in the war of 1812.
If the notice proposed to be given be a
measure of war, and should it be delayed
until you are fully prepared for war, accor
ding to the notions of some gentlemen ol
it w'ould never be given. Nei
their you nor I, sir, will ever live to see the
day when every exposed point upon your
iong line of sea and lake-coast will be de
fended w’ith fortifications. Such a system of
defence would require a large standing army
to man these forts. A preparation for war
upon such a scale can never be made in this
country. * Such a system would be as use
less as it is contrary to the genius of our ■
institutions. We claim no great standing
army. They have been repudiated in the
American republics, as dangerous to the
liberties of the people. We have no neces
sity for them to sustain a government of our
choice. It is not necessary to tax the people
with them. But in the citizen-soldier is our
strength; and if war should come upon us,
not less than a million of men will be ready
—perhaps tendering their services—in de
fence of the country. Fort ideations on
your coast are necessary only to keep your
enemy at a distance from your cities, and to
.compel him to land, if he land at all, at such
distance as wilt enable you to arrange your
forces and give him battle.
I should be gratified to feel myself at lib
erty to give you a full statement of the ex
tent of our arms, now ready fit for use, and
also ol facilities for the manufacture of more.
This statement, full as it should be, might
very properly accompany the remarks of the j
gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Bayly,] who !
evidently labors under a great mistake as to
the means of defence now at the command
of the Government. lam not at liberty now
to give this statement; but I will say that
gentleman ts mistaken, and that our means
of defence are much greater than he eslh
mates them to be; and it not now, can be
very readily made ample to repel any free
which may he brought against us. This
much I have felt due my position to say.
These remarks are made in no vain boast of
our advantages;.and whjle, as a nation, we
would not indulge in an over-estimate of our
strength and prewess, we should not be in
timidated by the warlike preparations of G.
Britain. They are bootless as against the
sons of revolutionary sires. The strength I
of the American nation is in the affections J
of the people lor their free institutions and
the Government of their choice. This is
their shield and tbeir fortress—their sure de
fence against any foreign foe.
But, sir, considerations of policy demand
the notice at our hands. Although the right
of Great Britain to this territory has not. I
believe, except in a few instances, been ad
vocated here, yet it seeems there was some
sort of recognition of some right of hers
v. hich led to the convention of 1818, and
continued to the convention of 1627. It has,
been said that these conventions wer- com-ji
lucteial -alone, and on'y recognised the right
of Great Britain to hunt and fi-di and carry
on such trade as naturally grew out of these
•privileges. Now, if such was her only right,
she has still further trespassed. She has ex
tended it to agricultural purposes. Already
have agricultural settlements been made
by the British in Oregon. Cut more; they
have budt fortifications; they have extended
their civil and criminal jurisdiction, not only
over the country north ol the Columbia riv
er, but over the whole country. Will you
do less for your emigrants? Have not
afforded military escorts beyond the Rocky
mountains to the Columbia river to encour
age ernigratiqn? And will you leave your
emigrants there lawless and defenceless? —
Will you do less for your people than Great
Britain has done fur her subjects? I trust
not, sir; and if you give them laws, collisions
must arise between emigrants coming from
the tw’o nations, and governed ?y laws dif
ferent in their character and provisions. It
seems to me that collision must be inevitable
the result of such a line of policy, & war must
be the consequence. We shall more pro
bably avoid a w r ar by giving the notice as a
preliminary step; tliussuslaitiing our national
faith, and telling her, in plain, firm, and de
cided language, tiiat the question has readied
the crisis; that the interests of our people
require that these mooted questions should
be settled; that the partnership must be dis
solved; that the boundaries must be defined;
that American citizens must know, through
their.own Government, how far they may
carry the fifle and the axe, and be under the
tegis of our own law's and the protection of
our own flag. What guaranty have you ‘.hat
the British Government will not extend her
settlements even fuither down beyond the
sites of her present forts? If she has a right
to do all that „slie has already done, she may
extend her settlements as low down aa Cal
ifornia itself. We have indeed no offi
cial information of the fact, but we
we have rumors through the public prints
that the British Government now holds a
mortgage on California. Do we mean no desire
to interfere) till plant her standard
at the mouth ofthe Columbia river, in Cali
forma, and perhaps in Cuba, and that she
shall completely environ our Republic?
I intended, Mr. Chairman, to have shown
that G. Britain, exercising the privileges jshe
had under the conventions of 1318 end 1827,
with sucli as-she assumed, would never de
sire the abrogation of the treaty, and that the
only way to setttie the question is, to give
this notice. It was in this view-, and to pre
serve our national faith, that 1 votid lor the
noiice at the last session, i have listened
to this debate to see if any argument could
be adduced ofa sufficient weight to change
my views and my vote. I have done so from
an honest desire to arrive at such conclu
sions as might best promote tho honor and
interests of my country. I have heard no
sucli argument. The notice, is, ifi itself, a
peaceful measure. It will lead to a termi
nation of the dispute. It may result in war;
if it does, it will be at!ributable to England’s
own choice. She can settle it if she will.—
No one can tell what may be her choice.—
The notice will bejless likely to produce war
than the collision of the emigrants. She
may out-colonize you. She has many in
ducements to colonize which you have not.
If w’ar is to come of it, I see no reason for its
postponement. Ido not wish to entail upon
those who are to come after us disputes
which ought to be settled by ourselves. I
greally prefer peace, both for my country and
myself; but if, in the assertion of our ovvn
just rights, war comes upon us, I shall sus
tain that war with my voice and with my
vote, and will) all the energies and means
with which Providence has blessed me. 1
am a Georgian by birth and feeling,and rep
resent a people who have no wish for war,
and. whose interest would be seriously and
hurtfully affected by it; but they would make
the sacrifice rather titan surrender the clear
ly ascertained rights of tho nation, nr
desire no war, but, y we must, wefio-fai
for all. °
THE LIBEL. UPON THE SENATE.
Mm Bemton, from the special committee
appointed to inquire in!o, and report what
measures, if any, are proper to vindicate the
character and honor cf the Fen ate against
the charges of corruption published in a
newspaper printed in this city called the
“Daily l imes,” on the sth, 9th, 10th, and
11th instant, with power to send for persons
and papers, submitted the following report;
which was read by Mr. Benton, and” concur
red irt:
The committee appointed to inquire and re
port what measures, if any, are proper to
vindicate the character and honor of the
Senate against the charges of corruption
published in a newspaper printed in Wash
ington city, called the “Daily Turns,” on
the 5.h, 9.1), 10 h, and 11th instant, with
power to examine witnesses, and to send
for persons and papers—
REPORT I
That, in entering upon the execution of
llsoir duties as prescribed in the order of'their
appointment, the committee believed that
their researches were to bo directed to the
truth of the charges of corruption made in
said paper, with a view to the conduct of the
Senate and its members, and not with the
view of airaigning or punishing the authors
of the publication. Under this sense of their
duties, the committee summoned before them
the editor of the Daily Times newspaper,
(Mr. H. H. Robinson,) and the publisher,
(Mr. J. E. Dow,) as witnesses, who, of their !
own knowledge, or by giving the names of I
others, might be able to prove the alleged !
corruption; and tiie committee declined to {
act upon intimations that others, besides the j
editor and publisher, might be found to be I
connected with the authorship of these pub-j
lications. The inquiry, in this way, avoided
all aspect of a proceeding against the au
thors of the publications, and became wholly
directed to the character of the Senate, as a
component part of our republican institutions,
and which cannot be impaired or destroyed
without great injury to those institutions.
i o avoid calling persons unnecessarily and
improperly before them, the committee re
quested the editor and the publisher of the
paper to slate in writing the facts they ex
pected to prove by each witness, vv liieh was
| done ; and the statements thus made being
copied into the mniuies of proceedings, be
came a justification forsumtnoning- each wit
ness, and a!s > a guide to his examination,
and gave the editor and the publisher the 1
benefit of directing the inquiry tu the points
which they deemed material. i
Under the general imputation against sena
tors of corrupt communications with the
British minister in legation to the settlement
of the Oregon question, the articles published
m the Tunes contained three specifications
ofa character sufficiently definite lo admit cf
specific inquiry ; and to the truth of these
specifications, the researches of the commit
tee were chiefly directed. These specifica
tions were : 1. A dinner, or entertainment,
at the British minister’s, at which many setia-
I tors vvere said to be present, and where cor
rupt conversations in relation lo the Oregon
question were supposed to have been heid?
2. A meeting of whig members in a room at
the Capitol, on the Friday before the sailing
of the steamer Cambria, at which the British
minister was charged to be present, and
where it was said to be agreed to have a vote
taken to be sent off*to-Great Britain by the
return of that steamer. 3. An admission
by Mr. Senator John M. Clayton, that he
vvas present at the British minister’s table
when the strength of the British Oregon
party in the Senate, as it was styled, “jpas
connied by their noses.”
Each of these specifications were found,
upoD investigation, to be utterly and entirely
false. v
1. With respect to tbe dipner at the Brit
ish minister’s, and the alleged corrupt con
versations there- the editor and the publisher
of the Times paper each declared on oath
that he had no personal knowledge of any
such dinner or conversation. The two per
sons named by them as witnesses having “a
knowledge” of the dinner, or entertainment,
and Os the conversation there held —namely,
Messrs. Samuel Medary and L. C- 1 urner
—swore positively that they had no “ knowl
edge” of any such dinner, conversation, or
entertainment. There remained then no
persons for further examination on this head
but the senators charged with being present
at the supposed dinner ; aniT the editor and
publisher of the paper tiaving each refused
to say that he expected to prove by any
member of the Senate any- conversations
with the British minister of the character
mentioned in thp publications, and having, on
the contiary, sworn that they did not expect
to prove any such conversations by said sen
ators, it appeared to the committee that there
was no foundation for calling the said sena
tors, or any of them, to testify ; but it was
deemed proper to make known to the sena
tors, whose names had been given in as wit
nesses, the facts in relation to the use made
of their names, that they might act in rela
tion to it as they thought pfoper. They
were informed accordingly ; and the senators
so informed, eacli for himself, promptly sent
in sworn statements utteily coutradieting all
that was imputed to them. These statements,
wit!) the other evidence, was entered on the
minutes ol the committee’s proceedings, and
leave no doifbt on the minds of the commit
tee that the whole story in relation to the
dinner, and the alleged corrupt conversations,
is a false and contemptible libel.
2. In relation to the meeting of the whig
senators in the Gapilo!, and the closelting ot
the British minister with them, on the Friday
before the sailing of the Cambria, and the al
leged resolve then taken, to have an imme
diate vote on the Oregon question to send
out by the Cambria, the committee, after full
and careful inquiry, find tbe whole story to
be unfounded afid untrue ; that there was no
meeting of such senators on that day—that
ihe British minister was never at such a
meeting on that (lay-~tbat there was a meet
ing a day or two befme the day charged, at
which the sense of the meeting in relation to
the Oregon question was precisely the con
trary of the resolve imputed to it in the pub
lications, being in favor of a delay of the de
bate for two weeks, instead of hurrying a
vote to be carried out by the Cambria. These
facts are proved by whig members present at
the actual meeting. Aud further, that, in
conformity with this resolve to postpone the
debate, a senator at the meeting [Mr. Day
ton] was appointed to move the postpone
ment in the Senate, and did so ; and only
withdrew his motion after debata and oppo
sition. And thus this story of a whig meet
ing in the Capitol, attended hy the British
minister, is proved to be an absurd fabrica
tion.
3. With respect to the \nose counting ’’ at
the British minister’s table, the whole story
has had a termination so ridiculous and con
temptible that the committee find it difficult
to speak of it in the temperate language which
becomes a report to the Senate. State pa
pers seem to descend from their dignity when
compelled to notice things „so despicable,
false, and vulgar. Justice, however, to the
chamber of our institutions requires it to bo
done, and the committee will discharge their
duty in the fewest possible words.
Publications in tne Times newspaper bad
charged this species nf counting the so-called
strength of the British ou the Oregon que6
lion in the Senate of the United States, and
the British minister’s table was made the
place of tbe enumeration. On the first day
of the meeting of the committee* the editor
utlk?, of the committee, that
he expected to prove by Mr. E. B. Schnabel,
of Philadelphia, that Mr. J. M. Clayton, a
member ol the committee then present, had
admitted that he was present at the British
minister’s table when this “counting by noses ”
took place. Mr. Clayton instantly demand
ed the production of the witness. Fortunate
ly, Mr. Schnabel, contrary to his intention
expressed the evening before, in the presence
of the editor of the Times, had not returned
that morning to Pbiladelphia*and quickly come
before the committee. On seeing what was
written down as expected to be proved by
him, he manifested perfect amazement-de
clared (hat he could not sustain Mr. Robin
sou—that he was totally ignorant of every,
thing attributed to him--that he had never
seen Mr Robinson until the night before,
when he casually met him at thß°roorn of a
member of Congress—shat be had asked him
what proofs he had to carry before the Sen
ate’s committee to justify his charges, and
talked with him about 6ome of the rumors in
circulation ; and that all that was attributed
to him was false and unfounded. Mr. Schna
bel expressed his extreme mortification at
being called as a witness in such a case, and
spoke like a man of honor, whose sensibilities
were wounded at finding himself in such an
unpleasant situation.
The next morning a .communication was
received from Mr. Robinson, which he desir-
I ed to have entered on the minutes of the
proceedings as a correction of his previous
relerence to Mr. Schnabel, declaring it to
have been an “ inadvertence , ’* an(f that
Messrs. Medary and Turner were the per
sons intended to be named. Soon after Mr.
Schnabel himself appeared, and asked to add
to his testimony oi the previous day what
j had occurred since his examination on yes
jterday; which was, that he had met Mr.
Robinson that morning, who had acknowledg
ed his mistake, retracted what he had im
puted to Mr. Schnabel, and promised to have
the retraxit made known to the committee.-
The additional statements of each were
entered upon the minutes of the proceed
ings, and the inquiry considered finished,
tiie committee seeing no reason to examine
Messrs. Medary aud Turner, who had previ
ously sworn that they had no knowledge of
any thing that had ever been said or done at
the British Minister’s table. But Mr. Clay
ton desiring it, these witnesses were recalled
and examined to that point, and both fully
declared that they knew nothing of auv din
ner at the British Minister’s, or any conver
sations there, or any admissions of any kind
from Mr. Clayton, and that they had never
spoken to or conversed with him in then
lives ; and had given Mr. Robinson no infor
mation on the subject.
Thus terminated the examination into the
only tangible specifications, under the gen
eral charge of corruption against Senators,
contained in the publications in the Tunes
newspaper of the dates referred to. The
examination terminated in the total overthrow
ot the charges; and. however unfounded
and unworthy of notice they have been shown
to be, the committee believe a service has
been rendered to the institutions of our coun
try, and to the decencies and hospitality of
private life, in exposing them to the con
tempt they merit.
The committee confine themselves, in this
report, to the results established by the tes
timony, in which they unanimously concur.
The testimony itself set out in the min
utes of the proceedings, and the committee
have to say that all the witnesses summoned
before them testified readily and frankly ex
cept one, (a Mr. G. T. M. Davis,) who had
acknowledged himself to be the writer of
the extractor a letter copied into the Daily
Times from the Missouri Republican charg
ing corruption and British collusion on
Senators and Representatives. After-nam
ing a Senator as being alluded to in the
charge, and admitting that he had no person
al knowledge of its truth, he tefused to go
on with his testimony unless allowed to
repeat the beresay of some person whom he
refused to name, and he refused to sign his
own deposition as written down by himself,
and in which no error was suggested. This
individual was notified to attend this day,
that the Senate, if it was fit, might take
some order with respect to him; but the
committee propose nothing, believing that
the vindication of the Senator named from
the charge made against him, and ail the ends
of justice, will be fully accomplished by the
pubheatien of the accuser’s own testimony,
as far as it went.
In conclusion, the committee have to
remark that the editor of the Times (Air. H.
H. Robinson) declared that he was the wri
ter of all the articles referred to in his paper,
except the quoted extract from the Missouri
Republican, and that he has no personal
knowledge of the truth of anything he wrote
in the said articles.
In execution of that part of their duty,
under the Senate’s order, which required the
committee to report what *‘ measures” are
proper for the vindication of the honor and
character of the Senate, they believe it to
be sufficient, in this case, to recommend the
printing of this report and of all the testi
mony taken by the committee, and that the
editor and the publisher of the Times (Mr.
11. 11. Robinson and Mr. J. E. Dow) and
their reporters be excluded from the gallery
of the Senate Reporters.
From the Washington Union of March 12.
CONGRESSIONAL.
In the Senate to-day, Mr. Jarnagin offer
ed a resolution calling for the appointment
of a committee to investigate the circum
stances connected with the publication of a
series of gross libels on the body in a print
published in this city, called the “Daily
Times,” and to which reference was made
a few days ago by JVJ r> Colquitt, one of the
Senators from Georgia. Messrs.Maogum,
Speight, Benton, Bagby, Chalmers, Wes
cott, and Berrien took occasion to express,
iu emphatic terms, their conviction of the
utter falsity of the assertion in the publica
tions in question ; and the motion was unan
imously adopted, not because it was deem
ed at all necessary to vindicate the charac
ter of the Senate from the aspersions cast
upon it, but because statements had been
made relative to the circumstances iu which
the publications had originated, which ap
peared, in the judgment of some of the sen
ators, to demand investigation.
The Senate then proceeded to the con
sideration of the special order—the joint re
solution giving notice to Great Britain of the
termination of the joint occupation of the
Oregon territory, and the several amend
ments offered thereto. Mr. Atchison, who
spoke in favor of the notice, occupied the
remainder of the session. Mr. Calhoun has
the floor for Monday, the Senate having
adjourned over to that days in order to ena
ble the various committees to progress in
the transaction of a large amount of impor
tant public business committed to their
care:
After a few items of miscellaneous busi
ness, the House went into Committee of the
Whole on the State of the Union, and re
sumed, for the day, the consideration of the
river and harbor bill.
From the Jetfersoui* nos the 21st inst.
Mr. Thomas Butler King is reported to
have said in the House of Representatives,
that the recent correspondence of Mr. Buch..
anan with the British minister exhibits the
American Secretary of State in the charac-*
ter of a VPettifogger and a Bully.”
We are not, we believe, mucti addicted to
the habiuf dealing in personal crimination,
but terms so harsh and so unwarranted, du
really lead as to ask who is Mr. Thomas
T ANARUS: r ". ° I U Ilia cnalifieatfono
for passing judgment upon eminent men—
men of undoubted ability—and upon the
merits of their productions?
If the most obscure and uhintellectual
member of the New Orleans Bar were to
employ the same language in reference to
the most finished effort of Mr. Soule or of
Mr. Gryuies, the thing would not be more
farcical, or excite broader merriment, than
must the anathema, of Mr. King against Mr.
Buchanan with those who know well the
two men. Mr. King personally is well
enough, gentlemanly and courteous, but
when ones comes to take his intellectual
dimensions, the case is altogether different.
How gentlemen, who are really of the most
ordinary stamp, whose minds are incompe
tent to form a just decis on on the simplest
proposition,,and of all which they must be
fully sensible 4 can with such perfect sang
froid determine the merits of a Brougham, a*
Webster, or a Calhoun, has often been to us
the source not only ttf amusement but of
unmingled astonishment. We have often
thought that such men would ass >rd to the
natural enquirer interesting subjects sot
contemplation. They certainly forget that
“ Pigmies are Pigmies still, though perehed on
Alps,”
VIEWS OF THE MESSAGE AT VIENNA.
The Washington Union of the 4th inst.
says:—We are permitted to take the follow
ing extracts Irom a letter written by an in
telligent gentleman now tiavclling in Eu
rope, to his Iriend in this city. dated Vienna
Austria, January 15, 1843. They will be
read with great interest by all American
citizens who are proud of the standing which
their country has recently assumed in the
estimation of foreign nations—a result which
may be attributed to the lofty, dignified, and
fearless tone of sentiment which pervades
the President’s latq annual message.
Since the days of General Jackson, no
American citizen has done more than Mr.
Polk to elevate the character of our country
abroad.
Vienna, Jan. 15, 1846.
The message of the President was looked for here
with great anxiety by the diplomats, and a.l the
newspapers fu.l of speculations as to what then wilt
come. At last it came, and every one ofthe diplo
mats and politicians were surprised at the time of this
document. 1 was delighted to see the decided stand
Mr. Polk took, which made at once the Europeans
aware that our President, although little known be
fore the election among them, t s a man of decided
character, and able to make the world shake bv iiis
message.
‘As 1 am staying with Mr. Stiles altogether since
1 arrived here, 1 come in contact with a great many
ofthe diplomats speaking the European languages,
have a fair opportunity to hear their views on that
subject j and tnere are few of the Europeans woo
would not like to see England humiliated, as she will
be. it she dare3 to declare war. All Europe wiil be
in conimt tton in the same lfiomeut. Russia will take
Constantinople, and extend hei possessions in Asia’
France will try to drive England irojft the Mediier
raneau ; and Germany will revolt, and form one. em
pire.
•Mr. Polk has showed the importance of the Uni
ted States to the European diplomats, and its influ
ence upon the welfare of the worid. The United
States are looked upon at once, now, as a country
destined to influence the fortunes ofthe world.
‘1 had this morning a long conversation With an
ambassador upon the Oregon question, about Eiur.
land and Prussia, where a revolution is developing
hseif rapidiy. He remarked ‘American influence is
hit every dey more and irtre, and we arc getting
Am ricanjZcd very fas*f here.”
‘Rothschild received the messago ofthe President
before any bodyelsc here, and communicated its con
tents to the British Charge d’Atfatr j, who came in
great haste lo Mr. Stiles, to tell him of the peacea
ble nature of the message.
‘I feel much prouder lo call myself an Amercan
citizen, since I see how much importance we have in
the rank of nations.
‘I hope Congress will assist Mr. Polk in carrying
out his views. We may suffer a ftw years bat we
shall, have freed the world of a grasping power,
which considers every thing fair it does, and com
plains of aIT other powers as regardless cf law, &c.”
Mr. Tiiomas Ste Wart, one of the best
modern tragedians of England, is about to
visit this Country on a professional tour.—
lie comes, it is stated, tvith the recunitneu
datioQ es Torrest.
FOREIGN.
From tha Union.
EDITOR’S CORRESPONDENCE.
[From our regular correspondent.]
New York, March 12,4f, p. m.
Later news fsom Europe—The arrival of
the packet ship Liverpool , which sailed from
Liverpool the 9th of February—Colton
market very firm, with a reported advance
oj 1-4 d.per lb.—Flour and grain depress
ed. .
The fine packet-ship Liverpool, Captain
Eldridg;*, was announced to be below, and
aground on what is called the Itomer shoal,
with a merchant’s (not a New York) pilot on
board. Her papers and news reached the
city about 2 o’clock, p. in. She sailed on
tha 9th ult., and brings two or,three days later
news from Liverpool. Her intelligence is
only of importance in a commercial point of
view. Her London dates only come down
to those brought by the Toronto; hence
there could be no political news of later date
to bring.
It is expected the Liverpool will float from
her position in shoal water at the next rising
of the tide.
1 am glad to find the people and press are
fully awake to the importance of encourag
ing, by wisely regulated mail contracts, in
tercourse by ocean steam packets between
America and Europe on one hand, and tu
connexion with an overland mail route across
the isthmus of Darien on the olhor. Ido
not agree with those who think Liverpool a
belter point for the rendezvous of the Ameri
can mail steamers than Cowes. The gov
ernment, after much careful investigation,
arrived at the conclusion that Cowes was the
best point.
To run our mail line to L’vcrpool we
should come in Competition with the Cunard
steamers, and the line of the Great Western
Steam Navigation Company’s ships, tPe
numbers in each of which lines are likely to
be increased.
Cowes is a very central point, all tilings be.
ing considered ; probably the most so of any
oilier on the west coast of Europe. It is on
ly miles, Or about au hour’s sail, from
South Hampton ; from whence to London,
over a good railroad, the time of travel is only
about two hours. News could ordinarily
reach London via Cowes from New York,
as soon as it could do so via Liverpool.
When v\ e come to consider the importance
of our continental trade and intercourse, una
aided as it is by a single line of steamships,
Cowes becomes altogether the superior place.
From this point, or between Southampton
and Havre, steam channel packets constant
ly ply, and I believe make the run in about
seven hours. From Havre a railroad passes
to paris, and from thence they diverge to ail
parts of the country. Another road will soon
connect Paris with Bolo’gnp, or Calais, to
rdach which, would be only a few hours’ sail
from Cowes. Besides, it will be perceived,
the contractors reserve the fight of touching
at Havre alternately. This would not be
practicable in case the line terminated at
Liverpool. Our commerce with the conti
nental powers is increasing every year.—
France has a population of over thirty mil
lions, and the German States composing the
Zoll Verein, near forty millions, ol which
Bremen forms a prominent outlet. We
want increased mail facilities with these
populous countries, just awakening to the
importance of manufactures, commerce, &e.
We want them to take more cotton, tobacco,
rice, and other things from us, and, if they
can, as they declare they are able to do, sell
cheaper to us than other parts of Europe.—
Let us encourage trade and intercourse be
tween us, one of the best means of doing
which which will be by running a mail litre
of ocean steam packets between us. It r a
matter of no great importance whether wo
go to Bremen or Antwerp. The latter can
easily receive a branch mail steamer from 1
Cowes, while the main line can and ought to
pass on to Bremen, which w.ll bo central to’
Germany, and Which railroads are unddr
way, or projected, to intersect with all parts
of the interior. By adopting this route, there
will be no fear of not obtaining freight and
passengers. After all, capitalists themselves
are the best judges ol what route will suit
them. The government simply advertised a
mail contract between New York, Cowes,
Bremen. &c. That men of capital and res
ponsibility went forward and obtained it, by
being the lowest bidders, is sufficient proof
of their confidence in the decision of the
government, and the future prospects of pro
fit to themselves, and we can see no reason’
for complaints being uttered by those who
have not a doliafr at stake in the enterprise,
and who may never cross the Atlantic, or
ship a pound of freight in any steamer what
eve t.
Liverpool Market—Cotton.— The demand
from tiie trade early in ihe week was lo a lair extent
but the desire to realize was so great as to cause in
many instances a farther slight depression ; since
Thursday, however, the trade having purchased
largely, and speculators also done a considerable bu
siness, tbe downward tendency has been arrested,
and the maiket closes firmlv at the rates of Friday
last.
The sales amount to 46,280 bales (of which 7,000
American are on speculation and7i,o tor export,) and
comprise 210 Sea Island at llid. to 18d., with 10
St,.tned at 7].J to lid.. 150 Bow*d,Ssd.; 7.550 Mo
bile, Alabama, and Tennessee,,3iJ. to 4fd.; 21,580
Orleans, 31k. to 6id.
Southern Rail Road.— The Legislature
of Mississippi has grained a charter similar
to that granted at the late session to the
Southern Rail Road Company. The work
contemplated by the charters, is to extend
from Jackssn, Mississippi, to Montgomery,
Alabama, a distance of 230 miles. The
Mississippi link, when completed, will con
nect the Mississippi river, at Vicksburg, with
the Atlantic at Charleston and Savannah.
From both of these points to Vicksburg, the
distance is 750 miles. It is a grand enter
prize Not only will it be useful for ordina
ry travel and transportation, but the whole
road will answer important national purpo
ses, when troops and munitions of war shall
be needed at either extreme of the Union.
[Tuscaloosa Monitor.
FOREIGN MAIL STEAMERS.
The New York Evening Post gives the
following account of the present condition of
the important contract fur foreign rnailsteam
ers :—’‘The facls in relation lo this impor
tant movement, are as follows. But two
contracts have been granted. One of them
is for the carriage of ihe mails from New
York, or some other Atlantic port, to Bremen
on the Baltic. The terms are that four
steamships are to be employed, to perforin
their trips twice a month. Then touch at
Cowes, Isle of Wight, and once a month at
Havre, and cnce a month at Havre, if the
contractors p’ease. The successful bidder fbr
this, the most important ofthese great under,
takings, is Mr. Mills of New York. He
engages to start his first vessel by the first cf
March, 1847, but expects to be able to com
mence the service by the first of January,
1847.”
The next steamer from Europe will be tbb
Hibernia , which left Liverpool on the 4ib
iust. The New York Herald says
“ It is the determination of the Magnetic
Telegraph Company to send the news—to
be received by this steamer—to Hartford of
New-Haven by thd telegraph, and thence
to this city by steam. It is expeefed that
the gist of the news, which will, probably,
be of less importance than that received 1 hi
the Cambria, wilt be despatched to this c /-
by these means in five or six hours.’
energy displayed by this space-annihilation
line is certainly highly commendable, and
Will bo properly appreciated by the public;”