Newspaper Page Text
gc CUnra.
COLDMBUB, GA.
‘WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1848.
“ Ttarn Offirf” on Randolph Street, in the
•glrtbtrpf Sollding, tartar of the Post Office*
THE OREGON THE ADMINISTRA
TION.
At often ms we have taken up onr pen to note
the progress made in the vexed controversy of
Oregon, we have never done so with a graver
aoHa of it* importance to the country and res
ponsibility t the government. We fcel that the
(juntkn stands at its most critical point—that
the country is in danger of being wounded in
its most tender point-— its honor ; and that it is
the duty of the press to invoke the potent voice
of the public will to bear with all its force upon
tlm action of those who in higli and responsible
place*, are patriotically we hope, but mistakenly
we believe, jeoparding the rights and the honor
ml the American people.
When we say, that since tire promulgation of
the President's annual message and the over
whelming vote of the House of Representatives
oo the resolutions of “ notice,” no progress has
bees made in placing the American side of the
controversy on a better footing, we utter what all
w3l admit as a solemn truth. On the contrary,
the moral advantage gained by the Presidents
firm stand, manfully backed by the Representa
tive branch, has been day by day, frittered away
by the discussions in the Senate; until it is not
too much to say, that distraction, doubt and di
vinoa at home and hope, resolution and firmness
übraol. are the bitter fruits of the protracted and
■MO than useless debate. Contrast the temper
■ewr the American people now, with what it was
when the Senate took up the debate, and tell us,
if it was not incomparably l>cttcr calculated to
impress Great Britain with the necessity of ma
king a favoralde compromise with a people uni
ted and enthusiastic in the maintenance of their
rights, than now, while one half the Senatorial
apnerhrs since made, have been equally divided,
in throwing doubts upon our rights, lauding the
power and the greatness of England, and making
hideous appeals to the fears of the American peo
ple. Who cannot see the effect of this suicidal
policy upon the cool, vigilant and calculating
Government of England 1 Who does not know,
from-til her past history and her well known
character, that it is precisely such a course as will
cun her to advance her pretensions and look
lam favorably upon ours. And where wc ask
wifi the Senators who have made these speeches
find their justification and excuse for the injury
they have inflicted on the country! Will they
say that they were compelled to throw their weight
into the scale of peace for the purpose of coun
teracting the tendency of the 54 40 men to push
the country into a war! We do not hold it to be I
• satisfactory excuse. If the “ notice” had been
quietly taken up and passed, we never should
have heard the speeches which have been con
demned as ultra and gasconading. It was the
dy of “ peace” that provoked the “ cry” of war.
It was the fear that the peace party would hum
ble the country, and compromit the rights of the
Republic before England that cailed forth the
much blamed efforts of Cass, Hannegan and Al
len. We believe that the protracted debate in
the Benate has weakened the American cause,
and had the “ notice” passed two months ago,
England would have re-opened a negotiation
which ahe closed by a supercilious rejection of the
lmt American offer, and by this time we might
have caught a glimpse of the end of this unfor
tunate dispute. Until Congress acts, England of
course will not move. We agree with the New
York Evening Post, when it says:
“ Not only will the British government refrain
from aay further advances towards a settlement,
bother future course in the controversy will de
pend*very much upon the nature of the measures
adopted by Congress. If wc keep our ground,
we saay adjust the dispute satisfactorily ; if we
give back, the British government will press on ;
every step that we yield, they wiil take. Let
Jonathan alone, says our worthy relation over the
water ; he is feeling his own pulse and will soon
tell hi whether it boats firmly and calmly, or
whether it flutters. If it flutters wc shall know
draw to deal with him.”
If the procrastination of the Senate has had
another object, charged to it, to-wit; to compel
tbs President to resume the negotiation, the delay
is still more reprehensible. We have never been
able to see how our government could renew the
offer once rejected, without self-abasement; and
vre doubt, besides, whether - the Executive De
partment was not bound to await the disposition
of the pending matter before Congress.
The President has been censured for keeping
his own counsel and not informing Congress and
the country upon what terms he would be w illing
to settle the dispute. If Mr. Polk could whis
per this information into the ears of Congrass
and the people Yo that the British Minister and
his Government dhl not hear it, there might be
some reason in the complaint; but. were he to
shew his hand, the whigs who complain of his
silence would be the first to denounce him as a
stupid bungler. It seems to be admitted that the
country of Oregon is a fair subject of compro
mise—ls so, the question is, shall this Govern,
meat go into the negotiation, with a foregone ad
mission that all “above 69 belongs to England 1
Would not England reply, very well we will di
vide the country Mow 49. Forty nine is the
American ultimatum, and the advice of Whig
Editors is to go into the negotiation with an aban
donment of all above it. Is it not the part of a
prudent diplomacy to go into the negotiation with
our claim open to the whole ?
The mote we contemplate the subject—the I
more we hear it discussed, the more and more 1
are vre convinced, that the President, who was
the first to take ground upon it, assumed a posi
tion most admirably considered and best calcu
lated to secure the rights and redouned to the
honor of the country. There could be no mis
take in the .voice of applause that burst from both I
parties in the country and from both sides of the
Atlantic upon the advent of his message. The
position of things has not changed since and n
recent message shows that the President has not
changed. While the question has been tortured
into every Protean shape, and opinion has oscil
lated in every variety of form for the ultra 54 40
men down to the cringing peace men, who
would give up the whole rather than provoke •
Britt* anger, Mr. Polk stands where he did,
■trongly urging the passage of the “ notice” and
■Mmhcs to extend our laws over Oregon to the
extent England has done. This course
ought not to be oflfensivc to England, and is in
hi* judgment the surest way to bring about a fa
vorable and peaceable termination to the dispute.
Ummumitg is recommended as our most useful I
wcapw, and without it there is no hope of justice
<*” pmee. There is no danger of war, if Ameri
ca is true to herself —as the Post says, if our I
jpuhs beats firm, England will take no rash moa- 1
E** sfond* now,’ waitin'? and watch in”
with eager eyes, to see how far she can go, with
out the risk of a collision, in which, although she
may beat us in every battle by sea and land, the
result will be a hundred fold more disastrous to
herself than to us. While our youth and vigor
will recuperate under the wounds of war, they
may be fatal to her aged and decrepid constitu
tion. 13 it not madness, under these circumstan
ces, even in those wjm wc willing to take 49 as
the line, to show th#jj|j3mc feather 1
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.
The Washington correspondent of the Charles
ton Mercury has taken the trouble to present
an analysis of the vote on the Harbor and River
bill, which lately passed the House of Represen
tatives by a majority of 19 votes.
A Whig paper of this State has cited the pas
sage of the act in a body having a Democratic
majority, as an illustration of the infidelity of
Democrats to their professed principles. A glance
at the vote will shew that if tlierc had been no
Whigs in the House of Representatives, to cast
their weight almost en masse in favor of this cor
rupt and log-rolling scheme, the measure would
have been defeated two to one. While 48 De
mocrats from sections favored by the appropria
t ons in the bill voted for it, 82 Democrats voted
a ainst it; and while 61 Whigs voted for it, only
9 Whigs were found voting against it.
The bill was carried by a minority of Demo-’
crats acting with the Whig mass. We care not
how heavily the charge of inconsistency and vio
lation of principle fells upon the minority of De
mocrats who were seduced into this measure, but
we protest against the charge as against the De
mocratic part of that body, when two to one stood
up in resistance to the plundering scheme.
The Mercury’s correspondent closes Ilia anal-
ysis with these remarks:
The follow ing are some of the noticeable char
acteristics of the vote as analyzed.
None of the Democratic members from the fol
lowing States voted in favor of the bill. New
Hampshire Virginia, South-Carolina, North Caro
lina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi or Louisiana.
But one of the Tennessee Delegation voted
for the bill—that one was Mr. Stanton, the De
mocratic Representative of the Memphis District.
All the remainder of the Delegation—JO in num
ber 5 Whigs and 5 Democrats voted against this
bill. It is fairly presumable, however, that the
votes of the 5 five Whig members were cast
against the bill because the appropi i ition of $ 100,-
000 for the Tennessee River was rejected.
The Democratic members from Now York and
Pennsylvania were nearly equally divided—New
V ork 11 for and 10 against the bill—Pennsylva
nia 5 for and C against, and one—-Mr. Broadhead
—not voting.
All the Virginia Democrats who were present
voted against the bill—the two absentees being
Mr. Chapman who is in Virginia and Mr. Drom
gooie.
? * * * * * * * *
One Democrat from Ohio, only, voted against
the bill, Mr. Cummins—one only from Indiana
Mr. R. Dale Oowen—Absent, Messrs. Kenne
dy and Petit. Two from Illinois—Mr. McCler
nand, who also spoke against the bill, and Mr.
O. B. Bicklin. Mr. Hogc of this State was ab
sent.
MESMERISM.
Mr. E. M. Spencer, of New York, a disciple
of Mesmcr, “ has taken the town” in a series of ex
perimental lectures on the mysteries of the Philo
sophy or empiricism, (as the case may be) of
animal magnetism and clairvoyance. Lost our.
selves in a maze of doubt, we hardly know how
to characterize what our eyes have seen. We
can say that he has convinced hundreds and* as
tonished all bey ond measure.
The learned world is divided in opinion upon
the reality of this mysterious agency. Mesmer
himself, before his death, was pronounced an em
piric and a humbug in an admirable memoir,
drawn up by M. Bailly, to express the views of
a committee of Physicians and members of the
Academy of Sciences of Paris, who investigated
the pretensions of Mesmcr by direction of the
French Government. Dr. Franklin, who was
in Paris at the time, was a member of this com
mittee. It is worthy of remark, that although
tliis scientific committee claimed completely to
have exposed the futility of animal magnetism
and the quackery of its author, there is evidence
that Mesmer exhibited phenomena enough to
puzzle and astonish, if not to convince its learn
ed members. The discovery was at first applied
as an auxiliary to the medical art, and it was
the failure of Mesmcr in 1778, to effect a cure of
M lie. Paradis a celebrated blind Musician at
Vienna, that mainly brought his theory into dis
repute. But Mesmer’s philosophy or humbug
(we don’t know which to call it,) did not die
with him. At Paris he made a convert of M.
Delson, who became his rival, and since then
the German Kluge, Ivie3er, in Jena, n/id Wol
fert, in Berlin, have explained and treated ofthe
mystical subject.
The subject has excited intense interest in this
country. Newspaper readers are familiar with
the paroxysms of wonder and excitement produc
ed within a short period in Philadelphia, and in
Richmond. In the latter place, Mr. Ritchie,
(then ofthe Enquirer) became a thorough convert
and in the former the subject underwent a learned
investigation, in which after all the wonder and
astonishment, Dr. Mitchell reported against its
truth.
After the strange things Mr. Spencer has ex
hibited to our eyes, we will not say it is humbug.
The world is full of strange things. “ Truth is
stranger than fiction,” and let those who reject it
because it staggers belief, ask themselves what
more do they know of the constitution of the
mind and soul of man than they do of the won
derful mysteries of animal magnetism. What
more do wc know to explain the polarity of the
magnetic needle 1 All we can say, is, that it fs a
wonderful power of Nature, perceived in its
utility and effect, but inexplicable by reason.
But while we dare not reject anything in this
strange world because of its strangeness, our mind
is staggered in its effort to believe it. We leave
every beholder to judge for himself. Os one thing
We are sure, that in the experiments of Mr. Spen
cer, here, there has been no collusion between
himself and the persons magnetized. He takes
his subjects from a mixed audience—he invites
any body to come, and he has produced all the
phenomena in ladies and gentlemen of the first
respectability, who never saw him before. Eve
ry one knows what these effects are. The pa
tient becomes a complete automaton in his hands,
mentally and physically. His thoughts, pas
sions, tastes, feelings, and actions, all obey his
will. He deadens the sense of hearing to all oth
ers, while to his voice in a whisper, they will
answer. Humility or pride—generosity or mean
ness—reverence or disdain—the most opposite
feelings are produced in the twinkling of an eye
by the presure of different phrenological organs,
and the exercise of the will of the magnetizer.
We are olmist afraid to write such things. Some
think us mad, and that another Signor
Blitz, has been cheating our eyes and sporting his
necromantic tricks upon our minds. We won’t
say ft is not so—we won’t say it is. All we
know is that we— wonder.
The President has recognized Carlo e Ba
ro w as Vice Consul at Portugal, for the port of
Mobile and theSt.de of Alabama.
We have been requested to announce that a
free Lecture will be delivered this Evening at 4 o’-
clock, at the School Room ofthe Miss O’Hara’s,
upon the subject of acquiring, in the course ofafew
lessons, a complete knowledge of Geography and
History.
Mr. Hard, the gentleman who will deliver the
lecture, brings with him confirmatory letters as to
his ability, and we understand has had large
classes in Montgomery and other cities, where he
has been. He wishes to form one or more classes
here, and solicits the attention of Parents and
others interested, to his lecture, when he hopes
to convince them of the success which attends his
system.
AFFRAY.
One of those bloody rencontres which scandal
ize the age in which we live, took place on Sat
urday last between S. F. Wingate and John Con
ley. It originated in an old quarrel which broke
out afresh in a billiard room—Conley is said to
have been the aggressor, and after some words,
and a scuffle, Wingate fired at the head of the
other at the distance of a few feet and shattered
his jaw. Wingate escaped to Alabama, and
Conley is in a precarious situation.
ACQUITTAL.
We learn that young Asa Hoxey of this city,
lately tried at Eatonton, on an indictment for the
murder of young Trippe, has been acquitted.
The Wetumpka Whig is down on the citi
zens of his region thus : “ There is so little pub
lic spirit among our citizens that we despair of
ever seeing such a work even commenced; so the
cotton must go to Charleston, and Wetumpka to
the Devil.”
If it be any comfort to the “ Whig” wc can
inform him, that the public of this city, is just as
deaf and blind, halt and stupid upon the subject
of Rail Roads. While it only requires an ener
getic stretching out of their hands to accomplish
the most important results for the permanent
prosperity of the city, no solitary man is found
public-spirited enough to lift a finger in the work.
A little action would ensure the construction of
a Road from Bamesville to this place, and thus
connect uswitrfthe Atlantic Ocean—that link
formed, Columbus would be safe, and en route of
the great thorough-sere from North to South.
But nobody moves, nobody cares, and if Co
lumbus does not go to that bad place, the Whig
speaks of, it will not be because of the virtue and
public spirit of her citizens.
THE HARBOR AND RIVER BILL.
We commend to our readers the able article on
this subject, copied from the Constitutionalist,
and signed “Veto.” We thank the writer for
the public spirit and virtue that has given his ar
ticle to the press. It exhibits in a most striking
point of view the danger and gross injustice to
say nothing of the unconstitutional character of
these measures.
BOASTED BRITISH FREEDOM.
It is a law maxim of Old England, that a slave
who plants his foot on British soil, by the very
act, becomes a free man. This may bo true of
negro slaves. But there are, it seems, thousands
of white people, born, raised and planted there
for life, who would not be considered freemen, by
the poorest republican in America. Here is one
sample of British freedom in the matter of the
elective franchise.
By the present system of representation a ma
jority of the House of Commons is elected by
not more than one-fifth of the registered electors
of Great Britain ! That one-fifth, or about 20,000
voters, forms about the thirty-third part of the
Entire male adult population, whose lives, pro
perties, and liberties, are thus entirely at the
mercy of this small minority.
The Charleston Patriot says:
The Whig party of New York is charged open
ly with laboring to procure the right of suffrage,
as enjoyed by the whites, for the negro popula
tion of that city—a more degraded and worthless
class than is to be found in any. part of the world
FROM WASHINGTON. ‘
Our Washington Correspondent has given a
sketch of Mr. Webster’s speech on the Oregon
question. Our exchanges furnish us with a day
later. The following letter from the Charleston
Courier gives a brief outline ofthe speech of Gen.
Cass.
Washington - , April 1.
The Unicorn having been out twelve days,
may soon be expected to arrive, and her intelli
gence may have an effect upon the deliberations
of the Senate.
Mr. Webster, it is believed, has been in com
munication with Mr. M’Lane, and that he is ad
vised ot the disposition ofthe British Government
to make an overture, such as lie alludes to in his
speech.
It is evident that the Senate will not be hur
ried to take the question.
In the Senate, a resolution was considered for
changing the daily hour of meeting to 11 o’clock,
and it was opposed on the ground # that the object
was to force the Senators to hurry the Oregon
debate. The resolution was lost—yeas, 13 ;
nays, 31.
Mr. Cass made his speech, and a very able one,
on the Oregon question. He replied particular
ly to Mr. Haywood and Calhoun, the latter of
whom he complimented very highly and eloquent
ly on his course in the.war of 1812.
He went into a forcible argument to show that
49 was not the limit of our claim, and also to show
that the President was not bound to accept that
offer if E ngland should make it.
He did not believe, however, that England
would even offer 49. He said he was determin
ed, for one, to march up to 54° 40'.
He said that if there was no pother reason
against arbitration it would be a sufficient one
that so many of our statesmen were of the opinion
that our claim was limited to 49. The arbitra
tors would not look at the title ; they wduld
take a pair of dividers and split the difference
between that line and the British proposals.
If we were determined to settle the question, no
matter how, we might resort to arbitration. We
knew, beforehand, what the decision would be.
It might heal our wounded honor, but would
leave an unsccnly scar.
Mr. Ashley has the floor for to-morrow.
r In the House, it was ordered that the Sub-
Treasury I>ill be taken out of Committee, at I
o’clock, on Thursday, 2d inst.
Mr. Chipman spoke in favor of the Bill.
Mr. J. R. Ingcrsoll vindicated the banking
system, and especially the United States Bank,
from some animadversions from Mr. Dromgoole.
Mr. Holmes, of South-Carolina, replied °as to
the operations of the U. S. Bank, and traced the
causes of its downfall, and of the general convict
tion that followed it.
He supported the system now proposed, as
tending to check extravagant issues by local
banks. It would promote business interests by
keeping the paper currency in a sound state. As
to the abstraction of specie from circulation, it
would never exceed in amount eight or ten
millions. But the banks excepting to be called
upon, would be carelul to keep an adequate sup
ply of specie.
Mr. C. J. Ingersoll entered into a very elabo
rate, studied and eloquent view of the question,
historically and commercially, and politically
and morally.
Among other things, he maintained that the
.. üb-Treasury would do more tor manufactures
than the whole thirty Tariffs which we have had
could ever do; and he was a Tariff man, and an
advocate of protection for the sake of protec
ting. A sound currency would be the best pro
tection. 1
His eastern friend would not be here on their
anxious seat now, if they had adhered to a specie
currency. 1
n ton Brown, of Tennessee, opposed the
Bill, as odious, condemned, and, after all, im
practicable.
Correspondence Ot the Times.
Washington, D. C., March 30, 1846.
Dear S/r .—There were many spectators in
the galleries of the Senate to-day, at an early hour
drawn thither, perhaps, for the purpose of seeing
Senator Sam. Houston take his seat. Messrs. Hous
ton and Rusk—(the latter of whom took his seat
last Thursday) entered the Senate Chamber
some minutes before twelve, and those mem
bers who had not before seen Gen. Houston
embraced the opportunity of shaking him by the
hand and welcoming him heartily to their body.
Both the Texas Senators are large, fine looking
men, and appear in good health and spirits.
Immediately after the reading of the Journal,
on motion, the allotment of the Texas Senators to
their classes was decided ; Mr. Rusk drawing No.
3, his term will expire in 1851 —Mr. Houston No.
1, his term end3 in 1847.
This business having been disposed of, and the
resolution ofMr. Clayton, (offered some weeks
since) calling on the President for further infor
mation relative to the negotiations with Great
Britain, being taken up in the order of business,
Mr. Webster rose for the purpose of asking the
mover ofthe resolution not to press its adoption
on the Senate at the present time. He advised
its postponement for a few days, on the ground
that it was probable some communications had
ecently been received from Mr. McLane, our
minister. He accorded with the mover of the re
solution that it was quite obvious, that if the na
tional legislature were called on to act upon this
question of Oregon, they should be put in posses
sion of all the information necessary to enable
them to act correctly and understandingly. But
the resolution now might cause embarrassment—
for if the Executive should not comply with its
terms, it would be presumed that a correspon
dence between the governments was still going
on ; and if such was the case a compliance would
be inconvenient. lie said that in regard to the
notice, which it was contemplated to give to Eng
land, although he could not see precisely how it
was to aid negotiation, still he would imagine a
state of things in which it would be as inconven
ient to stand still as to go forward. But if the no
tice was to be used for the purpose of carrying out
the exxheme propositions which had been ad
vanced by the President, then it should be with
held unless Congress was fully prepared to go to
war in order to carry out these extreme views.
For the resolution of notice would then make
the opinions of the President the ultimatum. He
alluded to the whole of Oregon, and asked if he
meant to sustain them, or recede from them.—
When the President declared our clear and un
questionable right to the.territory up to the Rus
sian dine, did he mean to speak in his official ca
pacity as the Executive of the Union, or did lie
mean to express his personal opinion merely 1
if the latter, it should not have been embraced in
his official communication ; if the former, it was
not justifiable for him to put the offer to England
fora settlement of the question on grounds so
different from those which had been offered by
his predecessors. He conceived that as a general
basis for a proposition to England, that of 1826,
should have been considered by the President —
and he. said he helieved the people of the United
States would stand by that offer. He said there
were reasons for fixing the line upon the parallel
of 49th degree of latitude which both nations
should respect. We had on this side of the
Rocky Mountains pushed the British claim beyond
that parallel, and if the principle of contiguity or
continuity prevails, we should continue it to the
Pacific Ocean. He would rest our claim on
Grey’s discovery. He would leave the question
ofthe right to navigate the Columbia river for a
definite period and analogous matters to friendly
negotiation ; but the 49th degree should be con
sidered the line between the possessions of the
two nations, south of which England could not
expect to have any claim. If this could be ef
fected, why, he asked, should we hold back ?
Delay but produced derangement and uncertainty
in all the great concerns of commerce. Both
countries, it seemed to him, had come to consider
the 4Dth parallel as the line of demarkation; and
as yet nothing had touched the point of honor of
either nation—and it would be neither humilia
tion or condescension to do that now which both
must do at some time—and which, if clone now,
would perhaps prevent great calamities to both.
It would meet his views to let the matter be post
poned for a month and try the effect of further
negotiation to put an end to the difficulty and the
necessity of giving any notice. He would sug
gest that course, but not move it—and he did so
because he could see no use in the notice.
When Mr. W. closed Mr. Allen replied briefly
and spoke against further delay for the purpose
of waiting for another packet or steamer from
England, to ascertain whether the Queen of Eng
land was pouting or smiling upon us for the ex
pression jof the views of the American Congress
upon the Oregon controversy. lie combatted Mr.
IV.’s views as to the proceedings of the President
but my limits will not permit me to glance at the
course ofhis argument.
I have given you a sketch of the distinguished,
New England federalist, because he hasfhitherto
said so little upon the subject, that any thing
which falls from him will be a curiosity to your
readers. of to-morrow will perhaps
contain his remarks in full, as he took the precau
tion to write most of them down before he deliv
ered them, to ayoid, as he said, being mistaken
or misstated.
The resolution of Mr. Clayton was laid on the
table; when the Senate proceeded to the consid
eration of the special order, (resolutions of no
tice) and *Mr. Barrow gave his views in a speech
of nearly three hours. He is in favor of notice
and for compromise on the 49th parallel.
My letter is already too long, but I cannot con
clude without making a brief allusion to present
views and appearances. S.nce the last arrival
from England, I think I can perceive more of se
riousness upon the countenances of our senators.
Every English editor who commented upon our
refusal of the English proposition to arbitrate,
gave it as his opinion that his nation had gone as
far as possible—nothing more could be done, &c.
Again, the last message of the President, in an
swer to the call made on him by the Senate reso
lution, showed that from the first of December no
change had taken place, either in the relations of
the two countries or in his own views as to the
necessity of increasing our defences and prepar
ing to defend ourselves.
Gen. Cass moved the adjournment to-day, and
will have the floor to-morrow. I think his effort
will be a review of the whole greund and the
main arguments and grounds taken against the
suggestions made by him in the early part of the
session. He will reply to Messrs. Evans, R.
Johnson, and others, on the Whig side, and Messrs
Calhoun on our side. I anticipate
his course from conversations which I have had
with several gentlemen. After the speech of
Gen. Cass, I shall consider the debate in the Sen
ate as near its close—but I will not venture on a
prediction. Yours, £
Wreck of a Packet.— The Henry Clan,
one of the finest of Grinnell & Minturn’s line of
Liverpool packets, -went ashore on Squam Beach
on Tuesday night last, about a mile North of the
place where the John Mintum was lately wrecked.
The Henry C luy had about 200 passengers,
none of whom by the latest New York news, had
been got off. Ten or more had perished in at
tempting ta reach the shore in a boat As the
ship kept together and the violence of the gale
had abated, it was hoped the remainder of the
passengers would be saved. The ship which ori
ginally cost 590,000, was . insured for $40,000
and the cargo for 520,000.
Charleston, April 4.
The Mail steamer Governor Dudley, which
left here on Thursday afternoon, returned yes
terday morning about 8 o’clock. She made her
way for about 40 miles, when it w r as found im
possible to proceed. The same boat left again
yesterday with the mails on board, but found the
weather still unfavorable, and returned again in
the course of a few hours..
We have now in port three of the mail steam
ers, viz: the Gov Dudley, Wilmington, and
Vanderbilt, and unless the Gladiator has had
the injury caused by coming in contact with the
Anson, repaired, we will receive no mail from
the North to-day.
The weather is still unseasonably cold, the
wind blowing quite fresh from the north east.
New York anti Liverpool Steamers, —
It is said upwards of filly passengers had en
gaged births for the first ti ip of the Great Wes
ter a, April 11 th. Alterations have been made
in her boilers and it is confidently expected that
her speed will be as great as at any time since
she was built.
The Great Britain has undergone improve
ments. Her screw has been enlarged and her
impelling power increased.
From the Constitutionalist.
THE HARBOR AND RIVER BILL,
AND THE GEORGIA DELEGATION.
The Savannah Republican says that the Hon.
Thomas Butler King, “was left alone in his noble
struggle to sustain the true interests of his
State,” on the passage of this bill, and to him,
says the Republican, “the people of Savannah
and the State owe a debt of gratitude !! ”
As the bill was passed very nearly as reported
by the committee, there was not much “struggle”
in the nu tter. Mr. King, however, certainly
voted fer the bill in all its stages, and clauses,
and to this honor is certainly entitled to the exclu
sive monopoly; an honor which I hope and be
lieve would not have been shared with him, if
the whole Georgia delegation had been-present.
How much gratitude Georgia owes to the “noble
struggle” of Mr. King to commit her to this gi
gantic system of plunder will depend some
what upon the profit of being taxed millions to
receive hundreds : An estimate more easily made
by a glance at the bill itself, and a short view of
the system on which it is founded :
North of the Potomac, and South of New
Hampshire, there is appropriated, for
harbors, $743,450
For Northern and Western Rivers, 475,000
. $1,318,450
For harbors between the Potomac and ,
Rio Grande, 50,000
For rivers east of the Alleghanies and be
tween the Potomac and Rio Grande, Nothing ! 7
How this drop from the Treasury happened to
fall on one favored seaport on a Southern seacoast
of about 2000 miles, is not very obvious. It is
presumed, however, that this was thought about
the usual proportion of the South in the distribu
tion of burthens and benefits, and as Savannah
“was tolerably central on the South Atlantic
coa.~t,” the colony of Georgia, on this occasion,
became the grateful object of government boun
ty! Possibly, too, the committee may have
been somewhat moved by the noble generosity of
a Southern member, thus offedngto barter away
the rights of his constituents for a consideration
so trifling.
Though this harbor and river system, as it is
called, has often created much excitement, it has
not generally received the attention it deserves.—
I think it was a member from New York, who
predicted a few years since in debate, that this
system would ultimately cause the dissolution
of the Union. What abuse of legislative power
is more likely to do sol Against these unprin
cipled combinations, some relief has occasional
ly bccn’found in the firmness and patriotism of
the Executive. This is, however, an uncertain
protection, and when the abuse is better consid
ered, and more generally understood, it cannot
and will not be borne. We have complained
much, and I think justly, of the partial operation
of a protective tariff. This however favors a
class and in theory at least that class may be
found in all sections of the Union. Not so
with these local improvements. They are en
tirely local or sectional in their character, without
a single national feature about them. What
possible interest have the Southern States, for
example, in the improvement of harbors from
Burlington to Baltimore! Why should we be
taxed to improve the channels of commerce
from these ports to the West, when the object
and effect is to injure our own ? Why tax us
to clean out the mouths of every rivulet on the
Lakes, or to cut through the marshes of Michi
gan, to build up the fortunes of village specula
tors! If the harbor of Boston needs attention,
let Boston clear it out. It is her own affair, not
ours. Most of our Southern cities-have taxed
themselves to the verge of bankruptcy to extend
their own commerce, whilst they are called on to
contribute to about $300,000 to make a mere
river landing at St. Louis ! ! Let us complain
of this oppression, and we arc told of lots ren
ting in St. Louis by the square foot —houses go
ing up like magic, and of an increase of wealth
and population beyond all example. A few
thousand dollars, to clear out the Savannoh liver,
wou'd gladden the hearts of every merchant in
Savannah and Augusta. But whilst they arc
devising- means to raise it themselves, they arc
called on to contribute to $475,000 per annum
to Northern and Western rivers! Let us com
plain of this, and our ignorance is pitied.—
“ Southern gentlemen arc not blamed for their
opposition to the improvements of the West
‘they know not what they do,’ They are un
acquainted with the vast extent of Western
commerce!”
Let us to amend by inserting some
Southern river, the improvement of which con
flicts with the private interests and commerce of
this log-rolling combination, and vve arc told that
“travels one step beyond the scope that
the committee had marked out for itself. Tiiey
had appropriated only for the Hudson and the
Mississippi, and its main branches.” The Ten
nessee is a large tributary to the Mississippi, but
unfortunately it proves an important link in a
great line of improvements, connecting the South
Atlantic coast with this same prosperous West,
and conflicting with the interest of .every port
and improvement North and West of Baltimore.
It was therefore “ beyond the scope which the
committee had marked out for itself.” Why the
Hudson ? When clear of ice, we know that
river is covered with boats of the largest class,
running and racing day and night at the highest
speed, and who has ever heard of any serious
difficulty in the navigation between Albany and
New York? Even the accommodating bureau
of 1814, did not report in favor of this river,
and at the last session, it is said, it did not fall
within the scope of the committee. On a trial of
strength, however, it was soon found that the bill
could not pass without buying more votes from
Aew \ ork. This necessity brought it within the
scope-, the Hudson was inserted, and by this bribe
the bill passed. This caution seems to have had
its effect upon the committee, and this session the
Hudson stands foremost. I have named the only
necessity for this appropriation. True, N. York
was heavily provided for on the lakes, and lake
nvers, but the Empire State knows her strength,
and as the price of support, insists on a very
full fellowship in the plunder. Why “the Miss
issippi and its branches?” The only answer
seems to be the wonderful resources and pros
perity of the country watered by them, and its
growing wealth, and commerce! This is the
argument also, for the lakes and lake rivers. It
is insisted, as has been truly stated, that the fa
vorites of nature should be the peculiar pets of
legislative power! The more wealthy and pow
erful they are, the heavier the contributions they
ciaim from their less fortunate neighbors. As
this prosperity calls so heavily upon our bounty,
let us look for some of its principal springs.
Much of this prosperity is derived from thecon
centrated expenditure of the public treasure upon
this Javored line, connecting the southern sea
ports unth the western valley. Hear one of the
reports upon which one of these harbor and
river bills was The officer attempts to
account for the enormous amounts usually ex
pended beyond the estimates for these specula
ting jobs on the lakes.
Amgfig he says: “A
g&viAt the 3!moa orW;e. commencement of
nearly all the ,®ork, the laborers of the neighbor
ing country Icing measurably without employ -’
ment, and produce having no outlet to a market,
labor awl provisions and material for the works,
tvere extremely cheap. This impulse imparted
to industry, and the facilities oj conveyance to
the produce of the country provided by the works
themselves, hud the effect greatly to enhance their
cost, by the increased prices which labor and ma
terials could command ,” &c.
Here we find advantage taken of the bounty
of the government to increase its expenditures—
expenditures for their own exclusive advantage,
and drawn from the hard earnings of other sec
tions of the Union, who had to live upon their own
earnings, and dcvelope their own earnings, and
devclope their own resources. Here vtc may
see the unequal operation of taxation and expen
diture upon the exhausted south. Our resources
are subjected to a perpetual drain by heavy pro
tective duties, with little or no returns by dis
bursements, to animate industry, and give em
ployment to our people. Our ignorance and po
verty arc derided—we arc thought only wor
thy to be taxed to promote the prosperity of
otiiers! —and only feel the the influences of go
vernment, by its exactions and oppressions! We
are perpetually taunted with the comparitive
prosperity of the north and west, and our disad
vantages attributed to slavery, and every cause
but the right one. The sands of Africa might
be prosperous, under the vivifying influence of
this unbroken stream of government expenditure
drawn from the labor of others! The estimate
for one harbor on the lakes is near one million
of dollars! and in a list of harbors and rivers so
long, that I have not time to count them, from
one to three hundred thousand dollars are not
very unusual! The annual appropriation ex
pected is from one and a half to two millions, and
for each one, that comes “within the scope,” from
sto $50,000. Now- I would ask our southern
cities—or to come nearer home I would ask Co
lumbus, Macon, Augusta and Savannah, what
would probably be the change in their condition,
if they had an annual appropriation of 10, or
$30,000 each, to keep open the rivers, and se
cure cheapness of transportation, and steadiness
to their commerce at all seasons of the year!—
Suppose also that cheap communication with the
Mississippi, was” opened from our south Atlantic
ports, and kept up at the expense of the govern
ment, we might then claim applicable to our
selves, the picture before given from the report;
—and add in the language of the same report
that, since then, and as the necessary and un
questionable consequence of these improvements,
the industsy and enterprise of the country, have
assumed a degree of activity altogether unri
valled.” Those without the “scope,” can scarce
ly realize such blessings, and do not expect them.
We have, in fact, no well defined idea of the re
lations in which we stand to the government.—
For instance: how would the people of Augusta
feel, if a score of the United States officers
were to arrive here, —make a large deposite in
one of our banks and commence building a marine
hospital in our city ! ! We should feel as if
we had been suddenly transported into another
world, and fallen under the rule of another go
vesnment! And yet within the favored limits,
there are several of these structures in the inte
rior !! One at Louisville, and one at Pitts
burg !!! What use is made of them I never
learned. Probably they are intended for the ac
commodation of the iron masters, or river boat
owners.
The next stop will probably be for the gov
ernment to build or buy out all the steam boats
on “thhe Hudson, the Mississippi and its princi
pal branches,” and carry freight for nothing! In
fact I lately noticed a move in that quar
ter, that approached very near to this; and
this will be necessary to relieve them from the
tax, as they call it, of the cheapest inland trans
portation in the world!
I will say nothing of the Constitution. I
know that in the present state of political morals,
that is a feeble barrier against any selfish project.
I ask however, (with no hope of jui answer) why
these ports and rivers are entitled to preference
oVef others ! The absurd claim under the ordin
ance of 1787, is not often referred to. It was
once claimed under that ordinance, that because
the states could not shut up the Ohio, they had
no power to keep it open ; and, therefore, it
must be done by the General Government! ! If
the ordinance of 1787, giving a common use of
these rivers, was not useless when passed, it be
came so on the adoption of the new Constitution,
which placed every navigable river in the union
on the same footing, according to the decisions
of the Supreme Court.
This absurd pretension could not serve its pur
poses long. It only applied to the rivers in the
north west territory, and did <not touch the
Hudson, the Missouri, the Arkansas, lied Riv
er, OR E VEST THE MISSISSIPPI ITSELF !
The scope became too narrow; more votes be
came necessary, and now so far as the western
rivers are concerned—we are amused by a bold
figure of speech. We are told that the M ississip
pi is an inland sea, and that, therefore, its tribu
taries are fit objects of constitutional expenditures!
We are not told, however, how large a river
must be to make it an inland sea, or how long it
must be to make it national. Neither is it very
flilly explained, why a navigable river running
into an open sea —that is into the Gulf or the
broad Atlantic should not be entitled to equal
privileges.
Ifwc could suppose these distinctions seriously
made, would it be any excuse for the gross ine
quality of these appropriations. The system
could not. be made equal, (if confined to harbors
and rivers) if there were any disposition to make
it so. Some states have more harbors and rivers
than others. This is a natural advantage, and
there is no justice in improving these advantages
at the expense of those who are less favored.
The system should therefore be abandoned from
expediency, and a regard to equal justice. If
not abandoned, however, itshouldbe made equal.
A board of public works should be appointed and
the whole country surveyed and improved ac
cording to its wants and with some regard to
equaljustice among the states.. Let all harbors
receive equal attention; all navigable rivers be
cleaned out, and all rail roads built, where very
essential either in peace or war. Yes, railroads.
No ingenuity can make any sensible distinction
between the power to build roads, and the power
to improve the navigation of rivers for commer
cial purposes. lithe power to do either exist, it
is in the war power, or the power “to regulate’
commerce among the several states.” Where is
the internal improvement now under federal pat
ronage, half so important, in the execution of
these powers as would be continuous lines of rail
road, from Maine to New Orleans, and from the
‘south Atlantic coast to the valley of the Missis
sippi ? These two improvements would extend
their benefits to nearly, if not quite, every state in
the union. Ihe first, in peace and war, would
secure regular and rapid inland intelligence
through all the Atlantic States, from one end of
the Union to the other. Whilst the other, in ad
dition to a similar advantage in quick communi-
cation between the south ami west, would afford
most of the Valley States the shortest outlet to
the Atlantic by many hundred miles. It would
also place the military resources of the Valle-,
within thirty or forty hours of the Atlantic conk,
and would add moro to the military strength of
the country than a standing army 0f50,000 men!
Yet I do not propose that the government should
complete these important lines, though little re
mains to be done to them—and last of all to pro
pose it, would bo those who pass the harbor-and
river bills. They hava no disposition to extend
or equalize the system. Equality they know
would defeat their object. It would bankrupt
the treasury m a single year, and direct taxation
would soon settle the question more effectually
than any \~cto of the Executive. I sincerely hope
that the apprehensions of the Republican mav
prove well founded, and that the President will
sustain his consistency by giving a check to this
corrupt and partial system of expenditure. If
this disgraceful bill is to become a law, I am glad
that the south gets even $50,000 out of a million
and a quarter, and thet the trifle, (bv whatever
accident) happens to fall on Savannah. If the
system continues however, I hope Mr. King will
put a higher price upon his struggles. Let him
move for surveys of the Savannah, the Ocmin'gec,
the Altamaha, the Flint and the Chattahoochee.
he#this is done, and similar measures adopted
for the other states, it will look something like
returning to us a small share of the untold millions,
of which we have been plundered, and restoring
those just and equal relations among the states,
that should exist under a common government.
He may then have stronger claims upon our
“gratitude.'’ VKT<I.
I T EMS.
Macon and Western Hail Road.— The
Griffin Jeffersonian of 27th inst. says—The Ma
con and Westerii Rail Road is progressing ra
pidly towards completion. A portion of the
hands are working this week through Griffin*
and if the contractors come up to their engage
ments in supplying timber,-the road will be laid,
ironed and stocked by the first of J unc. We
understand one new engine is already shipped,
and probably by this time has arrived in Savan
nah. The work is done in the most substantial
manner; none but perfectly sound timber laid
down; and when completed, we presume, it will
he equal to any work of the kind in the Soutlt
ern country.
United States Bank. —The Philadelphia
U. S. Gazette says.—We have it in our power to
state that during yesterday an arrangement was
made by which the claim of the United States
against the Bank of the United States was pro
vided for, and the Bank’s assets are now freed from
the lien of the Government, and its affairs can
now be more readily settled. This arrangement
is one that is calculated to be of very great bene
fit to those now anxiously awaiting speedy set
tlement of the affairs of this unfortunate insti
tion.
The Philadelphia V. S. Gazette of Saturday
says:—“The posts for the Telegraph between
this city and Baltimore have been set up as far
as Wilmington, and in a week or ten days more
it is thought that telegraphic communications be
tween this city and Wilmington may be trans
mitted. The wires have been tried between this
city and Chester, and found to operate effectual
ly ”
TheExpres s—Acci dent. —The Montgome
ry, Advertiser of the 27th inst., says that the
•‘express rider,” on his way yesterday from the
railroad depot, came in contact with a negro run
ning after a hog, on the street from the’ ferry.—
The negro was killed on the spot. The horse
staggered and fell twice, hut the rider mounted
agaili and proceeded on his way. The negro
was the property of Mr. Jos. B. Bibb.
Custom House. —The receiptsat the N. York
Custom House during the six days of last week
were $400,000. The week previous they a
raounted lo $755,000.
Steam Packets.— Mr. W. B. AsTon, of
New York, is about to become the founder of a
line of steam packets, to ply between that port
and Liverpool!
Washington Irving has in preparation and
will shortly publish a Life of Mahomet.
The National Intelligencer says: It is under
stood that the Senate, in Executive Session, on
Thursday last, gave its consent to the Treaty
with Belgium.
The Democrats of New York have nominated
Mr. Havemeyeh, the present Mayor, for re-e
----lection, but he positively declines. It is supposed
•hat the nomination will next fall upon J. S.
Brownell, late City Register. W. B. Coz
zens has been nominated by the Natives.
Shocks of an earthquke were felt at Maysville,
(Ky.,) on the night of 23d ult*
The Governor of Pennsylvania lias approved
the Bill granting the New-York and Erie Rail
Road Company the right of way through a por
tion of that State.
The British Minister, Mr. Pakenliam; does
not serin to think, that 07 majority in the House
of Commons is afair “working majority,” a ml in
sists that Sir Robert Peel’s bill will be defeated in
the House of Lordsi
Nuxs.—Proceedings have been instituted a
gaimst the Ursuline nuns at Quebec, for a viola
tion of their charter—they having refused to ed
ucate young ladies who attended balls. Twen
ty girls were expelled for the alleged delinquen
cy.
r
The ship Charleston and Bremen ship Hudson
both from Bremen for New-York, are still un
heard from. They left the Channel about Jan. 4.
Much anxiety is felt for their safety. The
Charleston was formerly in the Charleston lino
of packets.
How to stop a Newspaper.- —Call at the
office and fork up the Arrearages, and order it to
be stopped like a man; and not refuse to take it
out ol the Post Office and sneak away like a
puppy-
An old lady, who was apt to be troubled in
her dreams, and rather superstitious withal, in
formed the parson of the parish that on a night
previous she saw her grandfather who had been
dead for ten years. The clergyman asked her
what she had been eating. “Oh, only half a
mince pic!” “Well;” he said, “if you had de
voured the other half, you knight have seen your
grandmother!
A young lady of much personal beauty; ac
complished and educated; committed suicide in
Pittsburg, a few days since, having failed a prey
to the ai ts of a seducer, named William H. Ai
len.
Love.— ls you cannot inspire a woman with
love for you, fill her above the brim with love of
herself; and all that runs over is yours.
Trades of New York.— According to a ta
bic fust pul dished in New York by a Mr. Dog
gclt, the grocers of that city amount to 2,154;
the importers; 1,000; lawyers, 966 ; tailors, 762;
dry goods dealers, 727 ; dress makers, 686 ; com
mission merchants, 660; boarding house keep
era; 650; physicians, 604 ; butchers, 516, &c.
From the Saturday Emporium-
EPIGRAM.
If in those eyes of fire
Love never shone ;
If from that voice Love’s lyre
Took not its tone ;
Oh, how those wicked eyes
Have fibb’d to me !
Oh, liow that lyre lies
That speak for thee !
The magnetic telegraph between New Yoik
and Philadelphia has, so far, proved almost an
entire failure. The wires break almost every
day, and so many interruptions have taken place
in its operations, that it cannot l>e relied on lor
anything. There must be something wrong in
its management; for the telegraph between Bal
timore and Washington opeiatcs with the regu
larity and certainty of “clock work.”
Unlike Cannon, the greatest bore among men,
has generally the smallest calibre.
A man who is worth money is pretty sure
now-a-days to be set down for a man of worth,
I he speculations of many modern theorists are
as flimsy and long-drawn as spider’s webs; like
them, too, they catch nothing but flics.
Long reflection is the guarantee of go suc
cess.
The rich too frequently use their wealth to
make the poor wretched, rather than themselves
happy.
The Ur.Ti'tATC'T. —Phvftv-Phour Diorty, or
Phvfcht. —lowa paper.