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EDITED DT JOHN FORSYTH.
J. FORSYTH &. J. T. NILES,
Proprietors and Publishers.
TERMS —Three Dollars per annum, payable
h time;, for new subscriptions.
No paper will be discontinued while any arrear
ages nyliic. unless M the option of the
tors, rowr. dollars will in all cases be ex
acted where payment is not made before the
expiration ofthe subscription year. f
ADVERriSKMriSTS conspicuously inserted at
Ore Dollar for the first insertion,
and rii tv certs for every subsequent continu-
All AnvERTKEMERrs, scat to us without specify
ing the number of insertions desired, will be
continued until ordered out, and charged ac
cordingly.
I.c i\l AomnsENEXTs published at the usual
rates, anJ with strict attention to the reqdisi
tions of the law.
Sheriff's Sales under regular executions, must
be advertise 1 thirty DAYS ; under inortgege fi
fas. sixty days before the day of sale.
B alm of Lind and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
ministrators or Guardians, for sixty DAYS before
the day of sale.
Sales of personal property (except negroes) for
ty DAYS. *
Citations by Clerks of Courts ofOrdinarv, upon
application for letters of administration are to
be published for thirty days.
Citations upon application for dismission,- by Ex
ecutors, Administrators, or Guardians, monthly
for SIX MONTHS.
Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied with
a copy oftho bond, or agreement) to make title
to land, must be published three months.
Notices by Executors or Administrators or Gaar
diaas. of application to the Court of Ordinary
for leave to sell the Land or Negroes of an
estate. FOUR MONTHS.
Notices by Executors or administrators, to the
Debtors and Creditors of an estate, for Six
WEEKS.
rr L etters to the proprietors on business, must]
be r< mt paid, to entitle them to attention.
Th Times is published every Wednesday
morning tu the South end of the Oglethorpe House
back of the Post-Office.
LAW NOTICES.
ANfDRCW J. IIA NS ELL,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW.
Mar ietta, Cobb Cos., Ga.
V V * ILL atfrnd promptly to all business son-
* tided to him in the Cherokee Circuit, and
♦he Counties of Campbell ami Carroll of the Cow
eta circuit. Also in the Supreme court of Ga.,
■ad the Circuit Court of the U. S., for the Dis
trict of Georgia.
M,y 20, 1845 . 21 —It*
LAW NOTICE.
John h. powers a jambs n. west,
HAYING axsoriated themselves in the prac
tice of Law, w-ill attend the Courts of
JloiMton, Bibb, Crawford, Macon, Dooly, Pulaski
■ad Twiggs. All business entrusted to their care,
Will be promptly and faithfully discharged.
J. H. POWERS,
J. N. WEST.
Office at Perry, Houston county,- Ga.
April 22, 1846. ‘ 17-3 m
IE.IBORI WILLIAMS,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW, AND SO
LICITOR IN EQUITY.
Tuskegee, Macon County, Ala.
ti'ferenres —Messrs. Thomas & Downing, Co
lumbus G i., Hon. James E. Reiser. Montgomery,
Alabama.
ivt. s. IMS. 41—!j
Jo!l.\ B. WEE.IIS.
ATTOIt NE V AT LAW,
Columbus, Ga.
\\ r 111 practice in the cotiulie* comprising the
▼ T Caatt ihoochee Circuit,- and the adjacent
ton n ties in Alabama.
jy- Ofiee ore the sti+rc rs M. Brannon, (fa
praa-i Street.
4>l. 11. IS 15. ‘ 7—ts.
A. O. FOSTER.
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
f'ol.UM BUS G.V.
Will practice in th: 1 Courts of tlifi sv/eral
counties of tiwj Chattahoochee Circuit, &
’i* a tjoiag counties of the Southern-West
ern Cir-i.it of Ga. And also in the adjoining
eouaties of* Alabama..
REFERF.NCES :
rtrww. Harper & Holmes, Apalachicola, Fla
** \V. I>'*anni& Sons, Charleston, S. C.
* l*oe & Sisiiet, M icon, Ga.
‘■ \.t. Foster & A.G. Foster, Madison, Ga.
l oliinhAfOct.B, >845. 41—ly
Y J. LAW*
AT T (ffe N K Y A T L AW ;
*p^inbiudt>k,
Will the Superior
ol”Early, Biker,
r Ithe^wuth-Western, and of the
toumv of Thomas of Re Southern Circuit.
May *1,184* Sl—ly_
E. If. PLATT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Ai.it.vxY, Baker County Ga.
Jan. 1, lSli. I —ts
DIKING my Bfornrr from (’nlumlifis, Al
fred Iverson, Esq., will act as my attorney
•nd agent in relation to the estate of Gen. Wat
son, of which 1 am at present sole Executor.
B. W. WALK Est.-
Jm. ?S 1846. s—ts
XI. a 333 Li.
- - lis. r 'nnmdt
In the rear of the Enquirer Office.
Columhus Ga.
ITOrdtr? left at the Times Office will be
punctually attended to* .
Eel. I. 1*46. 6—ts
~ INSTRUCTION IN~MUSIC,
HBERNREITER, late leader of tin* United
• States Regimental Band.- at Fort Moul
trie. offers his services to the citizens of Colum
hus and vicinity, professionally as a Piano Forte
teacher: he will also give instructions on several
Brass instrument, such as Key Bugle, Cornopean,
Ac. &.c. &c.
PIXXOS TfXED AXD nitfPGftF/fi.
Mr. Bernreutcr is also prepared to execute all
kinds of Fancy work in hair, fn platting br ; be
tels ear-rng*. guard chains, &c. He will also
do embroidery work upon cloth in silk of wool.
Sept. 3.1 543. 35—ts
REMOVAL.
DOCTOR C. r. HERVEY.
HIS irmoTfd Ills resident* and OTfirr to the
Dwelling formerly occupied by Dr. WM.
K. SCHLEY, one door South of the Episcopal
Church, and directly opposite the residence o 1
Captain P. T. Schley, where he may be found at
all times prepared to perform all operations apper
taining to his profession.
Jan. 7^B4 6. 2—ts
Akocgiit to jail.
ra Saturday, the Rdaf Mav.
a dark compluugplßMris* o
W feet j^mgjl^^nigh,-about
23 calls himself
he belongs to A.
county, Ala
‘ The ow to come
l> rw prove property, and take
Mm Imj. tfTLETtfi. ROPER,
Jailor, Ga.
may 27, 1846. - 22 —ts
nmni! rtoran
tn UHLS, of suwrior CAS At fLOIt just
vT received ana will be sold at a reduced,
price, bv the lot or single barrel.
moody & Durr.
*
VOLUME VI.
New York Advertisements.
FINE JEWELRY AND
SILVER WARE.
SAMUEL VV. BENEDICT,
NO. 5, WALL ST., NEW YORK,
WroULD call the attention of persons visit*
* ing the city to his large assortment of
Chronometer, Duplex, Lever, and other fine
Watches, imported direct from the bfe'st makers
in Europe,- and will be warranted perfect in eve*
ry respect, and correct time keepers. Also a
handsome pattern of Anchor Escapement.—
Watches for ladies.-
Mr. Cottier xvho has been at the head of the
repairing department for the list five years, will
give his personal attention to the repairing of all
fine Watches:
Spoons, Forks; Cups and every description of
Silver Ware.
may 27, 1846. 22—5 t
BLOTHIN& AT WHOLESALE.
No. 75 William Street, New York.
PURCHASERS of Ready made Clothing,visit
ing New-York are respectfully invited to
call on the subscriber, where they will find a gen
eral assortment erf fashionable
adapted to their markets, at as low prices as can
be found in the city, for sale at wholesale only,
for cash or approved paper.
ARTHUR L. LEW®
75 William Street, New TOk:
N. ft.—-SHIRTS of every description by the
case or dozen.
may 27, 1846. 22—3 t
LLU&
\ COST! f
rptfE sAscrikrs having detcrnmied to dose
JL their Present business havofcommenced to
dispose of tlmir entire stock of ifesiraible Goods,
consisting 6f% M
flnCy And stAple dry-goods,
Ready inrne Clo/iin * Boots,
Shoes, Um
brellas, &c. at
new*yMk cost i
and many goaps\t less than cost.
They invite tlieJFcustoiners and the public in
general to avail this opportunity of
procuring good Vat greatly prices.
N. B. TliJabove is no eTOtei day Humbug,
but an actuJjact, as the be sold by
the Ist of jfeptember.
Call and by pricing thPgwds you will
be coopfeed. ql
JT M. PECARRt fc Cos.
Street, next door to P. McShren’s.
may 27, 1846. 22—2 t
CIIAVCL Toil A FIXE
INVESTMENT.
IN consequence of protracted bad health and
a wish to change climate, of one of us, we of
fer to SELL OUT AT COST, OUT ESTABLISHMENT in
this place, together with all the property attach
ed to it, comprising a
FINE TWO STORY FIRE-PROOF BRICK BUIL
DING,
52 feet front by 80 deep,- consisting of a confec
tionary, a bar room, a Milliard #oom, two
TEN PIN ALLEYS; 70 ft lOllg ail OYSTER ROOM.
a large saloon up stairs; three fine office rooms
in front, and a cellar running under the whole
building. Together with a bakery, fine well
of (Eater, snug kitchen, large” yards; and a sta
ble in the rear, —the whole well fenced in, and
; planted with fine shade trees all round. Premi
i ses susceptible of being converted into a Hotel,
at very little cost.
The Purchase cannot fail to prove a very prof
itable investment.
Sale in fee, with Mortgage.-
Terms-, —One third Cash —one third nine
1 months, one third eighteen months, —notes, with
approved securities, bearing interest from date.
Ten per cent for insurance and way charges to
! be added to the original invoice of the stock.
Applications received until the first of October
. only/
’ MARTIN & COURIC.
May 27, 1846. 22—3 t
HAS just returned from New York, and is
this day receiving a large assortment ol
G-eeaas,
of the latest importation,- which he has selected
himself with great care . Those desirous of ob
taining such goods as are imported expressly for
the New York City Trade, will do well to call
immediately.
Has also'received a full assortment of
MILLINERY GOODS & F ASHIONABLE BONNETS,
from the most approved Millinery establishments
in New York. She will open and show them this
day the 22d April, 1846.
! April 22, 1546 17—ts
STRONG & WOOD’S
FASHIONABLE
SHOE ANB HAT STORE,
HAS been purchased by the subscribers, who
will continue the business at the old stand,-
where they will be pleased ‘to see thdir friends’
and the public generally, at all times.
Their stuck is full, and assortment inferior to
none in the city—as it embraces every article
usually found in similar establishments. Their
( prices shall accord with the tames, and every et
-1 fort will bd made to make it the interest of the
public to extend that patronage, which is respect
fully solicited.
All articles sold by us, are warranted to prove
as represented.
WYNNE & CHANDLER.
TltOS. K. WYNNE’, )’
I. C. CHANDLER. t.
j may 13, 1846. 20—ts
Notice.
All persons indebted to STRONG & WOOD,
are requested to make immediate payment to the
subscribers, who are authorized to close the busi
ness. They will also- settle all demands against
the above firm WYNNE & CHANDLER,
may 13, 1846. 20—ts
LANDS FOR SALE.
LOTS number 214’ in the 3rd district ofLce.
do do 44 & 234 do Kith- do- do
do do 132 do 4th doMuscogee
do do’ 173d015th do do
do do’ 40 do 13th do do
do do 3 do 6th‘ do do
do do 39 do 4th do Randolph
do do 95 do sth do- do
do do 270 do 7th do do”
do do 33 & 37 do 9th do do
do do 120 do 11th do do
do do 68 & 154 do 18th do Stewart
do do 89 & 104 do 19th d'O’ do
do do 232 do 21st do do
do’ do 222 do 25fh do do
do do 196 do 26th do dtr
do do 120 do 28th do dd’
do do 162 do 29th do do
>do do 15 do 17th do do
do do 256 do 3rd dd’ Dooly
do do 28 & 245 do 7th do dd’
Persons having any interest in the sale of the
! above lots can gain any information as to the
! terms, &c. by application to the subscriber, or to
John B. Lamar, Esq. at Macon Ga. free of postage.
ANDREW J. LAMAR,
Near Jfunrde, Walton co. Ga.
Feb -fth, JS46. 6—mlSm’
, COLUMBUS, GA. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 3, 1846.
THE SUBSCRIBER respectfully inform’s his
friends and the public that he figs purchas
ed the stock of George Dunham, consisting of eve
ry variety of
School, Classical* Medical, Law
and Miscellaneous Books, Sta
tionary, &c.
Together with all the various articles usually
found in a Book Store. The above stock having
been purchased on favorable terms, he is prepar
ed to sell to his patrons as low as can be had else
where.
A liberal share of the patronage heretofore
awarded to this store will be duly acknowledged,
and thankfully received. J. W. PEASE.
N. B. —Just received and for sale, Hotchkisses
STATUTE OF GEORGIA.
may 27, 1849. 22—ts
opOBToaLTr.
From the N. Y. Evening Post.
TO JOHN BULL.
I wonder, John, ifyou forgot, some sixty years ago,
When we were very young, John, your lifhd was.
white as snow,
You didn’t count us much, John, and thought to
make us run,
But found out your mistake, John, one day at
Lexington; g
And whew we askafl you in, John, to take a cup
harbor, John, the tea pot of
the/ree, J
party, John, it wasn’t quite
were there you didn’t much ex
jpe their manners, John, youcouldn’t
drink meir tea,
You thouant it got into their heads, and made
themjquite too free ;
But youJlcame quite tipsy (John, you drink a
little still)
The day you march’d across the Neck, and ran
down Bunker Hill,
You actdß just like mad, John, and were tum
bled o’er and oter,
By your stalwart Yankee son, John, who handled
half a score.
But now I hope you’re sober John, —you’re quite
too fat to run,
You havn’t r ‘got the legs’’ now, you had at Ben
nington ;
You had some corns upon your feet, Cornwallis,
he was one;
That made you at the York Town fight, so lame
you couldn’t run ;
You tiled enough, I will admit, and threw away
your gun,
And told a man to hold ybttr sword, his name was
■ Washington?
Another much-loved spot, Joint, has sweet asso
ciations,
When you were going doxvn to York to see your
rich relations ;
; The “Dutchman of the Mohawk,” aftxioUs to en
tertain,
Put up some “Gates” that stopped you, John, on
Saratoga’s plain.
That hill you must remember, John, ’tis high and
very green,
We mean to have it lithograph’d, and send it to
your queen,
I know you love that hill, John, you dream of it
o’nights,
The name it bote in “’76” was simply Bemis
Heights.
Your old friend, Ethan Allen, Os Continental
fame;
Who called ytfft to surrender in “the Great Jeho-
hovah’s name.”
You recognized the “Congress” then authority
most high,
i The matt he tailed so early, John',* and fid you 6f
Fort Tl.
I know you’ll grieve to hear it, John, and feel
quite sore and sad,
To learn that Ethan’s dead and gone; yet still
there’s many a lad
ThaUs growing in his highland home, as fond of
guns and noise;
And gets up quite as early, John, these brave
“Green Mountain Boys.”
“Oh, no, we never mention it,” we think it quite
unlucky;
The day you charged the cotton bags and got in
to Kentucky.
1 thought you knew geography, but misses in
their tee rW
Will tell that “Old Kentucdy” was that day be
low Orleans.
The “beauty” on thatdUy, John, was some dis
tance from the bags,
And did they get the “booty,” John, somehow
my memory flags’ j
I rather think you made a “swap,” I’ve got in
my head,
That instead of gold and silver, John, you took
it iu cold lead.
Though “ mistress of the ocean,” you couldn’t
rule the lakes,
There xHfere some Ganders in your fleet; but
John, you had no “Drakes.”
You had enough good Spirits there, you drank
both hock and sherry,
But, John, you couldn’t stand our fare, you
Couldn’t take our Perry.
“ tVc make them all so” yet, John, on land and
on the sea,
W e'took this little continent on purpose to be free.
Our eagle’s free, and loves to soar, he cannot
bear a cage,
His tirloorts scratch’d the lion’s back, and sftthim
in a rage.
Our glorious stars are sparkling bright, increasing
year by year,
Supported by a million hearts that never knew a
fear.
Our children lisp it in their prayers, ’tis carried
o’er the sea,
Dost hear it, John? itthunders there, “we’re chil
dren of the free.”
Free as our sires of ’76—as b6ld,’as brave, as true,-
To worship God and keep the land,’ we took,
dear John, from you ;
To keep our flag free on the land, unsullied on
the wave,
Until the last bright star shall Set on the last free
irhn's grave - .- *
I thought your memory I’d refresh; yoif like 61<f
things and times,
So those events, to please you, I have tumbled
into rhymes,
And don’t forget yoUt old tried friends, because
you’re now the Ton,
But, John, just think of *76—and give up Oregon!
MY MOTHER.
Sweet mother: I remember well/
How in thy doating joy,
Thotfiwouldst enfold me to thy breast,
_And bless thy little boy;
And o’er my cheek would softly fall
Tears of maternal love,
As on the bud untimely chill’d,
The dew floats from above.
k And I remember, too, when oft
Within thine arms I lay /
I sobb’d the prayer that death would first,
Take me, thy child, away f-
I wept to think of losing thee,
And sooner would have gone
To rest beneath the churchyard tree’.
Then be an orphan lone !
And thou would soothe me, blessed one.
(Pith gentle word and look,
Until the torrent of my grief
Became a rippling brook,
And then thou hadst some holy hymn
To lull me to repose,
Until the tears would leave mine eyes,
And sleep their lids w ould close?
And when the hottr Os sickness came,
Thy ministering hand,
Would kindle up anew the flame
That smoulder’d on the brand,
And then a heavenly.smile would come
Upon thy care” worn brow,
As thou would’st mark with watchful glance
The spreading of the bough !
Bift Ore the branch, like hope, had borne
It’s trembling leaves of green,
Avail was o’er its freshness thrown,
A shadow went between,
My mother ! thou wert call’d above —
To death thy form was given ;
But thy meek spirit soar’d on high,
To rest its wings in heav’u.
THE UNION OP THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OP TIIK STATES.
MISCELLANY.
CONTEMPORARY ORATORS.
earl grey.
’The Whigs recognise the principle of an he
reditary succession even in party leadership; an
office under government and ultimately a seat
in the cabinet, with occasionally an advance in
the peerage, are as certainly secured by a kind
of law of entail to the Whig lordling who turns
his attention to politics, as is his paternal es
tate. Public honours and powgr, under the fa
vouring forms of the constitution, have become,
to a few families, almost a private property—
We do not say that they inherit these tilings
without deserving them; fax’ from it: the sons of
the great Whig families have often developed
into statesmen; becoming by the force of their
talents entitled to fresh honours; and in their
turn founding new families, all with the like
claims on their party. But they certainly have
had a preference in the first tart into life which
has not been enjoyed by commoners generally,
nor even by the scions of other noble families
professing, perhaps, liberal politics, but not being
within the charmed circle. An exclusiveness
in the distributing of offices, and the initiation
into the servico of the state, has characterised the
Whig party since it first became possessed of
power under the constitutional form of govern
ment'; nor, until the bold offer of Lord John
Russell to Mr. Cobden, of an office under gov
ernment, when that noble lord was forrilihg art
administration on the resignation of Sir Robert
Peel, before introducing his free-trade plan, has
there been any material symptom of a relaxation
of that rigid rule of almost family preference.—
Mr. Macaulay’s elevation to the cabinet is a
brilliant exception; but the ground of his promo
tion has been, as we have shewn, exceptional
also.
On the other hand it is a singular fact, that
the party in the state whose principles are gener
ally declared to be as exclusive as those of the
Whigs are asserted to be liberal; a party which
numbers in its ranks more of the aristocracy of
llie country, and a less proportion of the com
mercial and the democratic interests; has always
been remarkable for throwing open its arms to
talent wherever it was to be found; and for bes
towing the most valuable offices in the state up
on distinguished persons, more on account of
their intellectual merit than of their noble blood.
Earl Grey and Lord Viscount Morpeth, the
eldest son of the Earl of Carlisle, are at the pres
ent time, next to Lord John Russell, the two
rriost prominent inheritors of the political heir
loom of Whig influence. The career of each
has in several respects run parallel to that of the
other: their claims on their party arc as nearly
as possible equal: their talents, allowing forcer
tain dilFerences of character, about which more
hereafter, are as nearly as possible • equal also:
their public services, although in different
spheres of action,'have borne the same propor
tion: they were born in the same year: they en
tered parliament in the same year, each for a
nomination borough, and, within a very few T
months of each other, they secured the represen
tation of a’ great county: each has she vim a mar
ked independence of individual character, while
in the main paying due homage to the claims of
party; each has earned a reputation, both for
oratorical skill and capability, iri the House of
Commons; so that they are qualified, not by their
hereditary rank merely, but also by their talents
and standing, to take a leading part in the
House of Peers. In fact, these two noblemen
present themselves in marked and almost natural
contrast.- , , .
The practice of sending the elde'sf s’o)i3 of
peers, who hold by courtesy titles of nobility,
into the House of Commons as representatives of
the people, is one of the most singular cf those
compromises which are the very easy essence of
political and social life in England. Os the
advantage derived by the public from this ar
rangement there cannot be the slightest doubt.—
A senate composed of men inexperienced in pub
lic affairs, from their very station comparatively
ignorant of public wants, and who would legis
late more by their will than their reason, without
being subjected to restraint or responsibility,—
i such a body of priviledged dictators would be al
most as dangerous as a purely democratic assem
bly. Their laws would have no moral sanction.
However the constitution might assert or strive
to enforce their claim to hereditary wisdom, cer
tain it is that th? merest crudities of a purely
popular representaiive would find more willing
support from the people than the most elaborate
productions of such king-made oracles. But
when they hnve previously served and under
; gone training in the House of Commons, they
have secured a personal as well as a legal claim’
on the respect of the nation.. They arc then
recognized by their deeds, not by their titles
ly.- The history of the chief party con
their time is a record of their speeches and votes?
they are identified in the minds of the people
of whatever classes,—Tory, Whig, or Radical, it
is all the same—with the triumph of some fa
vourite principle; or it may be only with defeats
which are not the less cherished, for they are
looked upon as the precursors of future victories.
Long before the time comes at which in the
order of nature they are elevated to the peerage;
their intellectual and political standing becomes
ascertained, and they take a position at once.—
Their claim comes backed by the suffrage of
the public; and it is yielded to at onte,’ The
most active among the peers, those most entitled
by rank and 5 experience in the Upper House to
hold permanently the lead on either, at once gives
way when one of these chosen men of the
House of Commons comes up with his certificate
of superiority.
Besides the education in practical statesman
ship which young noblemen so situated receive
during a few years’ campaigning in the House oF
Commons, a moral influence is exercised over
them which is also of the highest advantage to
the nation.’ They learn both by precept and
example the value of public opinion, that indefi
nite but omnipotent and omnipresent agent in
the political affairs oflke countries. Few great
er calamities can befall a nation than a necessary
separation and antagonism, both of feeling and of
interest, between the privileged and the unprivi
leged classes. If a nobility so situalfc be high
spirited; powerful, and deeply imbued with a
sense of hereditary- right, they W’ill restlessly
strive at an oligraphical tyranny. Revolution,
in states so situated, is always more than a possi
bility, and democracy- lours in the distance. On
the other hand, if tliis privileged and isolated no
bility be not animated by the higher range v of
ambitious motives, they will from combining
too much leisure with too 1 much wealth, become
; depraVed in their moral habits, spreading the
poison of a vicious example through the whole
social system. Os each evil history, past and
present, affords too many fatal instances.- There
must be a safety-valve for the passions, whether
political Os personal. In our system it is provi
ded.- The young noble, by the law a’nd the
constitution a commoner, can only obtain his
right to sit and speak in the.representatives as
sembly by an appeal, more or less real and sin
cere, tb the free suffrages’of the people. Corio
lanus most sue lor votes in the market-place, or
his ambition will chafe, and his talents rust, w-hile
meaner men sway. Therefore (the simile is
rude) his nose must come to the grindstone.—
Once in parliament, emulation quells the baser
passions in the soul, and the whole of ihe intel
lectual and moral powers of the young aristocrat
according to his degree of talent and intelligence;
are devoted to the one great object—distinction.
That distinction can only be obtained by com
manding puhjic opinion: first, that of the House,
then that of the country at large. F-ortunatcly
the steady character and practical genius of the
British people render appeals to political pass-
ions comparatively useless. In the House they
are a sham—oratorical flourishes, pretences to
turn a period, laughed at for what they mean,
admired for how they are expressed. In the
country, they evaporate with the excitement of
the election; disappeaV, like the fleeting glories
of the travelling theatre, with the removal of the
last plank ofthe hustings. It is turn-and-tum-about
with such people: I am beaten to-day; it will be
yours to-morrow, so they laugh at each other,
for the defeat that has been or is to be. Some
thing real is wanted, then, to give the young
peer in masquerade influence in this the largest,
greatest, highest permament assembly of his fel
low men that is in the country. He must be
well read in the laws of the past and the facts of
the present. He must not only be more philo
sophical than the lawyers, but also more prac
tical than we practical men, or neither will sub
mit to be led by him. He finds, too, that here
w’here all men are equal, certain principles of
freedom are held in common. His mind becomes
imbued with them. If he began in play, he ends
in earnest. Men fresh from the factory or the
desk are, he finds, as well versed in affairs as he:
nay, some of them almost equal him in his
school learning and his oratory. There is no
patent, no privilege, in talent. If he would be a
great mßn, he must work, —work with the
head and heart. He too, competes in the noble
strife, tasks his intellect, trains his powers, to
rise to the height of statesmanship and eloquence
—to nfake his personal warrant his social supe
riority. His heart, too, warms in the contest;
insensibly he becomes more national, less exclu
sive; Nay, by the time he enters the exclusive
walls, the privileged assembly, he almost w-ishes
he could dispense with his rights. Acted upon
thus by public feeling in the Lower Houre, he
reacts upon it- By his example of liberalism
(not political but social)he makes them love the
aristocratic. And how can democracy shew itself
where the future nobles of the land are to be
found stretching the most free of all free consti
tutions almost to its extreme point of tension 1
But, if the country gains by this system of
political training, it is attended with some disad
vantages to the individual statesman or orator
who it thus removed to the Upper House. Men
who have made a great figure in the House of
Commons often fail in the House of Lords.—
The habits, the tone of thinking, the syle of el
oquence, that are adapted to the one do not suit
the other. What wonder, if a man, who has la
boriously trained himself up to one standard,
should be at fault when suddenly required to ad
apt himself to another quite different] Lord
Brougham has in this respect succeeded admi
rably in effecting the transformation from the
commoner into the peer. At first, he w r as not
aw’are of this necessity of his new position, and
some very strange scenes occurred; but now he
is quite another man. It is not every one, how
ever, that has the same plasticity of mind: and
hence that very usual questions, w’lien a popu
lar leader becomes elevated to the peerage, “How
will he do in the Lords!”
Earl Grey has of late been very often made
the subject of this question; partly because, by
tire death of his celebrated parent, he has been
so recently raised to the Upper House, and partly
because it is generally understood that an at
tempt will be made to elevate him to the posi
tion ol leader of the Whigs in the House of
Peers, on the Marquis of Lansdowne hereafter
resigning in his favour that sometimes most ar
duous post, There is reason to believe, also,
that Earl Grey conceives himself to be, as a de
bater a match for Lord Stanley,—in short, a
sort of natural antagonist (of course, in a par
i liamentary sense) of that distinguished speaker,
so that when cases now’ existing shall have ceas
ed to operate, and when Lord Stanly shall have
assumed that position in the House of Lords
which, in a reorganization of parties; will become
at once a right and a sphere of duty, Earl Grey
will be enabled to stand up as the assertor of
principles materially differing from those which
Lord Stanly is known to entertain, and thus
once more realise those old ideas of party oppo
sition which recent events have so much tended
to postpone, if not to neutalise. If these assump
tions be true, if Lord Lansdowne be really dis
posed to yield to Earl Grey the management of
what is'certainly at thq present time the most
compactly organized party in the country, it is
a step peculiarly interesting to the people of
England, from the great influence which the ac
knowledged head of a party, whatever may or
may not be his talents, has upon the course oi
legislation. It becomes important to inquire.—
Whether the probable elevation of Earl Grey
to this higb-priesthood of Whig principles be
justifiable or desirable on the score of his pos
session of commanding talents, or superior politi
ck wisdom, or whether it is only anew instance
of that hereditary succession ofthe Whig families
to power and honours, the prevalence of which
has already been noticed!
Thtre is one other ground oil which the pro
motion of Lord Grey might be justified , that there
is no Whig in the Upper House with so many
claims. Mere rank alone, without oratorical
powers, Or some commanding qualities to which
dcfcrerce would instinctively be yielded, will
not in these days justify a man’s being placed
at the head of a’ patty. The Marquis of Lans
downc’s claims are not founded on his rank
alone. Although his stilted and somewhat
pompous style of oratory is now rather out of
date, yet there was a period wheh he was looked
upon as one of the foremost men of his time.—
If he has scarcely fulfilled that promise of fu
ture excellence which led his contemporaries to
compare Lord Henry Petty with William Pitt,
still his past successes are iV6t forgotten; and he
has also that kind of personal Weight, derived
from his age and political experience, which
inspires respect among those Who have grown
up around him, and who’haVe sos sh many years
stood towards him almost itt the relation of pu
pils. Setting him’ for the moment on one side,
who is there to take his place! Lord Melbourne,
of course, must be looked upon as having virtu
ally given up the contest; his name is’ only- as
sociated with an administration whose political
history was, in spite of some good intentions,
little more than a scries of defeats. The Mar
quis of Clanricarde, though at times he displays
great vigour and considerable tact, fails to in
spire that personal respect which is necessary in
a leader, Lord Normandy, although he has
filled high official posts, has no weight in the
House cf Peers. The Earl of Clarendon is in
every way superior, as a thinker and as a de
bater; there is the stamp of sterling talent in all
he says and does. But he is to all appearance
either an indolent or an unambitious man, or
his ambition is confined’ in its objects; he has
done too much to be altogether passed over, yet
not enough to secure our admiration, and induce
us to fix on him as even a probable person to be .
the future head of his party. With these
names, we have exhausted the list of Whig
leaders in the House of Peers; who - in
any degree are prominent foi* their talents,—
The oratorical strength cf the Whigs lies ih the
House of Commons; n6r is it likely that those
who there exercise so much influence over the
public mind, would be in and’ hurry to leave it.
Lord Morpeth will, in the course of things, be
obliged to be so; but wherever there is a choice,
it is not probable that it Will lie in the direction
of what a popular phTase terms being ‘‘pitchfor
ked.” If, then, Earl Greys personal ambition
, being seconded hy the suffrages of his own party,
he shall aim to take and (what would be more
difficult) to keep the lead of the Whigs in the
House of Lords, it is obvious that the difficulties
of hie task will be very much diminished by the
comparative mediocrity of those with whom he
will be placed in immediate competition.
*With the political mantle of his father, the
present Earl Grey would by no means inherit
his responsibilities. The conditions of emin-
NUMBER 23.
ence are not what they were twenty or thirty
years and. Then, to be a party’ leader—of the
chosen few, at least, whom history designs to
notice—inplied the possession of an absolute
mastery over the elements of political warfare.—
He to whom his compeers yielded precedence
was distinguishable from them not merely bv his
talent, but also by the deegree of bis talent.—
“There was in him a marked individuality of
character; his intellect was of such towering pro
portions, that like the stature of a giant it was
confessed at otite; and all men gave way, by an
instinct of deference, to one in whom they re
cognised a superior. lie had hot to work his
way to the command by slow and laborious ef
forts and shifting tactics, carrying with him the
traces and the disgraces of- many defeats, of
man of many compromises, such as
men must suffer who seek to attain the height by
the tortuous path. He took the initiative in
government, stamped the - impress of his mind
upon shat of his countrymen. He laid down
principles which, if they were not the creation of
his own mind, were at least taken at iirst-hand
from the well-stored armoury of the constitution;
and never ceased his efforts; or swerved from
the course he had marked out, till he had brought
his fellow-subjcdts either to acknowledge them
as true, or, at all events, to array themselves
against him, and trust the issue to a combat in
which he was himself at the head of his own
following, > and where he also secured the glory
of the victory. Then the political history of an
age was written in the movements of parliamen
tary leaders: office gave power, and the real head
of a party was at once the medium of its princi
ples, the source of its arguments, and the reg
ulator of all its minutest movements. There
was dignity in his high station.
Statesmen then were the pupils of statesmen
till they attained their full vigor, till they were
politically of age, and fit to begin the world for
r themselves. They had not yet become the fuli
growfi puppets of agitators out of doors—the
glittering tools of more hard-handed and deter
mined men than themselves. Things, and, to
say truth, men also/ have vastly changed since
then. A party leader is now an anomaly ; the
very name itself a perversion of language.—
The initiative in legislation is assumed, not in
the cabinet, but in the market place, or at the
hustings. The loudest voice, the longest purse,
the most self-denying damagoguism, the most
cautious audacity, the most calculating treason—
these are now the qualifications for that master
ship of the nation, which used till recent times to
be the certain property of those men alone who
possessed the loftiest intellect, the most far-seeing
views, the most prominent integrity of character,
the most determined spirit in asserting and
maintaining the principles in the truth of which
they belie\ed, the most commanding or the most
persuasive oratory ; who rallied round them the
sympathies of their politically-hereditary follow
ers, and were elevated to power alike by the
affection of the people and the confidence of the
crown. Whatever their politics, they were to
be depended upon as men ; if they could not’ be
relied on and followed for their wisdom, their
consistency could'be calculated on, and their
principles counteracted.
But it is the perverse practice of party leaders
in the present day—forced on them, perhaps, by
an unhappy necessity of earn ing measures by
new uses cf constitutional powers —to abandon
the highest privileges of the statesman, to destroy
the noble and exalted ideal which history leaves
us, and of which even memory recalls living ex
amples. And this is as true (though, perhaps,
in a modified degree) of the Whig as of the
Conservative leaders— 6f the Lord Melbourncs
and the Lord Joan RusSel Is, as of the Sir Robert
Peels and the Lord Lynhurstff; They lead but
to mislead. Their principle of political action
the recognition of the pressure from Without—
perils the credit of either their understanding or
their character. Each great era of their political
life is divided by an abrupt line of demarcation.
Up to a certain day. they oppose with all hypo
critical earnestness, or, according to their intel
lectual and moral idosyncracy, they attack with
a bold (almost a virulent) fierceness, certain
principles and opinions which are before the pub
lic, whether in or out of parliament. In the
mildest instances, they oflfer to them an obstinate
obstruction. But from that particular day they
become altered men. With an earnestness
which we are justified in supposing to be equally
hypocritical, as being so sudden, they advocate
the principles they before opposed, while all their
virulence and fierceness are reserved for those
they have abandoned. In the milder instances,
they yield with an alarming but a contemptible
alacrity. To illustrate the relative position of
statesmen of the old order and df the new, one
has but to compare the course of the late Earl
Grey as to the question of parliamentary reform,
with that of Sir Robert Peel as to Roman Cath
olic emancipation and repeal of the Corn-laws.
5 Putting all party feeding on one side, this ques
■ tion is far too important to the well-being of the
country to be much longer disregarded. The
;pkide of public men alone, if political rhorality
has eeased to influence them, must bring about a
change.’ , , .
* Earl Grey’s prospects as a politician, and still
more if he should be tire leader of the Whigs in
the House of Lords, will, however, be materially
-advanced by this lowering of the standard of par
liamentary and political greatness. Compared
with the giants who have passed away, lie is a
‘dwarf in parliamentary ability; but among the
shifting shadows who play .before us in the little
sphere marked out of a blank future by she magic
-1 lantern of a Cobden or an O’Cotmel, he assumes
something like body and consistency. Nay, he
: has some qualities of mind which, if not exactly
!amiable and admirable in themselves, at least
.spring from a moral integrity which will riot
’yield to external influence, and, therefore, indi-’
cate his possession of that firmrtessarid frankness
oreharacter, which one would desire in either
an enemy or a friend. On one ground the pub
lic may always feel perfectly safe with Earl Grey.
However unpopular his opinion may be, either
with his own party or with the great bulk of the
nation, he always fearlessly avows them ; so
that, as far as public discussion goes (we speak
not of cabinet, squabbles.) you always know the
man with whom you deal. He will not shirk an
avowal to day when it might damage him, to
make it openly to-inoTrow, when it will be profit
able. So much for the morality of his political
character ; his discretion is another affair. Per
haps his frankness may sometimes be too self
seeking, bordering oh the reckless.
Earl Grey has been denounced as “ crofchet
ty,” because, on one or two occasions, he had
taken a course or held an opinion adverse to that
of his’colleagues. That on such occasions he
has sealed'his verbal dissent by a resignation of
his office, has afforded one guarantee of his sin
cerity. It may fairly be assumed that a’ resis
tance or an independence which terminates in a
self-chosen political martyrdom (for strch is the
loss of office to young ambition,) is riot mere in
tractability or restiveness, but if springs from
some more deeply rooted sentiment! AT all
events, it augurs political disinterestedness,
and contrasts favourably with the conduct of
those who Wheel round suddenly at the word of
command, voting to-day against the creed of
yesterday, with a callous indifference or an au
.dacious infidelity. We rather dwell upon this
virtue of Earl Gray, because he is in want of a
good word ;• in the paucity of bis political attrac
tions he needs every favorable construction that
can with any degree of decency be extended to
ihim. In the cases just referred to, he was charg
ed with vanity and arrogance. As being com- 1
paratively an official subordinate, it was said tha; j
he thought too much of himself,—as though I
statesmen or public servants of the second or
third degree were not entitled even to lav claim !
conscience, much lees to indulge in the moral
luxury of a life of hypocrisy. But circumstances
alter cases. Earl Grey, as Lord Howick, in the
House of Commons, never seemed to look on
himself as a subordinate, except as some young
prince of the blood might play the ensign or the
midshipman. From the first, he has appeared
to have his eye steadily fixed on some position
to which he aspired, and to have trusted to his
rank, the gratitude of party, and the force of iiis
own intellectual energies, as the means of secur
ing it; He scorned to be an apprentice, but
rather regarded himself as one of the master’s
family; ready to be taken into the firm when his
time came. Whether this spirit of independence
was only arrogance, or whether it was a self-re
liance, premature only in the. occasion of its ex
hibition, can only be decided by the future con
duct of Earl Grey/ when his responsibilities
shall have been increased, end criticism will be
guided, not by the little jealousies of party, but
by the observation and the good sense of the pub
lic.
Earl Grey can never take the highest rank at
an orator. An effective speaker, and a rcadv,
practised debater, lie already is ; but he wants
those personal attributes which are so essential
in completing the full charm of eloquence, that
there is scarcely an instance on record of a man
becoming a first rate orator without them. Yci
it would no* seem that there is any necessary con
nexion between the personal peculiarities, w heth
er favorable or favorable, of a speaker, and thn
intellect, the imagination, or the passions of his
audience. One would suppose that mind would
address itself at once to mind, that the kindred
spirit would communicate with no direct depen
dence on the physical medium. Indeed there i.-i
not any positive proof on record that physical
defects, whether of voice, or person, or of aspect;
have neutralised the effect of eloquence when the
spirit that kindles it was really within a man
deep-seated in the soul.
The intellectual pride of nmn would rather fa
vor the opposite view, seeking to establish the
dominant power of the intellect, and making the
body a mere secondary and subservient vehicle.
BuK-the fact is, that you seldom sec a man even
aspiring to eminence as a speaker, much less suc
ceeding, unless he has been in some degree be
friended by Nature, either in the gift of an har
monious or sonorous voice or an imjmsing, or at
least not unattractive countenance, and a tolerably
well formed person. It may lie that an instinct
guides such irien to their more natural vocation,
or that the predilectior created by their personal
advantages in a first attempt nerves them to
ethers, and so on till they attain to that degree
of excellence which would enable them to charm,
even were they suddenly deprived of those ad
vantages. In the case of Earl Grey, the want of
a prepossessing exterior, and of a flexible harmo
nious voice, very materially detracts from his
effectiveness as a speaker, and precludes the
hope of Ills attaining the first rank among con
temporary orators, hoivev'er great may be his in
tellectual superiority ov'er them. All references
to personal defects arc invidious, and should
certainly be as brief as possible. They might, in
this case be passed over almost entirely, but that
it is desirable to correct one impression which
party feeling htfs circulated in the public mind, —
that Lord Gray is an ill-tempered man. That he
looks morose, even at times ill-tempered, cannot
be denied; but the tone and temper of his
speeches, and his general conduct as a member
ot parliament, belie the assumption that this ex
pression is any thing else than a settled form tak
en by his features, not from mental, but from
purely physical causes. We think we could
point to one or two noble lords, and more than
one or two honorable gentlemen, who are infin
itely more irritable, morose, jaundiced with aj>-
apparerrt disappointment, than Earl Grey, only
that Nature has given them a mask to conceal*
their thoughts, more perfect in its productions
and more deceitful in its expression.
But in spite of the load of adverse circum
stances against which Earl Grey has to bear up
—notwithstanding his harsh, shrill discordant
voice, life unexpressive countenance, and features
so far removed from the standard of manly beauty,
he has proved himself no ineffective antagonist
of the chief speakers of the day. His intellectual
powers, aided by very extensive knowledge of
the most varied kind, which he can bring to bear
alike upon abstract questions of policy or the
most minute affairs of daily legislation, have
carried him through the natural difficulties of his
position.
When he left the House of Commons he had
worked himself up, by his talents alone to a po
sition among the Whig speakers scarcely inferior
to that Os Lord Palmerston, and decidedly above
that held by many othere who started with him
in the race. If he had not yet arrived at that
point in parliamentary importance when a mem
ber is, as a matter of course, “expected” to speak
—when the debate is not considered complete
till he has contributed his share to the general
stock of argument or illustration—at least lie
seldom or never rose but to cast anew light on
the subject, to throw down the gauntlet of opin
ion, to give anew and unexpected turn to the
debate, or, at all events, to compel speakers who
succeeded him to notice life views. With a very
analytical mind (in this respect he stands out in
favorable contrast w ith his contemporaries,) he
was remarkably skilf ul in hunting out and ex
posing a fallacy, quite remorseless in contro
verting any proposition or opinion contrary to’
those principles of constitutional government ot
political economy which he holds, partly by
hereditary descent, and partly by his own free
adoption. In this pursuit lie seemed to feel a’
keen intellectual pleasure, as though he did it
not merely as a duty to party, but also'as a per
sonal satisfaction to himself. His vieWs were
always clear and defined, from his having laid
down hi his own mind certain principles as to’
what ought tube the basis of public polity, up to’
which he reasoned. His public course appears
to have been uni'ormly guided by his sincere con-’
wictions, whether right or wTong ; not, as in the
case of his colleagues, by the desire to obtain
popularity. If any thing, he is disposed to push
the doctrines of the political economists too far
—to take human nature too little into account.
Forced to depenJ for influence as a speaker not
on life personal, but on his mental powers, one
consequence is that the reasoning faculty too’
much predominates. A demonstration is. all
sufficient with him. No allowance is made for
the wants or she weaknesses of human nature V
for temporary detracting causes; for those in
firmities of our race which make the perfect prac
tical application of abstrief propositions, liow'ever,
trite they may be, a great difficulty, if not an im
possibility. He takes the “ stat'd quo” but little
into account; That which is to politicians gen
erally a most important clement, scarcely enters
Earl Grey’s’ calculations. With him, whatever
ought to be, must b<b’ He is altogether too con
fident, not so much in himself, as in the all-suffi
ciency Os reason to decide on any case that may
be subjected so it. He does riofßcem to be con
scious of that higher wisdom which is, in most
respects, above the ken of the mere reasoning
faculty, being founded 1 upon experience and
strengthened by humility, till it bccomeer a kind
of intellectual faith. He has none of the philoso
phy Os Edmund Buike. He lays down excel
lent principles, but, linlike Lord John Russell, at
inconvenient times/ It is his fault to be too fond
of argument; nay, of what a popular expression 1
terms, not unhappily, “argufying.” At times
this habit degenerates into mere captiousness.
Like Lord.Denman, he will fix with earnestness’
and intensity on somfe .minor which he
will elevate into undue importance, but which a
more enla'rged mind would pass over as being
among the necessary conditions of a proposition,’
to be admitted witout question. On the other
hand/this disposition to cavil and dispute, to rest
great questions upon trifling points, this micro
scopic view of constitutional principles, often be
ten becomes of great public value when the rights
of the subject are concerned, at a’ weriod when a
general confidence in the integrity and public
spirit of public men leads us to acquiesce in a re
laxation of those safeguards of liberty which our
more suspicious ancestors watched in a spirit of 4
obstinate obstruction.
With such peculiarities of person,* of tempera
ment, and of intellectual bias, it is not probable
that Ear] Grey will be able to take tholead of the
Whig party in the House of Peers. fTcwdnta
dignity, both personally and mentally. The
very qualities which made him useful as a sub
ordinate, or a a colleague in the House of
mans, would unfit him for a jiosition of eogmiand
or responsibility in the Upper House. The po
litical philo ophy which prevails among the’
peer.-'is very different from- that chance-medley