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• COLUMIHJe, GaN-i -
WK)\CSDAV, jACOITiT 20, 18 JO.
1- or CuMgrcisfrum tlie 2ml District,
ALFRED IVERSON,
OF jfosCO'JEE fOfXTT.
UUITOUIAL <jf> SUI K 6 PO. rDES CK.
MiTAvtoaos, Aug. 1, 1846.
Although I scut off a tremendously long epis
tle ol my gosrip yesterday, Ae unwonted luxury
of a table t j write upon,—tho £r&t I have had
since I left “ America,” tempts in; to scribble
aHaving lini-riu and our bu iut.-s, we arc
waiting for a boat to lake us backft J (/amp.
I have tact here a number of noted persdba
gra cviiiicftcJ w ith the .Vi my. Capt. \ alkcr
of the Ttxas Rangers is ia the same House with
uj. 11c is a middle-: i/.cd, tteitutn man with a
red K-ard. 11 is adnurers in the t/tate* wiH !>e
som to learn that he is in bad health. His in
disposition keojis him very much retired, attd 1
have not ha.l an opportunity of seeing much of
him. (Jen. Hamer, of Ohio, and Gen’l. Lane
ot Indiana, were here yesterday. r l hey are Bri
gadiers of Volunteers, appointed by the Presi
dent. The first is a plain and serious straight
forward person, without a particle of humbug or
affectation in his composition ; and a man, I
should judge whose hard sense and energy make
him equal to any sort of work that may be put upon
him. He has the command of the Ohio Brig
ade, composed ol three Regiments Irom that h'iatc.
In Ceil. I .axe, I saw nothing particular to be
noted. One of the most agreeable
tuaidv nicn I have met, is Ci.pt. Mansfield a dis
tiiuini-'hed officer of Engineers.
Qrn. Memucan Hunt of JVxas a stern and
swarthy locking man (bearded of course) was
pointed out to me yesterday. Gen. Lamar of
Texas is also here, but I have not met him. He
is exacted to command the two I exas Regi
ments one of horse and one of foot, which are
ordered up to Camargo with the rest of us, and
which it is understood will certainly form a part
of Gen. Taylors Army, beyond Camargo.
The Mexicans havo a holy horror of the I ex
am. A Mexican Officer, a prisoner after the
battle of the 9th, told Gen. Twiggs he “hoped
to God the Americans, were not going to take
any of these Texans to Mexico, with them.”
Oh no” was Twiggs’ reply “ only about 5,000
of them.”’ Texan rifles and Texan ferocity ex
cited by a long series of unrodressed cruelties at
the hatids of Mexico, are the terror of the peo
ple this side the river. I forgot in my former
-letters to say that our three young townsmen,
Mr. Barrow, F. Davis, and E. Reed, who Ifcfi
Coluiubus at the first report of war from this
point, had paid our Camp a visit. They all be
longed to Col. Peyton’s Regiment which is dis
bauded. _
Barrow will retun*with his Regiment; Reed
has joined the “Columbus Gdards”
to “ fee it qpt.” Davis had not made up his
mind what to do. Wc advised them all to go
linuic, jts there was nothing but a plentiful har
vest ot hardship to be reaped in this campaign.
The day wc left Camp, a row broke out be
tween the Maryland Battallion and Col. Mitch
ell’s Ohio Regiment, which was near being very
serious. It commenced about the ridiculous tri
fle of a Cat-fish.
Col. Mitchell had a hand to hand fight with
one of the Baltimoreans, and had his sword bro
ken in the rencontre. Numbers flocked to the
scene from both Camps, until finally the Adju
tant of the Ohio men drew out the whole Regi
ment under arms, their pieces charged with ball
entridge, and marched then) down to the battle
ground. A peace was patched up between the
belligerents and thus ended an affair, not credi
table as far as it wertf* and which might have
been tragical nd disgraceful. The Maryland
Battalion has a very bad name in the Army. I
have no penrofial means of knowing how far
their reputation is deserved. ‘ They are charged
with divers heinous offences, such as breaking
inlotSutiers tents, robbing them, and knocking in
UieJicails of Mpiii ;k>'y barrels, etc. etc. Gen.
Taylor intends tq keep this Battalion under his
immediate eye.
Our Georgia boys have had one or two “scrim
mages” with partitfs of other Regiments since
their arrive", and upon one occasion whipped’
and routed a v. ry respectable squad rtf Kentucki
ans. One of oir scutriee fcnoeked down an offi
cer of anoth& who crossed his post
when halt. Tjie last was properly
done. An officer who be.iads a sentinel, wfi< til
er from ignoftuiee or impudence, deserves to have
a thump on the soft part o frills head. As for
the rest, our men fought on the defensive, and in
such a manner as to cause it to be generally un
derstood, that they arc. to be let alone.
The volunteer Regiments have been Brigaded
at Washington. We fall in with the forces from
Alabama ami .Mississippi—but as this is the on-
Iv Brigade to which xDrigadier General has not
been assigned, we hope for another arrrunge
meut. W* w ish -o Ixrteith the Regulars, and
have applied to be allayed to Gen. Twiggs’
rommaid.
Ci*:r IJeik.xap, Near Burita,
x August sth, 1846.
On tot 3d iasfT we went on board of the i icke
tv steamer. “ Aid,” bound down the river. When
we saw*that s’ e had kst cue w heel and nearly
the whole of her guards on one side and a large
. j*art ot them on the other, we began to have a
foretaste of trouble on the downward trip. The
Captain (Hyde) protested that the Boat was un
able to “ navigate” without repairs, but the Qr.
Master said he must go, or be discharged. We
put off just before sunset and run two miles to a
wood pile where we tied up for the night. Next
morning we started again, and at the first bend
in the river, away we went into the bank, with a
tremendous bump- The current is so rapid and
so eccentric in its course, now rushing down like
a mill-race, now sweeping with resist lets force
across and eddying back, that it is ih vain for a
Boat with two wheels to keep off the shore with
all the appliances of helm and backing water.
But a poor cripple craft like aurs, with one fin
gone, we were the very sport of the savage stream.
And so we went, first into one bank, then anoth
er, sometimes she would dive her nose a “ feet
into the mud —sometimes striking her sides, her
plank would fly by the cart-load and float away.— 1
Again the current would strike her on the quar-!
lei and drive her stern-foremost, and we would j
tkm that way dawn stream, until another friend-’
ly current would put her bows right-side up.
Finally, we were brought Up all standing on a
mud bar, and there we stuck and continued to
atick for 24 hours, chewing the “cud of sweet
and bitter fancies,” and execrating with all our
ouls the “ Braye River of the North” as the
Mexicans call this mo t inhospitable river.
Meantime, w herevcf we struck or stuck, the
banks would be lined with Mexicans, smoking
th. ir cigars, looking at our troubles and picking
up every little piece of plank that was smashed
from our sides. The crew after incessant labor for
a w hole day, got her off, and we reached here in 3G
hours from Matauioros, w hen wc ought to have
been here in :ix hours. To Jieightcn the intcr
t t of the trip, the childish Captain of the boat
vented all hw splsea against the Quarter Master,
upon the officers onboard. Ithvas only by beg
ging and threatening ingeniously mingled, that
wc anything to eat, and be did want
to keep us of the berths. The latter was a
l:i;!e too rnudb, on board a, boat chartered at
-159 per day Ifo* the use of the Government.
We accordingly wbnt into our .State Rooms ful
ly prepared to make fight, if necessary, for a bed.
We were not disturbs, except by the Musqui
tocs. We were glad to get ashore.
We were met with unpleasant intelligence.!
We had b .4 U soldiers during our absence, J. W.
Bouse of the best men in Capt. Holmes’
company, was unfortunately killed by the acciden
tai ‘ discharge of a musket from the hands of a
fiend. The circumstances were of a peculiarly
melancholy character and threw a gloom over
the camp.
Marion Dennis, a member of Capt. Cal
houn's company, and a resident of Columbus,
died ofibilious fever, and Thomas Carter, of Capt
Jones’company, a resident of Sand Fort, Ala.,
died of congestn*e"chill. We have a good many
on the sickest, but only a few serious cases.
The measles, have got into the Rcgipicut, and
it i* presumed will lake its course through it. It
was taken from the Ala. Regiment, encamped
next to us, and which has suffered a good deal
from the disease.
Although I regard this as a healthy climate*
—remarkably so for. the latitude—no one who
could have seen our camp for the last three or
four days would be surprised at the sickness.
We were encamped on the river bank, compel
ed of a large prairie, running indefinitely on the
river, and more than half a mile back to a little
ground covered with chaparals. You know
what prairie mud is—a greasy, sticky, slippery,
slimy soil, rendered terrible to every footed thing
in wet weather. Our camp was on a dead flat of
this sort of ground, and it has been raining daily
for a week. The mod was ankle deep in every
part of the camp, and very few of the tents were
free from it. Ten pounds of the everlasting
mud would stick to the foot at every step, and
nothing but scraping with a knife would remove it
We stood it for two days, for the sake of our
proximity to the River water, and because we
had no wagons to move.vdfL At last it became
intolerable, and morning orders were
issued to remove to the Cliaparal. This was no
joke—for be*it remembered, that this awful mud
extended over half a mile to the new ground, and
the men had carry their heavy burthens of
provisions, camp-equipage, ammunition, the
sick, &c., though the slime ankle deep at every
step. After a hard days work, it was accom
plished, and now we are on pleasant ground—but
every drop of water to be brought through
this Scrbonian bog from the river. It is the
fashion here (merited or unmerited) to curse the
Qr. Masters Department. I have seen something
connected with it objectionable, and some disrep
utable. But that Department, is blame-worthy
when between 5 & 6 thousand men arc encamp
ed on this spot, such as I have described it, and
not a wagon or a hoof of transportation provided
it. Two or three wagons would supply all the
troops here with water, and save an immense
waste of strength and health by the soldiers.—
This could be easily done now, for the wagon
trains and steamboats which have been constant
ly running for weeks past, have already thrown
two or three hundred thousand rations into
Camargo, and thus relieved the pressure upon
the Department, for that duty. I do not believe
that Regular troops would be treated so. Ido
not like to complain. A fault-finding spirit can
lifteMlatfffai for carping in every step of the hun
dred daily discomforts, incident to a soldiers life.
I take these as a matter of course, and as a part
of the l>f!l ia which I am engage J to dance, but
when so great an inconvenience can be so easily
remedied, and when I see our poor fellows stag
gering through this vile slush, a slight grumble
is forced from me.
Acs. 6, 1846.
Col. Jackson received orders yesterday to pro
ceed to Camargo. The distance is 110 miles by
land and by water. The troops move in
the following order:
1. Louisville Legion, Col. Ormsby.
2. Baltimore’ and Washington Batalion, Lt.
Gol. Watson.
3. Ohio Brigade) Brig. Gen. Hamer.
Kentucky Regiment, Col. McKee.
5. Mississippi Regiment, Col. Davis.
6. Ist Tennessee Regiment, Col. Campbell.
7. Alibama Regiment, Col. Cofi'ce.
8. Georgia Regiment, Col. Jackson.
9. 2iid.Sffeunessce Regiment, Col.
The first Ur corps move by land. Fortunate
ly for us, we gqjvy water, and are thus saved a
distressing mart h-through the mud. 0
The above order of march, presented by the
Gen. in Chief, has created quite a hubbub in
some of the Regiments. Heretofore the rule has
been prescribed and followed, to move the troops
found in the order of their arrival at the Brasos.
This rule has been here, set aside, in the case
of the Mississippi Regiment, commanded bv Col.
Davis, which Regiment is still at the Brasos, mid
arrived after the Tennessee, Alabama and Geor
gia corps ; but yet, lias been put in advance of
ali three. Speculation was immediately at work
to find out the cause of this preference. Were
the Mississippians better troops ? No ; They had
not been inspected. What then ! The super
ceded corps thought they had found the clue,
certainly, when they ascertained that Col. Davis,
was the son-in-law of the General in Chief. I
give you this as the gossip of tlie camp, without
expressing an opinion.
We had our first war alarm last night. Dur
ing yesterday afternoon, many persons in camp
had heard what was supposed to be the re-port of
a distant cannonade. It was heard at intervals
from 2 o’clock, P. M. until after dark. Some
time* in single guns and sometimes several in
rapid succession. The- listeners differed as to
the direction* Some thought it came from Sea
ward, and others from the direction of Matamo
ras. Our curiosity was a good deal aroused as
you may suppose. We went to bed, wondering
’ whether if was a privateer engagement on the
j coast, or a brush above. had hardly turned j
| in, before half a dozen musket reports were
, beard on the Mexican side of the river, directly
opposite to us. We had a guard on the river
over some stores, which had not been moved up,
and wc immediately sent down a party to learn
Bhe cause. Before their return, we were startled
by the roll of the drum from the Ohio brigade,
three quarters of a mile above us, and as it was
then ntfy iniunight, and as no calls, except the
“long rolF’ to arms is ever l eaQgffter tattoo, we
felt sure for a while, that the Ohio Brigade had
been alarmed and was turning out under arms.
As this was the first time, we had had our cars
\
pricked up since we have been in the enemy’s
country, the excitement was very considerable.
The roll in the Ohio camp, is not yet accounted
for; but the firing over the river proceeded from
seven men, who were seenfiy our sentinels to
land on the opposite bank, after being hailed.
As soon as challenged, they put out their light
and fell into the bottom of the boat. It is not
known who they were—probably some stray
volunteers. The alarm has been serviceable. Il
•
reminds the men, where they are, and increases
the vigilance of the camp. We are still curious
to know hat tho big guns meant. F.
ffj’ The communication of “A Planter,” and
other interesting matter received too late forpub
licatioii in this paper,.and delayed.
NEW- COTTON.
The first bale of cotton of the new crop, was
sold in our city on Monday last by Ayer & Robin
son, Auctioneers. It was from the plantation ol
Mr. James Chapman of Russell county, Ala.
Its weight was 5C5 lbs. It was purchased by Mr.
A. G. Lawrence at 10 cents per lb. Grade, above
ordinary.
RECENT ELECTIONS.
North Carolina. —This State has re-cleclcd
Graham (Whig) by a large majority, and elect
ed a majority of Whigs to the Legislature, which
will give a Whig Senator in place of Mr. Hay
wood, resigned. It is said “ interest makes
saints?” It may make saints, but it does not
make Senators in N. Carolina, for she lias as lit
tle interest in tho protective system as any State
in the Union.
Kentucky —Has also gone for the Whigs,
shewing-she preferred Mr. Clay’s interest to her
ovtfn—J£entdbky is almost entirely dependent on
the Mili-tariff States for a market, for every thing
she yet she aids in destroying her chief
customers.
Indiana —Has elected a Democratic Governor
and it is said, a Whig Legislature—w’hich will
in all probability elect a Whig Senator to Con
gress.
Missouri . —Elections for members of Con
gress—as usual Democratic.
WAGONERS FOR MEXICO.
We learn that Capt. Howard, Quarter Master
in the Army, has purchased for Gen. Taylor’s
Army, about 400 mules & 50 wagons, which are
to be tent from this place to Mobile to be thence
shipped for Brasos and the Rio Grande. They
are to be divided into three detachments and
will be started next week for Mobile. There
will be required some 40 or 50 wagoners, who
will be engaged at fifteen dollars per month and
found. It will afford a good opportunity for those
having no better employment, to get good wages,
and see the fun going on in Mexico. We un
derstand that Mr. Ralph O. Howard, at Hatcher
& Pitts’ Livery Stable, is the agent authorized to
engage teamsters.
THE LOUISIANA VOLUNTEERS.
We hoar a good deal of complaint against the
Government for disbanding these gallant men.
We believe that on examination, it will he found
that these complaints are groundless. Every
one must admire the zeal and promptitude with
which these men obeyed the call of their country,
but when we recollect that, that call was said to
be unauthorized and that the most of these
troops were never legally in service, the govern
ment should not be censured for disbanding
them ; and we learn that it was the wish of many
of them to return home. Militia called into the
service, for short periods, are the most expen
sive and inefficient troops in the world, and as
Gen. Taylor had more men than lie will proba
bly have a me for, it was important to disband
that portion that had the shortest time to re
main.
Twelve months Volunteers when well officer
ed, become equal to regular troops, but this is
never the caso with men called out for a short
term, though they may be the elite of the land.
Discipline is absolutely essential, and that is not
acquired in a day nor a month. We are by army
matters a little like Manning Hill was by Major
ing, lie had nev<4 clone much Majoring, but he had
seen a deal done. We have seen a good
many Militia mustered out of service, and scarce
ly ever heard of one of the private soldiers com
plain, when the government informed him they
had no further use for his services.
THE RAIL ROAD MEETING ON SAT
URDAY.
We learn that opr citizens had two meetings
on Saturday, lor tnfc purpose of discussing the
prospect and propriety of building a road from
Baruesyille to this place. The forenoon meeting
.was for the purpose of receiving estimates
of expenditures and receipts. The estimated
cost of construction was set down at 750,000
or 800,000 —Whether this included locomotives
and cars, we are not. prepared to say.
It was estimated that at amount for con
struction, or even a million of dollars, that the
stock would pay a good deal more than legal in
terest. After tlie n under of roads that have been
built in this country, it is easy for an engineer,
tolerably well acquainted with the route to make
estimates lor building, approximating sufficiently
uear to the truth. It is much more difficult to
make estimates qf the profits. This depends on
the facilities afforded by rivers and other lines for
transporting the produce, and goods of the co n
iry.
Another important question to he settled, is,
the effect it is to have on the prosperity of our
city. Some contend that it will be the making
of the place, others with considerable plausibility,
contend that it will destroy it, and point to Au
gusta as evidence. Mr. Tyler (the President of
the Macon Rail Road) insists that Augusta has
been destroyed, not by the road passing through
it, but by the Savannah road which gets the trade
that formerly supported Augusta. This, to
some extent is true, but the loss of the wagon
trade, was sensible felt before the Savannah road
was built, and on this trade our cuy mainly de
pends.
How far our wagon trade will be effected, will
in some meat me depend on the route taken by
the road. Il it takes the Southern, or Upatoie
route, we are inclined to the opinion, it will not
seriously injure us, and as this route abounds in’
clibice pine timber, and passes through a poor
pine woods country, where the right of way
coulJ be easily obtained, we suppose it wifi be
adopted.
Should the road be built, we believe it will
soon become the Texas
to the North, and tluuthe would
pay a profit, independent of the large amount ol
dry goods be brought to this place.—
And it is more than probable that nearly all the
dry goods consumed in Eastern Alabama, froiqj
Barbour to Chamfers will pass over this road.
Should there be no connection between the
Montgomery road and the Georgia Rail Road,
the merchants even of Montgomery would get
their Fall goods by this route. We remember
to have seen someyears since, an engineers esti
mates for the Mon’gomery and West Point
toad, in which, if our memory serves us, he
promised 50 per cent, per annum profit on the
slock. How far the estimates have proven true,
our Alabama friends can best tell.
We are not enthusiasts in these matters, but
firmly believe that so far as the stockholders arc
concerned, a road to this place will be a profita
ble business. “Whether our city will be largely
benefited, is a question, which time alone will
settle. Individually we have but little mer
est in the matter, but we sincerely hope, if the
tfoad should be built, that it may riot turn out as
‘Vp were told by an old friend, a work of Internal
Improvement? cnee turned out in a sffter city,’
within who*© limits thrre was a pond which the
city authorities drained the wrong way. They
to drain it, into a branch, and when
the ditch was completed, lo .and behold, the
branch ran into the pond.* We leave tlie ap
plication to our read. >\3. The afternoon meet
ing was addressed by tlie Mayor, Messrs. Cuyler,
Tyler, Mr Cowles of Macon, and Gen. McDou
gaid arid Wiley W. Williams, Esq. The cdiair
man (Col. Banks) being called on, also made a
few remarks. The meeting, though not a large
one, was attended by nearly all of our leading
citizens,
*Ho.v much alike,‘wise men arc in all cities,
they almost invariably begin things at the wrohg
end, for instance our sewers, hy which our river
banka are ruined and water made to run where
nature never intended it.
EXECUTIVE APPOINTMENTS.
It is tho easiest thing in the world to find fault,
where the fault-finder Iras no regard for facts.
We have seen it asserted and the assertion re
peated in one of the Whig papers hot a hundred
miles from this place, that not a solitary Whig
had received an appointment in the army for the
invasion of Mexico. Now the writer knew very
well that he was asserting what was not the fact.
We do not pretend that there has been anything
like an equal number of Whigs appointed, but
we know there has been sonic appointments,
conferred on Whigs. No one over heard of a
party in power making an equal division of the
offices, with their political opponents.
We learn from Kentucky papers, that not a
single Democrat, received office from Gov. Ous
ley, and we arc not aware of Gov. Crawford’s
ever giving office to but one Democrat, and that
one, was in office—well qualified, and the brother
in-law of a leading “Whig.
And when we expected a war with France*in
1798, we believe that every Gcn’l. belonged to
the Federal party, and we well recollect reading
a letter from Gen’l. Washington to Mr. McHen
ry, Secretary of War, upon this subject in which
he intimates in language not very equivocal,
that it would be well to confine the appointments
to the friends of the Administration. The rea
son assigned, was, that the opposite parly were
opposed to the war, consequently would not be
as safe as those who believed in rits justice. If
Gen’l. Washington’s reasons were good in 1798,
we cannotsee why they should not hold good noio.
Wc would be glad to see men of merit promo
ted without regard to their political opinions, hut
we do not expect to see a great deal of liberality
in appointments, so long as the great body of
each party acts upon the principle that “ To the
victors belong the spoils.” Upon this principle,
though wrong, all parties have acted for years
past, and wc fear will for years to come.
EXCLUSIVE PRIVILEGES.
We had hoped the day had gone by, when we
should hear an intelligent man, in an intelligent
assembly, dain! for any portion of our people
exclusive privileges, but we are sorry to find we
were deceived. Our attention was turned to
this subject by an incidental remark of Mr. Tyler
at the Rail Road meeting on Saturday. Mr.
Tyler urged, (as we understood him) as a motive
for immediate action, that by building a road
from Barnesville to this place, wc would prevent
the Georgia Rail Road from running a road to
West Point, as the Legislature Would not grant
a charter that would in'orfere so directly with the
charter of the Muscogee Company.* We are
citizens of Columbus and would be glad to see
our place prospef, but wc would not do an act of
injustice to make it asiarge as New York. We
are well aware of the usual cry, on these occa
sions ; that if you allow any body else the privi
lege to build a road, you will never get one built.
This is a senseless cry and we are astonished
that ar.v one should be gulf, dby it. Does not
th e same objection apply to every other branch
of business? What would be said of a company
of boatmen who should ask for the exclusive right
to navigate our river, and allege as a reason tlie.’
if every one that could purchase a boat or build
one, she uld have tlie privilege of running a boat,
that no one would incur the risk of putting one on
the river. Or what would be said of a man who
was about building u large Hotel, Factory or
Merchant Mill, if before he proceeds he should
ask of the Legislature the xelusive privilege of
building a Hotel, Factory or Mill for twenty
miles round ? ■
The men who puts up a blacksmith shop, is as
much entitled to Legislative Protection as tlie
individual or company that builds a road from
New York to New Orleans.
Amount* cannot change principles, and eve- ‘
ry one who e.. arks in business (wealthy cor
porators excepteu, does it with a perfect knowl
edge that he is liab’ v to competition, and the
more competition the or er for the community.
VVe are just as much opposed ic protection when
applied to Rail Ro.-ds, as we are to manufactur
ers, and wc hope if the Legislature ever takes up
tine subject again, it will be to incorporate every
man and woman in the State, giving them the
rights to build roads where they please, and
charge what they please, prvtiiltd they build on
their own land, or on that over which they
have bought the right of way, and do not increase
their rates without reasonable notice.
V\ e once heard one of the most intelligent
stockholders in the Georgia Rail Road Company,
contend that a road could not be built from Sa
vannah to Auguota, as it would run within 20
miles of their road. The prohibitory clause, to
which he alluded, was intended to prevent par
allel and not crons routes, and was wrong when
honestly construed.
’Those remarks are made with no unkind feel
ing for Mr. Tyier, (to us a stranger.) We pre
sume Mr. Tvlcr, in common with the great body
ofßail'Road rnen, honestly believes they are'en
tiUed to exclusive privdoges. _ I
PROTECTION TO DOMESTIC INDUS
TRY.
We promised rn our last, that we would this
week, resume the subject of Protection. We
regret, that some engagements prevents us from
devoting the time to it, that its importance de- j
imands. If the great body of the people would j
carefully read she constitution and the Journals ;
of tlte convent’on that formed that instrument, a ;
very article would suffice. It would only
be necesshry to call their attention to the consti
tution and shew them that it gives no power to
Congress to give any thing beyond incidental
protection; and by reference to the journal of
the constitution, they, would ibid that an attempt
was made to give Congress the power, a;ul that
it was refused. Soon after the adoption of fr.e
constitution, the friends of a strict construction,
finding Congress disposed to be too liberal in
their construction of that instrument, had it
amended, by whieh it was declared that all
powers , not expressly “icon to Congress, were
reserved to the Stales and to the people. A plain
sailing man would from this, suppose that ours
was a government of limited powers, but if he
will examine the various tariff and Internal im
provement laws, lie will find that the constitution
has been a perfect dead letter in most instances,
since the close of Mr. Madisonis administration.
the exception of John Q. Adams, all of
our Presidents, since that time have been thco
ritiadly stfkt constructionists, but we believe,
except Mr. Polk, every one of them gave their
assent to Bills violating the spirit of the constitu
tion. Occasionally- seen our Presidents
muster up courage and veto, some of the most
palpable of these infractions of the constitution,
but these veto’s have been like some brilliant
meteor, illuminating the heavens for a moment,
and then leaving us again in the darkness of
midnight.
When these friends of Protection and Internal
Improvements are called on to show the clause of
the constitution from which they obtained the
powers they claim, they answer you by referring
you to precedents, as if precedents could change
the constitution, or make wrong, right.
light requires no precedent, and wrong, can
not be made right by precedent.
A patriotic, but a hot headed old man and a sub
servient Congress gave, as a precedent, the Al
ien and Sedition laws—yet, we presume the time
is-far distant when these acts will bo urged as
precedents. Even Mr. Webster thinks it doubtful
if Congress possesses the power to protect domestic
industry.. Let us see what Gen. Washington
thought about the exercise by Congress of doubt
ful powers. In hi3 Farewcli Address wc find
the following : “If in the opinion of the people,
the distribution or modification of the constitu
tional powers, be in any particular wrong, let it
be corrected by an amendment in the way which
the constitution designates. But let there be no
change by usurpation ; for though this, in one
instance, maybe the instrument of good ; it is
the customary weapon by vfhioh free govern
ments are destroyed... The precedent must al
ways greatly overbalance, in permanent evil,
any partial or transient benefit which the use
earn at any time yield.”
But what signitiies the opinion of Washing
ton, Franklin, Jefferson, and other sages, on this
subject, when arrayed against the interests of a
set of heartless monopolists ! W e are glad to see
something like a returning sense of justice in
Congress, and hope ere long to see the duties
brought down to a strict revenue standard. This
could have been done long since, had the south
been true to herself, but it has been our misfor
tune to be represented in part, by men who cared
more for party ascendancy than what we con
ceive to be the interests of their constituents, or
a decent regard for consistency.
That our readers may see, what were the
views, formerly entertained and expressed by
the Whigs of Georgia, on the subject of Protec
tion,-we will close this article with an extract from
an address, “To the People of Georgia,” written
by the Magnus Apollo of the party,—Senator
Berrien, then the champion of the Free Trade
party.
“ A portion of the people of this great confed
erated republic, respectable for their numbers,
and equally distinguished by their intelligence,
and their devoted attachment to the principles of
civil liberty, complain of the systematic and’
persevering oppression to which they are subjec
ted by their brethern. A System of taxation has
been adopted by the Federal Government with
the distinctly avowed object of protecting domes
tic manufactures. Its character may be thus
briefly described. It lavishes bounties upon one
class of our people, which are extorted from an
other,, and a different portion of the same peo
ple. It denies to the American citizen the right
of regulating his own industry according to the
dictates of his own judgment, g right which is
equally essential to individual and to national
prosperity. It forbids to the planter of the
South, the right of selecting his own market, and
makes him tributary to the manufacturer of the
North for the necessaries of life. It does this by
an usurpation of the power to create and uphold
domestic manufactures within the States, a pow
er which is not conferred upon the Federal Gov
ernment by the Constitution, but which v.\s
expressly refused by the Convention of States’
which framed it, and by the gross and palpable
perversion of tlte constitutional power to lay
and collect duties for the legitimate purposes of
the Government. Against this systematic and
continued oppression, the people of Georgia have
for a series of years remonstrated as well in prim
ary assemblies of our citizens, as through the
medium of the ccnsti*.: ted authorities of th * State.
These itE’.soxs tan'cs..- vk jikk.y 7>isueoau
ikd. The solemn n protest of the Legislature of
Georgia, deposited in the are hives of the Senate
of the United States-, in perpetual testimony of the
determination of this people not to submit to
these oppressions, was almost unheeded in the
moment of'it; presentation, and utterly to “got
ten or disregarded in that which followed it.’’
This address was written in November, 1832
If the author gtili adheres to these opinions, like
a large majority of his old friend’s, he has a very
strange way of showing it.
In our next vvs-wiil say something on thepo’i-.
cy of the Protective system.
TIIX2 OEOHGI V JOUItHAL A?;i>
CHRONICLE &> SENTINEL.
It appears from the following article, which
we copy from the Journal of the 11th inst., that
I these two veteran Whig presses have got at log
ger-heads on the subject of a Protective tariff.
- The Journil denies that the Whigs oi Geor
gia, as a body, are for any thing mare than inci
dental protection, whilst the Chronicle & Senti
nel insists on the Journal’s being mistaken.—
We are glad to see the remarks of the Journal,
and hope it will not in this instance, do as it did
by Gen. Harrison and Mr. Clay —oppose them
both and support them both.
From the Georgia Journal
Thz Tariff axd the Ciiuoxigi.e & Sexti-
KEL.
In a recent number of the Chronicle & Senti
nel of Augusta, we find the following paragraph,
selected from an editorial article which appeared
in our paper%ome three weeks ago, together with
the comments of the Editors of the Chronicle
which will be found appended
“The Whig Party of Georgia is an anti-Tar
’ id'party—opposed as much to a protective tariff
las any other party. Those who write otherwise.
in our opinion, misrepresent them. They are
worse than misrepresented too, when it is said
they are opposed to the late tariff bill, because it
does not sufficiently protect certain articles, or
that it is riot sufficiently protective m its charac
ter.”
j. Thus speaks the Georgia Journal, in a late
! article defining its position on the Tariff ques
j tion. We uo not of course know the sentiments
jof the entire Whig party of Georgia upon this
i momentous question, and cannot therefore assert
that they are not grossly misrepresented hythc
Journal. If they are not, however, we have, ob
served the movements of parties in Georgia to
but little purpose. For we had arrived at the
conclusion, from tlio events transpiring before
us. in which we have boon humble actors, far
some years, that the Whig party of Georgia, in
commonwith the great Whig party ofthe Union,
were open and decided advocates of a Tariff
aifarding adequate protection to American in
dustry. fcvuch a Tariff we have boldly and open*-
Iv advocated, and have not before had it intima
ted, from any quarter, that our sentiments were
not in unison with tin? \\ lugs of Georgia, or at
any rate the great mass ofthe party.
“It is not our pm pose to enter into any dis
cussion witii our cotemporary, and we only no
tice the article for the purpose of exp> casing our
entire disbelief in its correctness, in point of
fact."— Aug. Citron. $ Sen.
Upon this subject, with our esteemed cotompo
vc desire no controveisy, and wc hope that
this a rielo will not have the appearance of invit
ing cue. If we Jo not exactly agree upon the
great question of a Tariff tor Revenue or lor
Protection, there are so many thing ,in which
we do agree, all urging us .- rward to do battle
against a common politic al enemy, that it is lar
from agreeable to us to enter into a controversy
with our Augusta cotemporaries. We had rath
er contend against ten democratic editors at any
time, than against one who wields a pen in advo
cacy of tlje Whig cause. It is therefore with
reluctance that we reply; reluctance mainly on
the grounds stated, and not that we fear that our
position is'an incorrect one, or that our assertion
was rash and unfounded.
In Our article from which the Chronicle &
Sentinel has quoted, our readers will see that we
alluded to the opposition made by the Whigs of
Georgia, as a party to a protective tariff— hence
when we remarked, that the “Whig Party of
Georgia is an anti-Tariff party,” (the point at
which the Chronicle & Sentinel commences its
quotation) we mean that it was an anti-jtw/ec
'tivi tariff party. Not opposed of course to a
Revenue tariff but opposed to a t griff for protec
tion. The reader wy hope will not be misled
here—for even in the paragraph quoted, we go
on to say, “opposed as much to a protective tai if}’
as any other party.”
To this, and to our further assertion, that
“those who write otherwise misrepresent them”
r-'-that “ they are worse than misrepresented
when it is said they arc opposed to the late tariff
bill because it docs not sufficiently yaro/eef certain
articles, or that it is not sufficiently protective in
its character”—the Editors of the Chronicle &
Sentinel demur; for the purpose only, of express
ing their “ entire disbelief in its correctness, in
point of fad ,” and not for the purpose of discus
sion!
Well, we regret much this difference between
our .Augusta friends and ourself. We regret
that we are compelled to deem it necessary to
re-assert, and that too in opposition to the opin
ion ot an influential Whig press, that the Whig
party of Georgia are opposed, and as a body,
have ever been opposed to a protective tariff ;
that now, as ever, they are misrepresented when
it is said, that they are opposed to the late tariff
act (the act of 1840) because, it is anti-protective
in its character. We assumed this position
when we penned the paragraph quoted by the
Editors of the C hronicle & Sentinel, and main
tain it now, from “some knowledge” too of
“events transpiring before us, and in which we
have been humble actors for some years and
we arc prepared to present some recorded evi
dence of it, enough at least to satisfy our own
mind, apaft from other evidence, tlte result of an
extensive knowledge of individual opinions ex
pressed in a variety of forms, in every section al
most of tile Suite.
At present, however, wc would first enquire of
our cotemporaries, why it was that ottr delega
tion in Congress, the Whig members from Geor.
gia, voted against the Tariff of 1842 ? Why did
Senator Berrien vote against it ? When this
gentleman thought proper, during the late ses
sion of the Legislature, to reply to the charge
preferred against him on account of his Tariff
opinions,'as reported in his “Albany Speech,”
and which are no doubt familiar to the Editors
of the Chronicle & Sentinel, he said—“ It was
known to those who made this assertion, or they
asserted “recklessly that of which they knew noth
ing, that I voted against the present tariff.”
And why did he vote against the Tariff! Be
cause as a member ofthe Comm ttee of Finance,
he had concurred in proposing a reduction of
duties on several articles, and on the refusal of
the Senate to acquiesce in that report, he had
voted against the bill. ‘ At a subsequent session
he said, when it was proposed to substitute for
the present tariff a uniform ad valorem duty of
twenty per cent, if his enemies had looked to his
remarks they would have known how perfectly
groundless their charges against him, of being an
advocate “of protection for protection’s sake,”
were- What means then the vote of our Dele
gation in Congress ? If they, in representing
the Whig Party of Georgia, voted against*pro
tection, how can it be said now, that the Whig
Party of Georgia are in favor of protection ?
True, they may have misrepresented their con
stituency, but we hardly think the “Chronicle”
\yill say so.
Again, in the Senate of ourStato, in 1842, we
find the following voted for unanimously by eve
ry Whig in that Body. It is from the Report
of the minority of the Committee outlie State of
the Republic. The majority of the Committee
(being Democrats) made a Report and accompa
nying resolutions, censuring the Hon. J. M. Ber
rien, and requesting him to resign. The Wbigs
ofthe Committee made a counter Report. The
following, (so fa; as the Tariff is concerned,)!.’
the Report ofthe minority, made in both Houses
of the Legislature, hi the Senate, all the Whigs
present voted for its adoption in lieu oi the origi
nal Report and resolutions ; ‘and in the House,
the Whigs generally were prevented from voting
for it by the call oi the pf ri >us question. A
mmg the Whigs who voted in tae Senate on
this question w re Messrs. N. G. Foster of Mor
gan. McConnell of Liberty, A. J. Miller of Rich
mond, iv. A. ‘J’. Ridley of Troup, N. C. Sayre of
Hancock, A. H. S’ phens of Taliaferro, Thomas
stocks of. Greene, &c.&c. — S/e Journal of Sen
ate, 1841, pages J and 2SI.
“Another subject is mentioned in the report,
e i which the un i -.-signed wore desirous that no
di>a ‘meat would have existed either in tiie
comm ace, or tiie -House. Wo allude to the
principles iiiv..ivcd in the adjustment of he tar
iff. Nor would we noth e the subject at this
t* me, if we did not nee. mat tin , has been
au evident attempt in this pa.uicular, also, to do
•jgrea* injustice to the posit mi of rur honorable
Senator in relation to it. The majority, in their
first resolution, declare that “the opinions of the
Honorable John M. Berrien, upon the gidust
ment of the Tariff, are in direct opposition to ihe
principles of a large majority of the people of
this .Stale.” And in their preamble, state that
44 a majority of the people believe that a Tariff
for protection is unequal in its operations, op
pressive and unjust.” From’ tins the inference
is clear, that principles are imputed to the hon
orable Senator, favorable to the enactment of a
*• TariiTfor protection!’ This imputation v.e
deem utterly unfounded and altogether unjust.
Judge Berrien has always been opposed to a
Tariff “•for protect ion,'’ or at least we supposed
that this position would bo granted him wher
ever the author of the “ Georgia Manifesto” was
known. Nor do the undersigned know with
what recklessness of purpose, a contrary posi
tion is now charged uj on him. Perhaps the
same spirit, if unchecked, would le~d its authors
to make the same unwarrantable allegations
against the whole political party in this State,
with which he acts. If so, our object is to re
pel even the insinuation. The opinior sand
principles’ of that party, upon the tariff question,
have always been known. They have under
gone no change or mutation. And in making a
declaration of them, we presume we would be but
stating, in the main, those held and entertained
by our Senator. We are and have been, in fa-
Ivor of a Tarjff for reveuue, and revenue only ;
I and that for no more revenue than is sufficient
to support the Government in an ecouqjnical
administration thereof.—We hold that in lew
ing such a tarifl", in many instances, it may he
both proper and right to discriminate. This
may be done either for the purpose of retaliating
the policy of foreign nations, v\ ho may subject our
produce to heavy taxation, or for the purpose of
exempting some articles of foreign production
consumed extensively in this country,(and in
some instances, by classes less able to l>ear the
burthens of Government,) from so high duties,
as others more able to. sustain them. And as lar
as such a tariff incidentally encourages, fosters,
or protects, the domestic industry of the country,
in any branch thereof, whether mechanical, man
ufacturing, shipping oragiieultural.it inav prop
erly do so. A Tariff “for protection” to’ which
wc are and have been opposed, is, where the
Tariff is levied nut with a view to revenue, but
for tire prohibition, totally, or in part, of the im
portation of certain articles from abroad, that the
producers of such articles in this country, may
have our market to themselves, free from for
eign competition; or that the price of the loreign
articles may be so enhanced bv the excessive
duties, as to enable the home producer to enter
the Market w itliout fear of competition: Against
this, we protest, because the means used am not
legitimate; and it is highly oppressive to tho
interests ol all other clusses in sociotv, who are
the consumers of such articles. As far as the
Government, in the proper exercise of its powers,
can give encouragement to the general industry
ot the country, or aid ;n the development of its
resources, it should do it. But not one step be
yond that should it go.
With those views we beg leave to submit the
following, &e.
Resolved, That in our opinion, the most
proper and expedient way of raising means to
meet the ordinary expenses of the general Gov
ernment is by duties oh imports; and though in
the levying of such duties, for this main object, a
judicious and proper discrimination be exercised,
yet in no instance should the duties be laid for
the purpose of protection, but for revenue only.”
This is our posi ion, and this wc believe to
be the position of the Georgia Whigs, taken as
a party. Individuals of them may go further—
or a press may go further—but when it, or they
speak lor the parly, further than the above, they
are not authorized to go.
One other act of record and we are done.
As late as the session of the Legislature, this
same tariff question was before the Seriate.
While under discussion, the (Senator from this
Senatorial District, Col. Augustus 11. Kenan,
moved the following resolution,
Resolved, that it is not the intention of this
Legislature to say “ that the duties on articles
should be at the same, or a horizontal rate. Soma
articles will bear higher revenue duty than oth
ers. Below the maximum of the revenue stan
dard Congress may, and ought to’ discriminate
in the rates imposed.”
That portion of the resolution within the quo
tation marks, is the language of Mr. Polk.
When introduced by the mover, the Democrats
voted it, and the Whigs for it. It
was afterwards, however, passed by a unani -
mous vote in the Senate, both Democrats and
Whigs voting fqr it.
These are some of the evidences that we have
for our assertion. Below the revenue standard,
the Whig Parly of Georgia have expressed them
selves Lvorable to a “judicious and proper dis
crimination” ; but in no instance, as a party, aro
they willing that duties should be levied for the
purpose of protection. Our conclusion upon
this subject must always be different from tho
of our Augusta friends, We regret that wo
cannot see alike—particularly do we regret that
“in point of fact,” they think We are wrong,
when we assert that “ the Whig party of Geor
gia is worse than misrepresented when it is said
they are opposed to the late tariff bill,” because
it does not stiflxck'frtly protect certain article?,
or that it is not. sufficiently protective in its chaa
acter. This is Northern Whig, and Northern
Democratic ground; the ground of the Northern
protectionists of both parties ; neither of which
have tve any partiality for, or confidence in.
It is the doctrine of the manufacturing party—
the ultra protections—*-of those who have alread
y had more protection than they ought to have
had, and who Vvill, wc hope, he content for the
future with 8 or 10 per cent, profit instead of
25 or 30. Why even in Georgia, our manu
facturers, according to own showing have
been realizing some 25, some 30, and some. 4ft
per cent, profit. What need have such inter
ests for more protection than that which tho
late tariff act gives them? Wc leave the que
ry for those to answer it who can!
ON TIIE MARRIAGE OF A FRIEND.
And.thou hast taken one to share
The ills of life with lhce }
One heart, which trusting in thy love*
■ Hath sworn thy bride to be.
Before the altar thou hast stood,
And holy promise spake
Which naught bat death can e’er dissolve;
And none on earth can break.
And from the home where she has spent
Her childhood’s merry hours,
Where days and weeks so quickly went,
Midst happiness and joy ;
Ah ! thou hast borne her far away
From all her heart holds dear,
To gild thy home with love’s bright sinils;
Thy lonely hours to cheer.
A mother’s heart doth mourn her loss,
A mother’s voice the while
Oft calls rich blessings from above
Upon her darling child ;
Be thou a mother unto her,
Protect her to the last.,
And let the love thy bossom knows
A mother’s far surpass
A rnstheryet will mourn for her,
Ami miss her presence there,
And oil to yonder heaven ascends
For her a sister’s prayer.
And she hath bid them all farewell,
To dwell with thee and thine —
Then lay thy best of earthly love
Upon that heart’s pure shrine.
Let not a fault of thine e’er cause
A cloud upon that brow.
But love her still through every change
As thou dost love her now.
And when the work alone is done,
And all fife's troubles o'er,
O may ye meet in that blest land,
And meet to part no more.
From the Union.
THE WEED AND THE COTTON
PLANT.
AV ALLEOOHV.
V weed and a cotton plant grew near a wood,
And thrv grew very close, side by side;
Soft rains fed the mellow rich soil where they
stood,
And each grew apace in its pr.de.
II:i ! ha ! cried the weed, I shall be tt you at last,
See how the last rain made me grow ;
My leaves are too firm to be wrung by the blast,
And like silver, my roots creep below.
All-peace, said the cotton plant, Nature is kind,
And shuns not a root ofthe whole ;
But. perhaps, in your haste to swing tall in the
wind,
You have too many leaf-stalks to boll.
“To boll !” thought the weed, Witlr'its head
hanging down,
It views me as one of that kind.
Very well! I’ll be gay, and strive on for the
crown,
And bustle rnd shake in the wind.
Tim cotton plant quietly grew on the plain,
fvo tremors — no fretting— no pride !
Contented in sail-shine, and pleased in the rain,
Nor frowned at the weed by its side.
At length it came autumn, the reapers came out
Tosco what the summer hud done,
pleased with the products spread broadly
about,
Os the winds and the rain and the sun.
The ‘v.iio*’, ali gracefully, yielded its bolls,
Sort, silky, and tine to the hand,
Then they cut down the weed, with its proud
fellow souls,
And cast them as dung on the land.
Washington, July 30. 11. R. S. /
Wm. Applegate, a practical New York Prin
ter has hail a handsome sum left him by a gn-
Aleman lately deceased in Europe, amounting
to about $60,0C0! —a part of which is in valu
able landa.