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Columbus, ga.
WnDIESD W, SEPT?)3CR 9, 18*6.
For Congress from the 2nd District,
ALFRED IVERSON,
Or MUSCOBEE COI JTT.
(Jj* The undersigned candidate* for Congress
in t’vc 2d Congressional district, hereby agree to
naive all objections to voters on account of the
non-payment or Taxes, at the approaching elec
lion——u*d the; request that Uicir friends in
the several counties in the district, he governed
hr this ag.ecment
ALFRED IVERSON.
WM. H. CRAWFORD.
Awgud 30, 1846.
’GENTS FOR “THE COLDIBI’S TIMES.”
Acw-Voax.—V. B. Palmer, George Pratt,
Mason &. Tuttle.
Piti LinELrßi * —B. W. Carr, V. B. Palmer,
Bostox —V. B. Palmer.
Harris CovirrT—Borders & Bruce.
Memo* CorxTT —W. MiicH.
lU'iKO'.rn Court* —Henry J. Devon.
KDVTORIAL CORRESPONDENCE:.
Camp Belknap, Near Burita,
August 13, 1846.
While I write, the muffled drum rolling in
funeral cadence indicates the burial of a member
of the Alabama Regiment, encamped next to us,
mi our left. The solemn sound brings forcibly
to mind he beautiful simile of Longfellow :
“ Art is long, but hope is fleeting,”
“ And our hearts, though stout and brave,”
“Still, like muffled drums are beating,”
“ Funeral marches to the grave.”
I an tony to say that this is a daily'occurrence
with our neighbors. They have been encamped
ia this ground some two weeks longer than we
have, anJ have I learn, lost some twenty-five
m -n. Many of the cases, I understand, are re*
lapses from measles, which some weeks since,
had run through the Regiment
The health of our Regiment is improving.-
The measles, it is true, has broken out in camp,
and probably will run its course through it. We
do not dread it, as we believe that the principal
danger is to lie apprehended from imprudence in
a state of convalescence. With caution, we
hope to get through with it safely. We expect
to move to Camargo in a few days, and hope to
realise the benefit to be derived from a change of
scene and a higher latitude.
Capt. Grambling of the Canton Volunteers
has resigned and gone home, in bad health.—
Also, Lk Dobbs of thn Kenesaw Rangers. A
number of the officers have been sick. Among
these Capt Randall, the commissary; Capt.
Calhoun, Major Williams, and Lt. Mitchell of
Columbus. They are all convalescent. Capt.
donas is now on the sick list, but nothing serious.
* have kept on my legs so far; indeed, what
:i *s others sick, seems to harden me. The
up country companies have suffered most At
one time out of a full company (90) in Capt.
Urainbling's command, only 26 were out at Re
gimental parade. But as I said before, we are
improving and will do better when we get up the
river. Since the weather has cleared up, and
the ground dried, the whole Regiment has been
actively drilled and exercised, and the good ef
fect upon the general health of the camp ia very
perceptible.
This country is distinguished, above all other
particulars, by its myriads of crawling, flying,
stinging and hiring things. Every thing you
t. uch has a spider on it.* We are killing them
all day in our tent*. We never dare draw on a
lloot, or put on a hat or a garment without a
close search for some poisonous reptile or insect
crouching in their folds or corflers. It is won
derful mat we arc not stung twenty times a day.
Yesterday morning while standing up at break
fast, (wc never sit at meals for the want of the
whercvFtth to make a seat) I felt some strange
thing crawling up my leg about the knee. It
did not take me long to seize it with my hand,
a :ul to disrobe. Looking into the leg of my off
drawn drawer, I beheld a villainous looking crea
ture of black and yellow, with a long bony tail.—
I called my mess to look at it, when Dr. Hoxey
who has been before in this reptile country, pro
nounced it a Mexican scorpion, and told me for
my comfort that it was as poisonous as a rattle
snake, His sting was out, and no doubt when I
clenched him in my hand he struck out at my
clothes, instead of in at my flesh. “Thinks’ I
t o myself’ there's an escape! Besides these, we
have spiders, centipedes, hordes of flies, and eve
rything dec that cmwls, flies, bites and makes a
noise. A gang of locusts have domiciled them
selves in our camp and keep up a sleepless clatter
all night. To this is joined the music of frogs
and the larking of the prairie dogs. A few nights
since a panther came smelling up to the lines of
oar sentries. All these small nuisances are uni
versally pronounced in camp, as death to ones
patriotic emotions,-and aright hard fight with the
enemy, to b followed by a riddance of this pes
tilent country would be hailed by the whole Re
gimen* xs a consummation of too much happi
ness. But here we are to stay fighting his in
jects ami vermin, with no present prospect of
finding their masters (our enemy) lor whose spe
cial use and appropriate comfort, they seem to
have been formed by nature. Some few of our
officer* possess to be enamored of this country;
The air, here, near thcseacoast is certainly fine,
and one is at a loss to account tor the sickness ;
but aside from that, I would willingly forego the
possession of all the rich acres I have seen to get
back from this land of half-bred Indians and full
bred bugs.
Some of our officers have just returned from
*1 am not much given to quoting poetry,
but at the expense of losing my character for
sticking to dull prose, I must copy a few lines
from Martin F. Tapper's ‘►dream of ambition,”
which taken in connection with our sudden trau
s.tion from civic to military life, and the count
lew of this country, strikes me, as
very apropos to our condition.
“ l left the happy fields that static’ around the
Village of content,
“ Aa-J sought with wayward feet the torrid desert
of ambition, ,
“ Long Uiue, parched and weary, I travelled that
burning sand,
“ And the hooded basilisk and adder were strew
ed in iny way for palms ;
Uiack scorpions thronged me round, with sharp
uplifted stings,
*• Sccm.ag to mock me as I ran ; (then I grieved
it was a dream—
**■ Hut life is oft so. like a dream, we know no:
where we are.)
* • * * * - *
‘ 4 And lire re I stopped ; and a fearful voice shout
ed in uuae ear,
** beh *id tae home of discontent; behold th
rest- of ambition 1.”
■Matamoros. I,ike myself, ten days since, they
have come back without any news, and disgust
ed with the Mexican city , “ r A % . * >•*
My position, isolated from every fcoufee of in
telligence leaves me wit}i nothing to w rite About
except the Regiment, the insects, and tnyselfi
The Regiment is making rapid progress in every
department of the drill—in the school both of the i
company and battalion. Wc have two company
and one batalion drill daily. Although there are
i 5 or 6000 men encamped op. this plain, ours is the
only Regiment I have seen out, since our arri
j val, going through the battalion nanucevres.—
Wc have already a name throughout the army,
aud it is .the active ambition of every officer of
our body to deserve, maintain and improve it.
The discipline of the camp is perfect, and I doubt
whether any Regiment in the Regular service
goes through its daily routine of military duty
with more quiet, regularity and orderly obedi
ence to authority than ours.
A court mat rial is always on duty and trial
nd punishment follow instantly, and according
to the Army Regulations upon the heel of every
offence. The fruits of this discipline are what
I have related, lam sure, no Regiment in the
Volunteer Service is better officered. I have al
ready spoken of our Colonel. Added to his na
tural talent for military affairs, he possesses the
power of governing men in a high degree, and is
mot cover daily engaged in laborious study of
tactics, and the duties of his responsible pot.
Capt. Holmes of the Macon Guards has proved
himself to be an accomplished officer and endear
ed himself to the whole Regiment by his amia
ble and gentlemanly deportment. Capt. Dill, of
the Richmond Blues, is an old campaigner, al
ways ready for duty and thoroughly acquainted
with it. Capt. Davis’ company is in “tip-top”
order and march with the closeness and steadi
ness of Capt. Davis has proved to be
an excellent disciplinarian and devoted to the or
der and reputation of the old “Columbus Guards,”
while Lt. Hervey’s accomplishments as a drill
officer, peep out in every movement of the corps.
The Irish Greens, under Capt. McMahon and
Lt. Curlctte, (the latter haying no superior as a
drill officer, having served seven years in the
United States Army) arc doing admirably and
excel in the manual. Capt. Calhoun’s compa
ny is distinguished for its accurate marching,
and I had occasion, this morning to compliment
its officers in presence of the company, upon that
point. Anew spirit has been infused in
to this company oflatc, and no officers have bet
ter materials out of which to make an effective
corps. Capt. Jones’ company has “come out”
far better than I supposed it would, when first
formed, and when I remember the manner and
the difficulty of getting it up. This company
shows what a good officer can accomplish. All
the companies I have mentioned, are officered by
gentlemen who have been taught in the volun
teer companies of the different cities of Georgia.
That they should excel the country companies,
officered by very clever and brave men, who
have never enjoyed opportunities of military in
struction is to be expected. But the officers of
the other corps are informing themselves, and are
already beginning to make soldiers of the excel
lent raw material which they possess in their rank
and file. But our firsflbattalion, and the “Greens”
of the second, are ready for action and capable
now of performing every evolution of the line,
with steadiness and precision, which is at all
; likely to be needed in battle. I should go into a
fight with them, with perfect confidence in their
discipline, and in what is more important than
personal bravery—their shoulder-to-shoulder
courage. No troops can form square against
cavalry, ploy and deploy, or change front with
more rapidity and precision than our six right
companies. This may sound like flattery from
one of the body of whieh I speak. But I assure
you it is not my opinion alone. Similar encom
ia have been passed by officers of the Regular
Army, and officers of the different Volunteer
Regiments around us, who come down daily to
witness our manoeuvres.
Aug. 14 th.
Since my letter of yesterday, three of our poor
fellows have gone to their long home. Their
names are Jeremiah Jackson of the Sumpter
company ; Samuel R. Wearns of the Pike com
pany from Griffin; and Benjamin Dean from
the Cherokee Company. Measles Was the origi
nal disease in each case. In two of the cases,
great imprudence while the patients were con
valescent. They will be buried to-day with ap
propriate military ceremonies by the side of their
comrades. It is to be hoped, that these poor
fellows, whose lives (though not lost in battle)
have been clearly sacrificed in the service of the
i country, will not be forgotten by our government,
and that suitable provision will be made for the
families of sueh as have left them.
Arc. 16th.
Privates Samuel Kennedy of the Pike compa
ny and W. F. Davenport of the Cobb company
are to be added to the list of our Regiment who
have died in this far-off country, and whose bones
repose upon the banks of the Rio Grander They
died yesterday, and to-day received a soldiers’
burial. These make the whole number of deaths
in our ranks, since we left Golumbus, fourteen—
three of which were accidental; two drowned
and one shot. I shall continue this journalizing
letter, until I foul an opportunity of despatching
it to the Point.
Aug. \ 7th.
The steamer down the river
yesterday, and as she touched for a moment at
our landing brought us a batch of rumors to
give food for a whole days camp talk. The first
was that Paredes was a prisoner in Mexico, and
the capital revolutionized. We immediately
putthat down as a lie. Next, that Capt. Mc-
Cullough with a party of 82 Texas Rangers,
had been taken by Canales with 400 Mexicans
andcr liis command. Capt. McCullough, we
had previously heard had gone out on a scouting
tour as far as Mier, and it is not unlikely that
Canales has really nabbed him.
But we never know what to believe in a
camp. The multitude of rumors allout are as
tonishing. We had a report, rife in camp, a
week since, that the Regulars at Matamoros had
been called out t.i suppress disorders among the
Tex-an Troops, and that 80 of the latter w ere
killed in the fight. Ridgley’s artillery playing
the deuce, as usual, in the melee. Somebody
must have set themselves coolly to make the lie,
so little foundation was there, for it.
Arc. 18th.
A pnrtv of 13 men under Lts. McLaws and
Horn, went out last night on a scouting expedi
tion to examine some unusual lights- to the
North and East of our encampment. They
have not yet returned. The service was volun
teered, and no greater discovery than the camp
of some of our own marching troops, or of a par
ty of becfhunters is expected. But, as the fires
were remote from any known Road, it was pro
per enough that the party should go out.- The
squad will come back hungry and tired, as they
have nodoubt, been on foot all night. F.
THE TARIFF PROTECTION—SUP- j
PRESSING THE TRUTH.
The advocates for protective duties, frequent
ly assert, (with what regard for truth we jeave
our readers to judge) thgfc Washington, Ilarff! -
ton, Jefferson and Madtron were all iu favor of
protective duties, yet not >Js?c of them has bad
the honesty to publish the amount of protection
given under the recommendation of these distin
guished men. We have before us the rate ot
duties levied under the famous act of 1790 or
91, being the only act that ever Lad in its title
the terms protection and encouragementofman
ufactures, and we intend at soirte leisure hour to
compare it in detail with the Whig tariff’ of 1842.
Wc have examined a list of 50 articles in com
mon use paying duties under tho act of 1790
and find 17 of them paid 5 per cent. —14 paid
—5 paid 10—1 paid and 13 paid specific
duties. The same 50 articles under the act of
’42, pay more than five times as much as they paid
under Gen. Washington.
We will mention a few leadihg articles—lron
and manufactures of Iron paid in Washington’s
time 7£ per cent., pay under the act of ’42, 30
to 150. Salt, paid (we believe) 6 percent., now
pays 75 to 100. Brown Sugar paid 1J cents
per pound—2| now, which makes the per cent
age more than three times as much as in 1790.
when Sugar was high. Cotton goods paid for
merly 7|—by act of ’42, 30 to 109. Baizes
formerly 5 per cent. —by the act of ’42, 40 to 50
per cent. Ready made Clothing, formerly paid
—by the act of ’42, 50 per cent. Some arti
cles pay more than 200 per cent, under the act
of ’42. Many are taxed so high as to amount
to prohibition, and this under an act “To raise
revenue.” Nails now pay 3to 4 per cent, per
lb., which is more than the original cost. Un
der Gen. Washington they paid a cent per ib.,
and that before the introduction of cut nails.
Bridles, saddles and harness used to pay 7 j per
cent., they arc by the act of 1842 taxed so high
as to be driven out of the market, except in
small parcels.
Wc will now call the attention of our readers
to a few of the far-famed Executive recommen
dations, so often quoted by the Whigs.*
We will begin with Gcn’l. Washington. In
his first speech (the President’s formerly made
speeches instead of sending messages) to Con
gress, we find the following—“ The advance
ment of agriculture, commerce and manufactures,
by all proper means, Will not, I trust, need re
commendation. But I cannot forbear intimating
to you, the expediency of giving effectual en
couragement as well to the introduction of new
and useful inventions from abroad, as to the ex
ertions of skill and genius in producing them at
home.”
Now there are two things in this extract to
whieh we invite the attention of our readers—
First that Washington unlike the protectionists,
puts agriculture and commerce before manufac
tures. In the second place, he thought it expe
dient to encourage useful inventions from abroad
as well as at home. Had Mr. Polk said the same,
he would have been denounced, by the manu
facturers, from Maine to Texas, as being more
friendly to British interests than our own We
do not find that Washington alluded to this sub
ject but once more during his Presidency, and
that was in his last speech (or message) and if
we construe it rightly he had reference chiefly
to such articles as were required for the defence
of the country, and to be manufactured bv the
government ; and what satisfies us we are right,
we do not believe there was any attempt by
Congress to pass any thing like a protective ta
riff.
The Whigs, (we mean the high tariff Whigs)
are very fond of quoting Gen. Washington,
when it suits their pleasure, -hut before wc
quit his speeches, we cannot forbear giving an
, extract that we never saw in any W hig speech
or essay.- “It is desirable, on aft Occasions, to
unite with a steady and firm adherence to con
stitutional and necessary acts of government,
the fullest evidence of a disposition, as? far as may
be practicable, to consult, the wishes of every
part of the community , and to la}’ the founda
tions of the public administration in the affec
tions of the people.”^—[Speech of 1791.
H-ow far the tariff party have followed this
advice, of the Father of his country, the history
of their legislation from 1816 to this time w ill
show. They have more than once caused
alarms for the integrity of the Union. They
cannot with truth retort the charge ; wc only
seek to have things as they were , in the days of
Washington and Jefferson.
During the administration of the older Adams,
we find him, calling the attention of Congress to
agriculture and commerce but wc cannot find
that he ever mentioned manufactures once.
, We come now to Mr. Jefferson, considered tire
most orthodox of all our President’s, and the ac
knowledged head of the Republican or Demo
cratic party. In his first message, we find the fol
lowing ; “ Agriculture,.manufactures, commerce,
and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperi
ty, are then most thriving when left most free to
individual enterprise. If in the course of your
observations or enquiries, they should appear to
need any aid, within the limits of our constitu
tional powers, your sense of tlicir importance, is a
sufficient assurance they will occupy your atten
tion.” Here again, you see agriculture placed
before manufactures, and it is always mentioned
•as the leading interest*
In his annual message we find the following*—
“ To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and
navigation in all their lawful enterprise ; to fos
ter our fisheries, as nurseries of navigation and
for the nurture of mitn, and to protect the man
ufactures adapted to our circumstances; to pre
serve the faith of the nation by an exact discharge
of its debts and contracts, expend the public
money with the same care and economy wo would
practice with our own, and impose on our citi
zense no unnecessary burthens ; to keep in all
things within the pale of our constitutional pow
ers, and cherish (lie Federal Union, as the only
rock of our safety ; these fellow-citizens, are the
landmarks, by which we are to guide ourselves
in all our proceedings.” Again we see manu
factures treated as a secondary interest; we find
also, an earnest recommendation to impose no
unnecessary hardens, and to be sure gud keep
within the pale of the Constitution. Every in
telligent man in the country knows that Mr. Jef
ersori believed protection tor the sake-nS protec
tion, was unconstitutional .
In bis third message, we find nothing said on
the subject. *
In bis fourth, the following at the very close ;
after calling the attention of Congress to what
he terms all the principal matters, lie en
quires “ whether the great interests, of agricul
ture, manufactures, commerce, or navigation
can, within the pale of your constitutional pow
ers, lie aided in any of their relations.” Again
* The Southern Whig never quoted them un
,til Mr. Clay became their candidate, 4
wc see agriculture placed above manufactures,
and at the same time requiring them to keep
within their constitutional powers.
Mr. Jefferson does not mention this subject i
again until the last year of his administration,
when the Embargo had converted a good deal of
capital into manufacturing establishments. He
says “ The extent of this conversion is daily in
creasing and little doubt remains, that the estab
lishments formed and forming, will, iind'er the
auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence,
the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and
of protecting duties and prohibitions, become
permanent.” Were we to judge from an isolat
ed passage and were ignorant of the history of
the times, when Mr. Jefferson penned the above,
we might suppose he was in favor of protective
duties, but it must be taken in connection with
other messages as well as parts of the same mes
sage. In the same sentence, we find him speak
ing of “ the suspension of our foreign commerce
produced by the injustice of the billigerent pow
ers and the consequent losses and sacrifices of
our citizens, are subjects of just concern.” It
was this suspension of our foreign commerce
that was pestering our manufactures and not
auy high duties levied during Mr. Jefferson’s
administration, for the highest was not one-third
as high as they are under the act of ’42.
To shew’ that Mr. Jefferson did not believe in
the power cf Congress to interfere with our do
mestic industry, otherwise than by laws opera
ting incidentally, we will give his opinions as
expressed in his first message to Congress.
Speaking of the Federal Government he says,
“ this government ia charged with the external
and mutual relations only of these States: the
States themselves have the principal care of otir
persons, our property, and our reputation.”
The same doi trine in almost the same words,
ia to be found in a protest against the usurpa
tions of the Federal Government, drawn up by
Mr. Jefferson for the Virginia Legislature in 1825.
About the same time lie wrote his celebrated let
ter to Mr. Giles on the same subject—from which
we make the following extract :
“December 26, 1825.
“ Dear Sir : I see as you do, with the deepest
affliction, the rapid strides with whieh the Fed
eral brunch of our Government is advancing to
wards a usurpation of all rights reserved to the
States, and the CONSOLIDATION IN IT
SELF OF ALL POWERS, FOREIGN AND
DOMESTIC, and that too by the constructions
which if legitimate, leave no limits to their
power. Take together the decisions of the Fed
eral Court, the doctrines of the President and
the misconstructions of the constitutional com
pact acted on by the legislature of the federal
branch ; and it is but too evident, that the three
ruling branches of that department are in com
bination to strip their colleaghes, the State au
thorities of the powers reserved by *hem, and to
exercise themselves, all Functions i ‘reign nd do
mestic. Under tho power to REGULATE
COMMERCE, to assume indefinitely that over
agriculture and MANUFACTURES, and call
it regulation too; to take the earnings of one
of these branches of industry, and that too, the
most depressed of all, and put them into the
pockets of the other, the most flourishing of all!”
Here we see that Mr. Jefferson, not only
thought these protective tariff’s were violations’
of the Constitution, but violations for the pur
pose of protecting one branch of industry at the
expense of another, and that one least requiring
it.
Before closing this article, already longer than
we wished or intended, we will notice a few of
the messages of Mr. Madison where he speaks
of manufacturers, and we find in almost every
instance, it is in connection with a commercial
tariff (a tariff for revenue.) In his first message
we find the following : “ The revision of our
commercial laws, proper to adapt them to the ar
rangement which has taken place with Great
Britain, will doubtless engage the early attention
of Congress. It will be worthy at the tune, of
their just arid provident care, to make such fur
ther alterations in the laws as will more especial
ly protect and foster the several branches of man
ufacture which have been recently instituted or
extended by the laudable exertions of our citi
zens.”
In the second message, we find nothing on the
subject.
In his third, in speaking of the improvements
in manufactures he says “ How far it may be
expedient to guard the infancy of this improve
ment in the distribution of labor, by regulation
of the commercial tariff, is a subject which can
not fail to suggest itself to your patriotic reflec
tions.”
Mr. Madison in the above extract, speaks of
prohibiting manufactures in tlicir infancy, and
that protection is only incidental, such as a com
mercial tariff, (not a tariff for protection) would
give—and that protection’ to real infants, not
infants 30 or 40 years old.
In his fourth message, on this subject, we find
the following—“ Besides the reasonableness of
saving our manufactures from sacrifices, which a
change of circutnsfances might bring on them,
the national interest requires, that with respect
to such articles at least an belong to our defence,
and our primary wants, we should not be left in
unnecessary dependence on foreign supplies,”
we do not object to this—for Mr. Madison speaks
chiefly of such articles as are necessary for our
defence.
In his sth, we find nothing on the subject, and
nothing about protection in the 6th and 7th.
In his eighth, in speaking of the manufactur
ing establishments that had grovvn up during the
European wars when our commerce was*inter
rupted. “ This source of national independence
and wealth, I anxiously recommend therefore to
the prompt and constant guardianship of Con
gress.”
In his 9th, wc find the following—“ In adjust
ing the duties on imports to'the objects of reve
nue, the influence of the tariff on manufactures,
will necessarily present itself for consideration.”
It is clear from the above that Mr. Madison alludes
to incidental production. In his last message
he speaks of manufactures, but makes no posi
tive recommendation on the subject. In making
the foregoing extracts, we believe we have omit
ed nothing material, and we know >we have not
inten'ionally misrepresented any thing.
In conclusion, we would remark that the
lest evidence, that Congress possesses no
power, to-pass laws avowedly for the protec
tion of manufactures, is found in the fact that
they dare not put it in the caption of their bills,
knowing if they did, that the question could
then be brought before the Supreme Court; and
its constitutionality settled. We know that a
bill with such a caption, was passed by the first
Congress, but fortunately for the country, it was
in the Coptic that protection was found,
for we never could find it in the body of the
bill.
EiECUTIOX.
A man bv the name of John C. Uester, was
hung near Clinton, Mo., on the 7th uU., for the
murder of his father-in-law, King B. Scott. He
denied the commission of the crime with his last
breath.
TUE CANVASS JUDGE IVEItSON.
Every mail which reached us from counties in
the 2d district, corned freighted with gratifynig
intelligence as to the restilt of the election to be
held.on the first Monday in October next. Eve
ry where the Democracy are animated b\ r a spir
it which’ of itself augers the most favorable re
sult. And how could it be otherwise ? We
have a candidate whom all love and esteem, as
well for his private worth, as for his brilliant ta
lents and acknowledged ability; his nomina
tion was with a unanimity aiid enthusiasm but
seldom witnessed, and its acceptance forced upon
him, and his own leelings and interests laid up
on the party altar, and himself made a sacrifice
that they might be benefitted : we have a majori
ty increased since the last election, and the liberal
of the opposition are acknowledging the claims
of our candidate and leaning towards him with
a sincere desire to aid in his elevation. All
that we ask from our friends is, that they be
at the polls and give to our candidate such a
vote, that in return for his exertions he may lie
gratified at the exhibition of an overwhelming
majority.
No steps have been taken by Judge Iverson to
canvass the district. Positive private engage
ments so occupy his time, as to deprive him of
the pleasure of meeting his friends in the dif
ferent counties; many however will have an
opportunity of conversing with him while at
tending at the different Courts in the district.
But of this, they may rest assured, that he is
with them in principle and in feeling. A firm un
yielding democrat of the Jeffersonian School,
every cardinal measure of the psrty will receive
from iiim a cordial support; and himself, “one
of the people,” his heart and his feelings are in
unison with those, who are democrats in the
true spirit and letter of the appellation.
Citizens of the District! Let us show our ap
preciation of this distinguished and cherished
son of Georgia at the polls.
FROM THE Arm Y—cot. JACKSON.
We have nothing late or important from the
army since our last issue. We give in our pa-
FROM THE ARMY—COL. JACKSON.
We have nothing late or important from the
army since our last issue. We give in our pa
per to-day a letter from (our) Mr. Forsyth, but
it is of an early date, having been detained on
the route. We presume that erfe this the Geor
gia Regiment are at Camargo, Ur with the ad
vance of Gen. Taylor upon the march to Mon
terey.
Wc notice, with regret, the attempt which is
being made by the Whig presses to manufacture
capital, by attacking the reputation of Col. Jack
son. Such efforts must ever fail of their aim ;
contradicted as they are, by the testimony of eve
ry unprejudiced man in the Regiment.
It is impossible for & commander who main
tains the proper discipline to be strictly a popu
lar man with his Regiment or Army. Offences
will be committed, and punishment must fol
low, and he who is guilty and has merited
punishment, will ever think hard of the Com
mander, who has ordered his Court-Martial. We
doubt not that the convicted thief mentioned in
the last letter of our correspondent from Camp
Belknap, and who for punishment was marched
up and down the Regimental line at the point of
the bayonet would bes jvemost in declaring Col*
Jackson who sanctioned the decision of the Court-
Martial—to be an “ unpopular man,” the “most
unpopular of any officer in the Regiment, &c.”
Persons who arc hot biased in their opinions,
and who have not the cravings of disappointed
ambition rangling in their heart, write altogether
differently of Col. Jackson and “his popularity”
than we see in the Whig papers to whom we
allude, and during this present week, a
letter was received from a Field-Officer of the
Geotgia Regiment, (opposed in politics, but in
feeling with his Commander) in which he states,
that there is not to be found in the whole assem
bled Regiments of Volunteers, one, who have a
Colonel more esteemed by his officers and men,
than Colonel Jackson. Out upon the howling
miscreants who attempt to blacken the charac
ter of a perfect gentleman, an ablo commander,
and a brave soldier.
J. 11. LtJMPItIN.
We notice with much satisfaction that the
lion. J. H. Lumpkin from the upper district is
again a candidate for re-election to Congress.—
.No man stands more deservedly high with his
constituency than Mr. Lumpkin. Ho is emphati
cally “a man of the peoplehonest and capa
ble in the discharge of Jus duties’ and one in
whom confidence can at all times be placed.
To such a Democrat as this, tire mountain
boys will of course give a hearty support. They
inhale the same pure atmosphere together, which
incessantly plays upon an attitude nearer to Hea
ven than ours, and into which the foul atmos
phere of federal Whiggery, from the lower regions
of Georgia has not jet dared to blow abundantly
of its pestiferous contaminations.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT.
A signal exception to the ingratitude usually
shown to the press, is our friend, “Charlie” Pea
body, of Spring Hill, Alabama. He is continu
ally bringing us indebted to him.
It has always been the boast of the Northerners
that in apples, “we could’nt hold a candle to
them.” They will have to change the tune now;
•for the specimens of domestic growth sent us by
Mr. P. are proofs of the aptness of our cli
mate for their culture when the proper care and
attention is given to the orchard.
Mr. Peabody at considerable expense has pro
cured from the North the grafts of the finest fruit
trees. Those desiring to see specimens or to pur
chase should call upon him.
MAYOR PRO-TEMi
Aide*man John Quin has been appointed by
the City Council, Mayor pro tom, in the absence
of John G. Winter, Esq.
NEW -~YORkT
The population of the “Empire State” is
2,G20,921—0fNew-York city, 371,323 —Brook-
lyn 59,536—Albany 41,139—Buffalo
Rochester 25,265—Tr0y 21,709—Utica 12,244
—Schenectady Q,555 —Hudson 5,657*
LOTTERIES.
Those fond of gambling in Lotteries, Will be
somewhat startled to learn, that the chance of
drawing “ a prize” is one to sixty-seven thou
sand !
sir Robert'peel.
It is said that this celebrated English gcntlo-’
tie man wilk shortly pay a visit to the United
States.
TIIE UIBLE.
The Bible lias been translated’ into, and is
now printed or written in one hundred and fifty
different languages.
Gen. Gaines has been assigned to
the Exstern Division of his Army ; his Head
Quarters to be at New York, Albany or Troy as
he may .select.
The Charleston Courier has a correspondent
at the White Sulphur Springs, Meriwether co.
Ga. His last communication reveals the as
tounding fact that “money is scarce in Western
Georgia !”
As Idea!'—A late writer on kissing very
properly.remarks, that the abominable fashion
of ladies kissing each otlifcr is a piece of wan
ton Slid unprovoked cruelty ; a sheer waste of
heaven’s good gilt; a miserable fritting away of
what wad designed for better purposes. It is
absolutely wricked, and ninety-nine cases in a
hundred it is done for no other purposes than
to annoy and make wretched the poor things who
stand with their hats in their hands, and dare
not so much as open their watering mouths for
fear 01 slobbering tliir bosoms.
A Sad Disease.* —A correspondent of the
Western Christian Advocate a Methodist cler
gyman, complains of the prevalence, in Lis
neighborhood, of a disease which he calls the
“ Sunday sickness.” It is neither fever, ague,
nor small pox, but is sympathetic with the mor
al condition of the patient* The disease is pe
riodical—the patient is indisposed about Church
time on Sunday morning, but is usually quite
able to attend to his ordinary business on Mon
day, however early in the morning it may com
mence. The correspondent adds, in a postcript,
that when a strange preacher “ comes along liis
way, the disease is not near so general.’’ This
by the way is a rather awkward confession for
th reverend gentleman to make.
FROM WASHINGTON.
Correspondence of tlie Times.
No. 3
Washixgtoiv Cite August 25th, 1816.
The recent triumph of Lord John Russell’s
administration upon the subject of “ the Sugar
duties,” attracts much attention in political cir
cles here ; and in the absence of interesting do
mestic matters for speculation, has become for the
time being, the particular subject of conversation
with us. The protectionists in the Congress of
the U. States had hoped that the anti-slavery in
fluences which had proved powerful heretofore,
when brought to bear on any question sd inti
mately connected with its professed object,
would have been applied, successfully, to* stop
the progress of Free Trade, which, in its second
English step, aimed to crush all discriminating
duties against the products of slave labor, and
in favor of the Free. The Southern Whig
members of course, did not share in these hopes
of efficient practical abolition aid from abroad.—
But as I have before remarked to you, they are
powerless with their party in Congress so far as
influence is concerned, for it is the province of
such of the brotherhood as John Q. Adams,
Schunk, D'claiio, Culver, Giddings, et alto lead.
The Whig leaders saw, that the repeal of the
corn laws, or rather the spirit superinducing it,
could Oot Stand still; and as its next assault on
the civil privileges wfiutld be against that one
under the particular patronage of the fanatics of
England, they hoped that their control over ihe
measures of the ministry might be strong enough
to stay the march of liberation in the old world ;
which, if it succeeds there, in over-turning the
right to plunder the masses according f£> law,
will of course exert an influence upon’ the pub
lic nlind of the United States sufficient almost in
itself, to preclude for ever the re-enactment of
revenue laws in America, designed ns Jefferson
expressed it, “ to take the proceeds of the indus
try of one class of citizens, and transfer them to
pockets of another/’ The leading Federalists in
the United States are too well informed to hope
to revive a system of deceptive taxation for the
benefit of a few, which even England, With all its
attachment to things as they have been for cen
turies, only because they are centuries old—-
which even in England, is being condemned
as too oppressive, and too contrary to the spirit
of the age to satisfy the public mind.
The schemers in Cdhgress in behalf of“protec
tion” looked forward with strong hopes (and in
deed as their only hope of staying the march
of Free Trade) to the battle between the
Free Traders and abolitionists of the old world.
—That contest has been fotfght. Th- now
by the last steamer tells us so; and tue
former have gained a brilliant victory. Here
after, sugar grown by the labor of nominal tree
men is tohave no legal advantage in the British
markets over sugar grown by slaves. That is,
as soon as the gradual fall (after the manner of
our compromise act) of the discriminations
against the latter shall have been completed.—
This will afford tho best possible test as to the
relative value of Free and Slave labor in the
production of cotton and lie*, as well as sugar ;
for the culture of these three staples is in the
United States the same thing so fir as the labor
as applied t.o each, is concerned. In England
those who speculate in print upon such matters,
have argued or figured themselves into a belief
that they can be produced more economically by
free labor, and even in the north of this country,
this opinion is gaining ground. Ever since the
spirit of abolitionism has stalked broad, discrimi
nating duties against the one and in favor of the
other, have produced a fair trial of the question.
In this country, the people of the north have
been arguing that in agricultural pursuits, gen
erally, free labor is much more economical than
that of slaves. Under Henry Clay’s protection
to the owners of machinery, under the narr-e
“American industry” they arc doubtless correct.
Forever since his system was fastened upon the
statute books of the land, the relative value ol
capital invcstel in planting on the one hand f
and in manufacturing on the other, have been
changing about ; until cotton is worth six, in
stead of sixteen rents, while manufacturing capi
tal yields, on an average, twenty instead of frerm
eight to ten per centum piofit per annum. Thi
state of prosperity naturally affects every busi
ness around it;- agriculture, as well as any thing
else. It is not however, felt beyond the range of
country immediately supplying the manufactur
ing neighborhoods with produce. But their po
litical economists draw conclusions very natural
ly, from the state of things under their noses
rather than at a distance—in the far off free la
boring west;
Protection* td the leading interests in the State
o'” Massachusetts to the enormous extent to which
it has been carried, has undoubtedly increased
the v due and profits of labor however applied
within its bonds ; as on the other hand, making
the south pay the amount of this protection, has
depressed the value ol its labor. The tariff of
1846 is undoubtedly an approximation to a fairer
system of supporting the Government of the
United States, which prubably-nevcr will distri
bute its burdens and blessings with an equal hand;
at least so long as its expenses are paid by im
port taxes, which, in themselves, are necessarily,
a3 far as they may go, “protection to some in
terests at the expense of others. Do not mtsun- .
derstand me as advocating a recurrence to the j
old system of direct taxation for the support oi
the general goxernment. There are many
prudential reasons why it may be better lor an
indiffinite time to support the general governme: t
as now provided for. The day will come, how
’ ever, though probably not in the life time of any
man living, when the advantages of making cvc
ry citizen know to a cent, what share rfh^a rn .
ings he pays to tho support of gover/j—-
be too apparent to be resisted. When*that day
conies, he will be rather apt to insist upon two or
three little matters which appear to be of no im
portance now. First, “that every tub shall stand
on its own bottom”—that ho shall not be com
pelled by law to pay a portion of the proceeds of
liis crop (if he grow* cotton in Georgia) to the
man whose money spins cotton in Massachusetts
in order that the latter may reap greater profits
on his capital thus invested. Then, indeed, and
not until then, will the general government bo
economically administered. When every citi
zen of the United States knows, to a cent, what
he pays to the support of Uncle Sam. as he knows
what he pays each year to the Support of the go
vernment of the State in which He re-ides, he
will be apt to hold the disbursing agents of the
former (the Administration and Congress) to as
strict accountability as the disbursing ugctfts of
the latter in the different States, art* even now
held from Maine to the Rio Grande: A majori
ty of Congress will not then dare to’ (ax tho
people three millions in order to scatter one mil
lion ot dollars among the citizen of a dozen par
ticular localities under the pretext of improving
river and harbours, when the expenditure of
millions instead of thousands would not make
rivers and harbors. Nor would they venture, as
during this Winter, to lay a practical tax of fifteen
millions of dollars on the jieople, (disguised
though it was, under the pretext of issuing but
five millions worth of land scrips) to pay off a
batch ot claims for French spoliations,—
the most ot which arc notoriously fraudulent;
which every previous Congress from Jefferson’s
day down to the present have repudiated; and
which at this moment arc ell the property (if such
things deserve the name of property) oflog rolling
speculators whose agents have hung around
the lobby in Congress from the beginning to tho
end of every session, to electioneer in favor of
every scheme, good, bad, or indifferent proposing
to increase taxes on the people by taking money
from tiro public treasury. Thanks to the Presi
dent for his firmness in vetoing this bill ; for
Which act, by the bye, the Federalists are even
flow bespattering him with vituperative abuse.
But under the present system, the South and
West will never be placed on a perfectly equal
footing with the North and East, so far as the
blessings and burdens of the general government
are concerned, while the former produce the sta
ples which are grown in America for less money
than abroad, and tho latter on the other hand,
are producers of articles, wh'ch though absolutely
necessary for general consumption in the United
States, are made and sold in foreign countries at.
much less prices than are asked for them here
where high import duties permit American fab
ricators of similar goods to force American con
sumers to pay a corresponding high price for
them, or to go without them.
But I find myself writing a sermon on politi
cal economy, rather than gossiping with your
readers over the news of the week.
In political circles here, I per ewe the doings
of the convention now in session at Albany,
New York, to frame a constitution for the Mom
mouth State, arc the subject matter ol much con
versational speculation. When this convention*
first met the federal papers to the North and
East of Wash ington, with great apparent horror
announced that the radical, dirty shirt, locotoco
leaders of New York were about to subvert eve-’
ry thing worth preserving in the legal institutions
of the State. Well, the lalritrs of this same radi
cally, dirty shirt, loeofoco convention are almost
at an end. Amllo! and behold ! so well doe*
public opinion, throughout the country, think of
their views on constitutional matters, that eveir
the leading federal papers now dare not express
themselves displeased at the changes they recoin-’
mend. The Now York City correspondent of
the National Intel! gorreer, wdofor years pest has
rarely lost an opportunity to growl at any anT
everv thing done by Democrats in public affairs,
is forced to admit that they have been wise, mod-’
crate and patriotic in their recommendations.
The changes contemplated by the convention in
tho law system of the rotate goes awfully against
the gram of the federalists, who seeing the folly
of attempting to stay them, wisely refrain from
throwing themselves directly against popular
opinion in this instance. These changes are
really designed to popularize the law. In tho
State of New York, their system of courts is
more closely copied from the court system of
England—in the days of “ Merric old England”
—than is the court system of any other State in
the American Union. The convention have de
termined in favor of a thorough and complete
revolution as it were. They recommend the
election of all judicial officers at stated periods,
the reduction of court changes, the amalgation of
courts of law, chancery, equity, and of errors, and
that any body, and every body be penr itted to
practice law. By these various changes they
evidently hope to break down the exclusiveness
of the profession of the law, to which nine tenths
of the venerated abuses existing in this country
are chargeable. They strike a tremendous blow
also, against the common law, which, when this
constitution shall have gone into effect, will be
as prostrate in New York as at present in Louis
iana where the civil law and a code govern the
State. Virginia, Ohio; and Indiana are each
preparing to follow on the same trail. In each
of these States conventions- to remodel their re
spective constitutions will undoubtedly be called
next winter.
Thc Washington quidnuncs having announc
ed in the newspapers that die court of Enquiry
on General Gaines have practically endorsed his
late extraordinary, dangerous, and expensive as
sumptions of power, by declining to condemn
these acts of his, were taken aback this morning
by the publication of the proceedings from yhich it
appears that almost every thing in his. conduct,
objected to bv the government has beefi condemn
ed by his brothers in arms. It is more than prob
able that the reasons why they did not advise
his trial by court martial were his former services
and advanced age which almost preclude th e pos
sibility of his ever again being placed in a situa
tion where so much injuw to the public service
may eventuate from assumption of
authority. The public, in this city, without
exception, pronounce the judgement of the courf
a righteous one; for though all condemn hia
late Conduct : all feel too deeply sensible of the
value ofhio former public services, as to desire that
his errors of judgment may be dwelt with a
those of almost any other man would have beer.l
Your readers will find the Federal papers ot
this section of the countrj’ filled again with ru
mors of cabinet changes. These are not to be
relied on. They all grow out of the fact that
Mr. Bancroft ha3 of late remarked to two or three
persons that his official duties precluded him
from going on at present with his history, which
lie is most anxious to finish.
This is small foundation tor a half dozen dif
ferent programme* of cabinet officers which are