Newspaper Page Text
trfje
COLUMBUS, GA.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30,1810
For Congress from the 2nd District,
ALFRED IVERSON,
or Mcsroorr. rorxTT.
Klrction first Monday In October.
(Lj* The undersigned candidates for Congress
in the 2d Congressional district, hereby agree to
waive all objections to voters on account of the
non-payment of Taxes, at the approaching elec
tion—and they request that their friends in
the several counties in the district, be governed
bv this agreement.
ALFRED IVERSON.
WM. H. CRAWFORD.
August 30, 1846.
New-York.—V. B. Palmer, George Pratt,
Mason A Tuttle.
Philadelphia —E. W. Carr, V. B. Palmer,
Boston—V. B. Palmer.
Harris Couxtt—Borders A Bruce.
Randolph Countt—Henry J. Devon.
EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.
Rio Graxdf., 29th Aug. 1846.
Two companies, (Capts. Calhoun and Dill,)
embarked this morning for Camargo. The rest
will follow in the course of to-day and to-mor
ow. Six or seven days of hard steaming will
take us to the point of divergence from water
communication to the interior of Mexico.
I observe that the Macon Messenger, while
doing me the honor to copy my letter of the 24th
ult. from the Brasos, is pleased to speak of my
political prejudice” against Gov. Crawford.
The editor may be surprised to lca'rn that the opin
ion I expressed about his Excellency’s anxiety to
fjet the Regiment off his hands and the strict
economy (to use no more expressive term) of
his disbursements for the comfort and respectabili
ty of the only body of troops Georgia had sent
into the field, was shared in by the Regiment at
large, without respect to political predilections or
party callings. For one, I do not believe that
the people of Georgia would have objected to the
expenditure of s few thousand of paltry dollars,
to send 900 of her sons at least decently equip
ped to fight the battles of the general confedera
cy and to uphold and represent the military
character and chivalry of the State. And when
I arrived at the Brasos, and saw Regiment after
Regiment, from Illinois, and Tennessee, and
Indiana and Kentucky pouring into the country,
equipped and caparisoned cap-a-pie, with neat
and serviceable uniforms, and contrasted them
with the motley appearance of our own troops, I
could not help thinking and expressing the
opinion that the public authorities of these States
had taken better care of their troops than those
of Georgia had of lvers. If this be “ prejudice,”
be it so. It was at least a natural reflection un
der the the circumstances.
Tho Editor is offended too, because I speak
favorably of the conduct and appearance of the
“Columbus Guards,” and is civil enough to style
me a “trumpeter F* ft struck me as very strange
that a slight and merited, bttt passing commenda
tion of the “Columbus Guards” should be taken
as a disparagement of the Macon company ?
What is the complaint ? Is it that I did not
praise the “Macon Guards'?” If the editor had
had a little patience, he would have found that I
had at a proper time done full justice to that corps
and its excellent'officers—which I have done in
subsequent letters, which you have doubtless re
ceived awd poblislied before this time. But,
suppose I hats not thought proper to speak irr
praise of the Macon company ? Suppose I had
not thought them entitled to it 7 Was I there
fore to withhold praise where I thought it due ?
And was the editor as the too sensitive cham
pion of die Macon company, to act in the spirit
of the Athenian who, when asked wh) he voted
to hanieh Aristides, replied, that he was tired of
hearing people praise his virtues ? As for the
indelicacy of praising my own company, I sup
pose that my position in the Staff, entirely seper
ated from my own company, sharing more of the
credit of its good conduct or the blame of its had
conduct, and holding the same official connection
with every other company in the Regiment. I
■ay, I supposed all this wo aid have saved me from
the charge of“trumpeting”inthemindofany one
who coukl bear, generously, to hear other praises.
What I said, of the Guards; at the Brasos, was
not only my honest opinion, but to the letter,
ftMv father companies have made rapid
strides since, and I have fairly and fully acknowl
edged and published it. But, it is a pretty piece
of business to expect me, to pass over the merits
of the “Guards ’ acknowledged, as they are, by
every-body, because forsooth. I happen to be at
tached to that corps, in affection and officially. I
care not where self-love, vanity, or envy are
wounded, I shall give them their deserts upon all
proper occasions—and I will not “trumpet” for
those companies whose drill, conduct and im
provement in'the soldierly art, do not correspond
with the opportunities they have enjoyed. To.
ray great surprise, ray letter has stirred up r. lit
tle bile among a few of the officers here. They
too, cannot bear to hear the preissof others ol
their comrades with anything like equanimity.
Perhaps they will change their tune, when they
find that f have spoken of some of them in terms
of commendation which their present cbalitions
of spleen, causes me tc-doubt, whether they de
serve. Meantime, if they do not “ like it” (as
tire children say) they can “lump it.” My opin
ion* are my own and when I want a committee
of censorship to revise my letters, I shall not call
it to my counsels, gentlemen whose generous im
pmlaes are formed upon a scale so Lillipution,
that it offends them to read two lines in praise
of a oeserving.company of the Regiment.
MV next will probably be from Camargo. I
• hope to find there, new materials for my letters.’
I hare exhausted this locality, and fear my recent
letters have been very on-readable.
t regret to inform you, that we have buried
three more uwmbers- of die Pike company, Copt.
Sargeant Their names arc David It. Ross,
Henry J. Tidd and John. W..*Rumr^
This company with those of Capttramb!ing
and Turner have suffered’ most from disease,
while the sickness and mortality in the city com
panies has been comparatively light F..
HARRIS COUNTY.
We have been requested to state that there
u j . be a meeting of the Farmers of Harris coun
ty, at Hamilton, on the first Tuesday in October
next, for the purpose of forming an Agricultural
Scmety.
WHIGS AND TIIEIR MEASURES EX
POSED.
Democrats ! To the Pulls—To the Polls! ’
Notwithstanding what we publish, and the
letters which-are received from the Georgia Re
giment, wc are asked almost daily, how does the
Mexican war progress ? Will there be any more
fighting, and what is the prospect of an early
settlement of our difficulties with those misguid
ed though semi-barborous people ? To these
questions, we Cannot of course give satisfactory
answers as yet. A battle at Monterey we have
always looked for; but the veH is not sufficient
ly removed to give us a glance at the late pro
ceedings in Mexico. Yet wc have reasons to
believe that the authorities at Washington are
at work to bring about, not only a reconciliation
and permanent peace, but also have it in view to
give direction to the mode of government to be
established; to the end that the institutions of
the country sha 1 be liberal and Demo
cratic principles.
The late proclamation of Santa Anna goes a
long way to justify these inferences. He boldly
tells the people to establish the Constitution of
1824, which he once so ruthlessly and unceri
moniously trampled underfoot, and which, if he
now felt at liberty to adopt his own way, we be
lieve would not be again galvanised into being.
If this change however is owing to the manage
ment and skill of our President, aided by that
great instinctive, moral pow’er, which our Demo
cratic institutions are exerting upon the people of
Mexico, as well as upon all the civilzed nations
of the earth, he deserves, and will receive the
plaudits of a 1 the wise, the good, and patriotic
of the land. What act can a man perform more
laudable than to redeem a nation from insigni
ficance ; from the contempt of the world; from
the grasp of mercenary, unfeeling and brutal
task-masters, .or tyrants; and place it in a posi
tion where it will improve until its progressive
elevation places it in the estimation of an observ
ing, though astonished world, upon a level with
a sister republic whose free institutions teaches
man his rights, and whose torch of knowledge is
ere long destined to blaze in the most dark and
benighted places of the earth? But, alas! how
difficult it is for our President to do right, or those
who sustain him. It seems to be as difficult for
“ a Camel to go through the eye of a needle” as
it is for the Democratic party to perform an act
meriting the approbation of the Whigs. Every
measure of ours on the Texas question has
been denounced, since the appearance of that
memorable production of Mr. Clay, known as
his “de-jure and de-fado” letter. The wholesale
s ! ander that it caused to be manufactured covered
the land. Like the frogs iaEgypt everyplace
was filled with the filthy and shameful cry of
“ don’t annex Texas; it is dishonest—a foul rob
ber)' —a glaring injustice—a national disgrace.”
In vain it was asserted and proved that the Tex
ans were imposed upon ; that they were seduced
into a settlement of the country by the promise
of large donations and bounties of land, with the
guarantee of a mild government, congenial laws,
and a liberty of conscience to which they were
accustomed in the U. States, and which for a
time was fulfilled. In vain it was shown that
the Presidential Chair was usurped by a success
ful warrior and intreaguer, that the Republic had
disappeared ; her free constitution trampled un
derfoot and wholly destroyed ; that this confeder
al ed republic of Mexico was driven away and a
despotism reared up in its stead. In vain did
the brave spirits who achieved their independence
proclaim the abuses which resulted in the neces
sity that impelled them to the seperation. In
vain did they plead in their own justification the
illustrious examples of our revolutionary sires,
who for causes not more grievous, rushed through
seas of blood to obtain freedom. In vain too did
they implore our aid in foiling British designs,
and in sustaining their infant government, then
languishing for want of aliment—Jay drooping,
and was ready to disappear and perish; no sym
pathetic cord Was yet touched by those appeals
in the bosom of the Whigs; they heeded not
the imploring cry, and as if to favor file’ sinister
views of designing England, their great leader
drew his weapons and stabbed her to the core.
Then like an anatomical subject or a Surgeon’s
table, the “ lone Star” was stretched out, placing
the iC dejuYt” side in front, when every political
quack- relying upon the superiority of his own
dissecting skill, matched up, knife in hand ; but
you Democrats could not stand passive and be
hold the consummation of this Heaven frowning
deed. You rushed onwards to the rescue with
unfaltering energy, and flaged not,- until this
almost extinguished light was made to rise in
our midst, as the morning star, singing peuns to
the glory of our great republic.
But as we have said, no act of the*Democrats
happens to be right in the estimation- of the
Whigs. Hostility to every measure whatsoever
seems to be a part of their creed ; all we do then
is wrong, and their efforts to enforce this belief
know’s no abatement. The basest slanders and
the most glaring falsehoods are not unfrequently
found conspicuously placed amongst the edito
rials of their most respectable prints. The flexi
ble hirelings of their press, like a base and cor
rupt jury giving a verdict in Violation of law
and testimony, are boldly and unceasingly pro
claiming every Democratic measure as a wrong.
To reduce the Tariff was a> wrong and must be
repealed. It was shamefully wtohg to annex
Texas—wrong to-resenf an insult offered to our
Minister in Mexico and to collect our dues from
them by coersion. It w r as wrong for the Presi
dent to move the army from Corpus Christ!, al
though Congress- declared the Rio Grande to be
the boundary, and although Parades said in his
war proclamation that the invasion of Texas
was a just cause for the commencement of hostili
ties, lastly,it was wrong to declare war and to whip
the Mexicans; and now we suppose the next
wrong to be committed is-to vote the Democratic
ticket!
Fellow Democrats, are yoii willing on Mon
day next to surrender your rights as freemen—
the institutions you respect—the principles you
have maintained* and the country yeu love, into
the h inds of such fault-finding, lawless, and un
principled disorganizes, as these? Who, judg
ing torn their past conduct, relinquish to them
the control, and the benign light of your free in
stitutions would soon be darkened as with'a to
tal eclipse—who would invert what now har
monious ami regular—dishonor what is pure and
venerable, and pull down what is noble and has
bcen-wiscly established—“No, never.” While
writing, we imagine this emphatic response, issu
ing from the swelling bosoms of countless patri
ots, may be heard floating upon the breeze and
filling up the land; and- may the shout be as
mighty as the voice of the revolution, which we
are told ascended and reached the abode of the
Great Commander, where the unering sign was
given, “the earth is yours, multiply in it;”
and let the institutions of republican freedom
spread until they shall cover the continent.
I Now Democrats, to-you. belong the resgoasi
hie task of guiding and sustaining our govern-!
merit—Stand up like your revolutionary ances
tors. Go to the polls, and before our next issue
goes to press, we shall expect to hear from you
the welcome tidings of “ all is well.”
THE HON. 11. W. HILLIARD,
Was, it will be recollected, the only whig who
voted for the Tariff act of ’46. Many of our
friends entertain hopes of his being thrown over,
board the whigs, and that he will make a nice
bit of annexation to the Democratic party. We
do not cajole ourselves with any such expectations.
He is not backing out from his party but they
(at the South) are backing out from Protection;
and he has been shrewd enough to 6eeit. We
will, however, do him the justice to say that he has
always avowed himself against the doctrine of
protection ; and if our friends in his district are
to be beaten by any whig, we much prefer that
he shall be one who has always been with the
South upon this great and vital question.
GEN. HARALSON.
A low and mean effort has been made by some
of the whigs in the fourth Congressional district,
to produce the impression that Gen. Haralson
voted to pay the volunteers only seven dollars per
month. The truth is, that he was not only in fa
vor of paying them ten dollars per month, but
voted for that proposition. In addition to this,
he reported a bill giving to each volunteer and
regular soldier in the army, and the children and
next of kin of all who had or might die or fall in
battle ; one hundred and sixty acres of land.
W r c prove what we say to be true, by copying
tha following, word for word, and letter for letter,
from the Journal of the House of Representa
tives of Congress, May 11th 1846, page 793 ;
omitting the names of all the members except
those from Georgia;
“In the tenth section of the bill strike out the
word “ eight” ahd insert “ten” in lieu thereof,
so that that part of the section shall read, “ pri
vates of infantry, artillery and riflemen, shall re
ceive ten dollars per month.” Yeas 104, Nays
82. The yeas and nays bc ; ng desired by one
fifth of the members present. Those who voted in
the affirmative are, Howell, Cobb, Hugh A.
Haralson, Thomas Butler King, John H.
Lumpkin, Alexander H. Stephens, George
W. Towns.
Those who voted in tire negative are, Robert
Toombs!!!
Thus it will he seen, that the only member of
Congress from Georgia, who voted against in
creasing the pay of Soldiers is Robert Toombs.
It will be seen also, that the amendment propos
ing to increase the pay of soldiers, passed the
House by a considerable majority ; but it could
not be passed through the Senate ; and the House
w r as compelled to recede from its amendments,
or permit the whole bill declaring war against
Mexico, and making provisions to carry it on, to
be postponed indefinitely or wholly defeated.
FROM WASHINGTON.
Correspondence of tlie Times.
No. 7
Washington City, Sept. 22, 1846.
I have been disappointed in finding that the
co-alition between the Whigs and abolitionists
of Maine has had force sufficient to defeat, for
the time being, the election of a Democratic
Governor, four members of Congress, and a
majority of the Legislature. As it requires a ma
jority to elect in Maine, they must tug and tug
again, until the candidates of one of the parties
tor Congress and the lower house of the legisla
ture obta’n more votes than, are thrown for all
others. It happens at times that ten or twenty
trials are necessary to accomplish an election.
If I mistake not, a district in Massachusetts was
once two years without a representative in Con
gre9s because neither candidate could in that
time obtain a majority of the votes cast.
Dana, the Democratic candidate for Governor
of Maine, will lead the highest opposition (whig)
candidate some four thousand votes, but the
combined vote of all the opposition candidates
will he about thirty five hundred more than have
been cast for him. At this trial there were fail
ures to elect in so many towns that the democrats
have not yet obtained the requisite majority ofthe
lower house (of the legislature.) However,
the whigs do not pretend to’ hope that subse
quent trials will not result in the success of the
Democrats, as usual in such cases ; after which,
they (the lower house) will elect the Governor
and State Senators from districts- which have
failed-to choo-e. This has repeatedly been the
case before. Wo have only once failed to suc
ceed in the after trials when our pluralities were
even much less than in this election.
The whigs in this city and at the North arc
shouting hozannas over this quasi triumph of
Giddings, Hale and Hudson, which’ at best only
accounts to delaying a Democratic victory ; for
they (the whigs) have only elected their one
member of Congress and claim” to have very little
prospect of electing another in the subsequent
“ trial;” as they term- these adjourned contests
in New England. As it is probable that in the
fervor of federalism the whigs of Georgia may al
so join in shouting over this quasi abolition vic
tory, I write you thus at length on this subject,
that your readers may not be deceived by having
garbled returns and misrepresentations imposed
on theimon the eve of an election, according to
the custom of “the feds,” th(Vcountry over.
The following short extract from a late num
ber of the “Norfolk American” (published at
Dedham Massachusetts) a* leading whig paper
will prove that I have done the federalists no in
justice in writing you that with one accord, as it
were, at the North they have embraced'abolition
ism as the fundamental arti.le of whig faith in
time to come.
“ There was a time when it was thought that
it might become expedient to read the Norfolk
American out of the whig party, but the idea has
been altogether abandoned by the respectables
siuce the Boston Courier began to discuss the
question of dissolution and the Atlas pronounc
ed Joshua R. Giddings, (whose disciple we hum
bly aim to be) a true whig. All the whig papers
i fMassachusetts, except those which exist amidst,
and by virtue of the spawn and blubber of New
Bedford and Nantucket, have now adopted in
full, the anti-slavery sentiments which we began
to preach through the columns of this paper more
than two yea rs ago.”
It is melancholy—yes—melancholy thus to
witness such prostitution for the sake of power,
in a great and heretofore proud party. With’an
evident common understanding, the whig press
and orators of the North-have indeed, “ adopted
in full the anti-sinetry sentiments which the
“Norfolk Amejican, the New York Tribune, &e.
began to preach mare than two years ago?-’
Even now, almost all Northern whig speeches
and newspaper appeals, are such as in times
past, one would expect from Giddings and Gar
rison’s Liberator, only. The crusade against
“ the God forsaken slave holders,” is the watch
word—the bond of union between Northern
Whigs. On this cry they hope to ride into pow
tr. 1 hey leave cast aside all others a= inefficient
to ensure success—is having already tailed them
in the hour of trial. The black flag of Abolitiori
ism with its device of the death’s head and cross
ed bones, purpoiting war to the knife on the
South and its rights under the constitution, prac
tically waves over the heads of the Itits allies of
the whigs of Georgia and as they would persuade
themselves, invites them to victory.
I call them the l ate allies of the whigs of
Georgia, because I cannot bring myself to believe
that Georgia contains a party which will strug
gle to aid and abet whiggery, when whiggery
from Canada to Maryland and from Cape Cod
to Lake Superior formally and avowedly adopts
abolitionism as its creed.
The election of whigs to Congress from Geor
gia or to the legislature of the State, will be
vaunted at the North as proof that Southern
whigS are willing to adopt abolitionism as their
faith also. “Or, why elect whigs when whiggery
every where else has become Abolitionism?
Looking at the condition and avowed
ofthe whig party ofthe North which shapes the
party policy in Congress and in convention, I
cannot doubt but that every vote cast in Georgia
for whig candidates will do its share towards
strengthening the ascendancy of abolitionism
among the whigs <}f the North.
On Saturday last the news of the arrival of the
Cambria reached us. It embraces the gratifying
intelligence of an extending English demand for
American agricultural products. Os course
prices are now even better at the North and in
Europe than when the preceeding steamer reach
ed our shores.
. I take the following extract from the commer
cial article of the New York Sun, of yesterday
morning, which exhibits the practical effect of
low duties on either side ofthe Atlantic in tew
words:
“ The legitimate business of buying and sell
ing goods, exporting produce, importations and
exchange, during last week, was active and gen
erally satisfactory. In the matter of the sale of
goods for the supply of country merchants, it is
certain that prices have declined to a low point,
but at such prices a large business has been done.
There was a general and great rise in produce,
flour, grain, rice and cotton—all went up. The
advance in flour within ten days has been nearly
or quite 50 cents a barrel; in wheat and corn, 10
cents per bushel, and in cotton from J to 1 cent
a pound. At such improvements on former
rates, every thing has. been taken and exported
as fast as it reached the wharves.
As is usual at such seasons as this, freights
have taken a great advance, not only from here
to Liverpool, but on the canal and the lakes.
This will be the most effectual check upon ex
portations that can be devised, and will absorb a
large share of the profits that the merchant might
reasonably have expected to make.”
I take the following from the New York
Evening Post of yesterday afternoon. It shows
the rise in the prices of produce in N. Y. city in
the last four weeks.’
“ Within the last four weeks the price of In
dian corn in this market has risen, in consequence
of large shipments to Europe, from fifty cents
per bushel to eighty cents per bushel, which is
an ad vance of sixty per cent, on its value.
Flour, within the same period,-has risen from
$4 to- $b per barrel, which is an advance of 25
per cent.
Rye has experienced a much greater advance
than wheat.
All other articles of agricultural produce, as
well as provisions, have advanced considerably
in price in consequence of a foreign demand.”
The New York city papers of Saturday morn
ing last of both parties announced the gratifying
fact that the rise in the price of cotton in Liver
pool during the fortnight preceeding the departure
ofthe Cambria had increased the value of
the present crops at least five millions
OF DOLLARS*
The National Intelligencer alarmed at the
certain political effect of this fall in the prices of
necessary manufactures and corresponding rise in
the price of our agricultural products conceals,
as far as possible the news that the crops in Eng
land except of potatoes, are good. It attempts to
claim that the failure of the potatoe crops alone
causes the heavily increased English demand for
our wheat, corn, lard, bacon, butter, beef, rice,
&c. This subterfuge is so survile that nothing
but an almost utter party desperation could have
driven so astute a journal to it.
Capt. Datio, late of the Revenue service, has
been dismissed for failing to use due despatch in
bearing tlie communications to Commodore Con
ner, with which he was intrusted a few weeks
ago. As there are contradictory statements in
the Northern papers on this subject, I have taken
the pains to ascertain the fact.
Senator Yulee ot Florida, and Gen Droomgole
of the House were here a few days since. The
former has gone home. With tho exception of
Judge Hemphill, thle Chief Justice of the Su
preme Court of Texas, we have had no other
“distinguished strangers” in this city during the
past Week,
Mr. Buchahan reached Washington last night
from Saratoga; He was sent for by telegraph on
Saturday evening to attend an especial cabinet
council called to consider the reply of the Mexi
cans to our last proposition. So much for steam
and lightning when pressed into the service of
man. *”
Much cxcitemenfexists in Washing! m against
;the National Intelligencer on account of its short
article published yesterday morning, expressing
gratitude for the threatened English ijttervex
tiov in our war with Mexico. The Democrats
expected nothing better, and therefore, care little
what the Intelligencer publishes on the subject,
further than to regret that any American journal
should labor so earnestly in the cause of our
country’s enemies. But thousands of whigs are
openly denouncing it as “a—traitorous concern,”
<&c. Senator Breese of Illinois who came here
to attend the session ol the board of Regents of
the Smithsonian institute, arriving too late
however, says that the Cleavland Plain Deal
er’s story about the denunciation of the adminis
tration by Cass, himself, and Wentworth* (the
member from Chicago) is untrue, at least so far
as Cass and himself are concerned. Cass was in
Boston rather than at Cleavland at the time. The
onus of the lie rests between the Cleaveland
Editor and Wentworth. I notice the matter only
because the whigs every where have endeavored
to make capital out of it.
You will perceive that the Northern editor?*
with one accord appear to have made up their
minds that Mexico, in reply to the propositions
of our government refuses to treat while the
American army is on her soil, &c. Although I
cannot know definitely, yet I am satisfied that
she makes no such s’lly and-useless condition as
the withdrawal of our arniy and navy, ere she
will listen to terms. However, from all appear
ances the administration intend to bring her to
terms by and through good hard old fashioned
hard knocks, if other means fail.
The Post Master General is expected to arrive
to night from Tennessee.
LOWNDES/
The Mi! ilia o! Muscogee county turn out to.
day under the orders of Brig. Gen. LoWe, for Re
view and in-.-j.cci.ipu.
TOR THE TIMES.
The choice-—a word to the
WHIGS.
Now my dear reader, only cast your eye3 over
the length and breadth of Georgia, and then un
curb your conscience, and it will tell you lhat
the State boasts not a son more honorably con
spicuous than is Judge Iverson. Look at him;
a countenance bearing the impress of honesty
and intellectual supremacy—a mien dignified
and courteous. But better still, view his past
life ; —has he not borne himself both publicly and
privately so as to pluck the meed of praise from
the unwilling hearts of his warmest opponents 1
At the last Congressional election, Mr. Graw
ford shouted fox protection, and I said amen. I
stood up boldly in his cause and gave him my
vote, but now I say nay. Things have assumed
a different aspect. Free Trade has won brilliant
triumphs abroad, and an important victory at
home. Light begins to take the place of dark
ness. Even empires have refused longer to be
blinded and led captive at the will of prejudice.
Gradually have the scales fallen from mine eyes.
I am persuaded that I begin to see things as they
are; and let others do as they may, but as for
me and whatever influence I may have, they
shall be devoted to the interest of Judge Iverson.
If sent to Congress he would reflect honor not
only on the district, but on the State and Union.
Whoever most admires the scrubby Hack-jack,
will doubtless give a hearty support to Mr. Craw
ford ; but those that prefer the prince of the for
est—the towering and wide-spreading oak, will
surely do battle for Judge Iverson. That is all—
only I would say to Mr. Crawford—lookout for
a way of escape, lest defeat, like an avalanche
tfrom the brow of a mountain, fall upon you.
Segment.
P. S.—The above is a mere hint; I have oth
er serious objections to Mr. Crawford, which, if
called for very loudly, might be forthcoming in
“ double quick time.”
Down the River, Sept. 1846.
FROM THE GEORGIA REGIME XT.
Late accounts from the army brings the grati
fying intelligence that the reports “of the late
riot” in the Georgia Regiment have been much
exaggerated. With pleasure we give place to
the following letter, written by a member of the
“Jasper Greens” to the Ret. J. J. O’Connell of
this city.
Oamargo, Septr 10th, 1846.
Doubtless you have been expecting a correct
account of the recent quarrel. I was never more
surprised than on reading the shameful, exager
ated and false statements that have been sent re
garding it to the New Orleans papers. I know
you have suspended your judgment until you
could ascertain the oth>r side of the case ; this
is but right. Without further comment I send the
facts in the order in which they occurred. Os
the greater poition of which, I was an eye wit
ness, and as they may be attested to by the en
tire corps. They are, you will admit, as worthy
of consideration, as the many false and contra
dictory statements sent on by writers who were
not present, and to say the least, interested.
There are tvVo brothers in our company—na
tives of Georgia, one of whom was struck in the
presence of the other, without his making any
effort to defend him; falling in with some men
belonging to the .Kenesaw Rarrgers, Capt. Nel
son’s corps, they bantered him severely for his
unkind passiveness in regard to his brother, and
threatened to administer “ a most refined whip
ping.” Words were growing warmer, and anoth
er of our men, a young Scotchman, who was
present took part with his companions and said,
they mustnot strike him; to which they replied by
flinging a “ Claret bottle” at his head, and cali
ing him a damned Irish son of a-. The
voices now became more elevated, ;nd many of
our men ran-to the scene of contention, and so
far from promoting the disturbance were drawing
off their own associates. Capt. McMahon now
arrived, and just as he ordered us to our quarters,
the Rangers roared out, that unless we were on
our look out, they would knock our and and Irish
heads off. Every man at our side felt hurt at
the insult, hut the presence of the Capt. and his
renewed orders to retire to quarters, prevented
any resentment being offered. He afterwards
addressed the men and inculcated forbearance,
bidding us not heed the. insult, that men of sense
would not offer it. The remaining part of the
day passed on quietly, and I heartily believe, that
after the remarks of our Captain, no man cher
ished the most distant idea of. resentment.
The next day, August 31st, a renewed insult
was again offered by the Rangers without any
provocation on our side. Private Makin, a harm
less and inoffensive man, was in the act of remov
ing his baggage to the water’s side, to be in readi
ness for the Boat which was hourly expected.
A great many voices cried out “ there goes a
Paddy, go it Pat, you are now loaded like a
Jackass;” he was now intercepted on his way.
He replied, men let me pass', I anT molesting none
of you; to this they answered, go to h—II you
d—d Irish son of b—h.
There is a point when forbearance ceases to be
a virtue, and I believe no person car. deny butthat
we had now arrived at it; however I will leave
others to moralize. Makin challenged any man
in the corps to single combat, and presently P.
Martin, one of eur non-commissioned officers,
Who now arrived, interfered and ordered him on
his way which he obeyed. Martin repaired to
the Lieut, of the ltangers, the Captain not being
present, and requested the interference of the
officers to check the men—adding, that if such
continued insult should be olfered to the ‘Greens,”
that then 1 officers could not prevent a resentment
and that there may be bloodshed on- both sides.
The Lieut, promised to do his duty.
The Boat arrived soon after, and we went on
board first, being the first who arrived at the
landing. There was no further disturbance un
til night. We were all on deck in our blankets—
sopieofctir men were singing ; and fearing lest it
should be a cause of disturbance, Capt. McMa
hon commanded them to end it,saying they must
try and sleep, and disturb no others who were
composing themselves to rest, alluding to the
Rangers at the opposite side Who from their great
quietness, were endeavoring to sleep. In a mo
ment all became so still that the Boat appeared
desertedj though there were some four hundred
men on deck ; many sleeping—s>ans souci, as
it was now night. Suddenly a most appalling
cry was raised from the bank of the river where
some of the “ Greens” went to sleep, calling for
help and shrieking out that they were overpow
ered and being murdered. A general rush was
made by both companies to the stairs, but they
were repulsed by the sentinels.
Captains McMahon and Nelson were both at
sapper in the Cabin* and I flew to inform them,
and acquainted Captain Nelson, whom I met
first, of the fight; he instantly flew to arrest it.
Capt. McMahon remained on board and aided
the sentinels in checking lire rush of the Greens,
who were furious to break their way and run to
the aid of their companions on the bank of the
river; he forced them back with all his might,
aid dealt many blows to arrest them—exploits
attributed by the press, to our Col. who w as not
on board at all. At this time, Col. Baker forced
his way up to the Boat, despite of the sentinel,
accompanied by a strong body of men, without
notifying who he was, or what his intentions
were. Our Captain and all on deck supposed
them to be the Rangers who were engaged in
the quarrel, who were now forcing their way to
fight us on the deck. Whilst engaged in quieting
his men, our Captain heard the word,“charge”
and forthwith raised his sword to arrest'tlre move
ment, and crossed that of Col. Baker. Then
ensue ! a struggle which lasted'between both
parties for upwards of five minutes, during which
time, four muskets were discharged by the Illinois
volunteers, who now crowded the bank of the
river. No life would have been lost were it not
for these peace-makers. They shot down Cor
poral V\ helan, one of our officers, and the only
man killed—they wounded their own Lieut, in
both legs, as he stood by my side, awtseverely
wounded Col. Baker and Capt. McMahon, hut
not dangerously : the latter fell on’ eight hayo
nets which werafl charged against him, escaping
being killed by pressing his sword down on them
as he was falling. A cry was now raised that
Capt. McMahon was killed, when ‘the Greens,
hitherto inactive, seized their muskets and ma
king a formidable rush cleared the deck, and
kept quiet possession of it. Not however by kil
ling or seriously hurting any one. You will
ask, what becomes‘of the long list of the killed
and wounded ? I answer that all is a false report,
and that the quarrel has been exaggerated to jus
tify an interference—a rash step.
Yours, &c.
Correspondence of tlie Times.
Washington Citt, 24th Sept. 1846.
Gentlemen—We have no bold outlines in the
news from the seat of war, and indeed but little
of anything else, to disturb the dull quiet of the
mile of Avenue between the White House and
the Capitol. In front of the principle Hotels,
Coleman’s, Brown’s, and the United States, are
congregated small squads of Hacks and Hack-
Drivers. Once in a while a stranger passes along
the side walk, and whenever lie nears one of
these squads, they all jump at him, as if he was
on fire, and they wanted to put him out. A
majority of these Hack-drivers are negroes, and
the greatest annoyances about the city.
The administration is moving on quietly 1 ut
vigorously in the discharge of its duties. The
new Secretary of the Navy seems to be a great
favorite with all sect on sos the Democratic party:
and is highly esteemed even by the strongest
Whigs. Mr. Bancroft’s reforms are still the sub
ject of discussion. He is abused by the few
and applauded by the m >ny. It is a pity how
ever that it has not been in his power to carry
reform into every branch of his department.
The Beaurea of Construction is as nerveless as
a palsied arm. and has no head except at the tail
Commodore Morris who occupies the position of
the head of this Beaureau, is a man of more
fine qualities than qualifications. Personally he
is very highly regarded, but occasionally he
comes in contact with men of the present age,
who soon learn that he is better fitted for almost
any office than he is for the one he is now en
deavoring to fill. The corps of Engineers is a
very efficient one) at the head of which is Mr.
Haswelf, than whom a mo e efficient officer
is not in the employmei t of the government.
He is thoroughly educated, practically and theo
retically in his profession. Nature has bestowed
upon him not only a love of science but the pow
er to comprehend it, and to apply it. I therefore
do not mean to include him when I say that the
Beaureau of construction of the Navy Depart
ment is hardly organized—-nor do I mean to in
clude many others occupying inferior positions -
but I mean to say that the genius and acquire
ments of the Commodore are not at home in the
office of the Beaureau of construction. The
government will make no advance in the appli
cation of improvement under his administration.
For being too shrewd to rely upon his own opin
ion or judgement, and too cautious lo trust to the
opinions of others—he will continue to pursue a
course of “ masterly inactivity.”
I lay no claim to originality respecting the
opinions I have expressed to you. They have
long been in daily use in this city of magnifi
cent distances.
The inclination of the public mind in favoi of
the one term principle, leads us to anticipate that
Mr. Polk will r.ot be the next nominee of his
party tor the Presidency. I too am in favor ot
the one term principle, but when I reflect that
Mr. Polk has not only accomplished for us and
the country whatwe expected him to accomplish,
but a great deal more ; that he is firm, sagacious
and prudent, and that we cannot get another
better than he is, howc -cr fortunate we may be
in the nomination, I am ready to say, let us for
the country’s sake postpone the operation of the
one term principle for one term longer. lain one
who can say with a hearty good will, God bless
the veto power ; and if Mr. Polk should be re
elected, the protectionists will have to get tvvo
thirds of both branches of Congress before they
can succeed in establishing again the doctrine of
protection. Halifax.
TO THE VOTERS OF THE SECOND
CONGRESSIONAL, DISTRICT.
It is not unusual for the Representative to ad
dress a communication to t is constituents, giv
ing an account of the principal matters which
have been the •. übject of legislation during the
, session oi Congress. Had the last session been
• one of ordinary legislation, I should not have
deemed it necessary to avail myself of this cus
tom, but being one of the most important in the
business actually transacted, and probably in the
consequences which may result, I deem it
my duty to* address you at this time.
In the message of life President, one of the
most able, lucid and perspicuous documents that
ever come from the Executive chair, are
set forth all the important matters which would
claim the attention of Congress ; and his views
and opinions, were so plain.y and distinctly ex
pressed “ that he that runs may read, and a way
faring man, tho’ a fool cannot err therein.”—
Whatever of evil was involved in them, he has
taken his full share of responsibility ; whatever
of merit and good to the country he is entitled to
his full portion.
It was truly a democratic message, by a dem
ocratic President, to a democratic Congress,
calculated to carry out the great and leading
measures of tire Bennreratic Party.
Tnat message met the approbation of the
whole country, and was responded to, by Con
gress, in the spirit in which it was communicated.
Even our political opponents, while they would
not applaud, could not condemn, and their “ex
pressive silence'’ conveyed volumes of praise and
approbation,
The first subject of importance which claimed
attention, was the consummation of the annexa
tion of Texas, which had been commenced by the
previous Congress. She was admitted into the
Union, almost by acclamation, as soon as the or
dinary form of legislation could be passed through,
and her Senators and Representatives now take
counsel together, with the Senators axi> Rep
resentatives op the United States,
while heY lone star mingles its brilliant and
glorious light, with the bright’ stars and broad
stripes of the great republic ofthe world.
The question in relation to the boundary of the
Oregon Territory, which had become surrounded
with difficulties, and threatened to embroil us in a
war with the great and powerful nation of Great
Britain, was during the last spring, by the firm
and decided stand taken by the President, brought
to an amicable and reasonable settlement. That
question which had been, for more than a quar
ter of a century, the subject of discussion, and
one of great intricacy and embarrassment, with
every successive administration, has been finally
and satisfactorily adjusted, upon the termswhich
have been repeatedly pifered to the British Gov
ernment, and as repeatedly refused; and with it
every serious cause of controversy and source
of hostility removed.
The Bill to establish the Independent
Treasury has become the law of the United
States; and by it, all connexion has been dis
solved with the Banking institutions. The pub
lic money is now to be kept by the officers ol
United States subject at all times to the control
of Congress, and untrammelled by any specula
tions of Banks, or Banking Capitalists. As this
is a subject not well understood, and much mis
represented, I will lay before you its leading fea
tures.
First then —All money now in ueposite in
any of the Banks, will be drawn out by drabs
from the Treasurer, as it may be wanted, for the
use ofthe United States; thereby giving reason
able time to those institutions to colleet the
money loaned out by them, on the credit ofthe
money of the United States, of which they had
in their vaults more than eight millions.
Secondly.—All money hereafter collected,
will be paid into the Treasury as collected, to be
drawn - out, under the appropriations made by
Congress.
Thirdly—When the act goes into full opera
tion, one third of the t olfections will be made in
specie, and one third more collected annually in
specie, till all the collections will be made in spe
cie—and payments will be made from the Trea
sury in the same way.
Fourthly—ln addition to the Bonds and secu
rities heretofore required by law ofthe Collect
ing officer and assistant treasurers, for more safety,
penalties have been imposed, by which, all de
faulters and violators ofthe law, can be punish
edyon the criminal side of the court.
lam aware ofthe objection; that by the udop-
I tion of this system, and the collection in sp. c j r
;of all debts, taxes and duties, a large quantity ol
specie will be hoarded up in the treasury, and
kept out of circulation to the injury ot con
mercc and every other branch of busines This
objection will only be made by Banking institu
tions, and those who advocate high duties for
the protection of American manufacturers
When specie is the common circulating medium
between the government and its creditors and’
debtors, the bdnks cannot over issue witliou*
danger of stopping payment and immediate in
solvency. They will he c. inpelled to have a
fair supply of specie to reduce their Bills and
pay depositors, that they may make their pay
ments to the government. While the Banks are
in a sound and healthy state, and pay out specie
tor their bills and deposites. there will be no em
barrassment in the community from the want of
th? precious metals. They will constantly trav
el in a circle ; the debtors of government will
call on the Banks for specie to pay their debt, to
the Lnitod States. The government will pay
the same specie to its creditors, officers, seamen;
soldiers, and all the multiplied and various indi
viduals employed, and from whom purchases are
made; and they will in their turn, pay it hack to
the Banks, or to persons who owe the Banks
The circulation will Ik? constant and complete,
and like the blood in the animal system, be con
stantly rushing from the centre to the extremities
and as rapidly returning. The treasury never
will be lull there will he no surplus to hoard
U P —yet there will be no deficiency. The sup
ply of to-day will be required and used for the
dt tnand ol to-morroW, and so mi continually.
I his, will be the working ol the system, when
taxes and duties arc moderate, and tlie administra
tion of the government regular and economical
Let high duties he imposed for the protection of
manufactures (“ Home or American Industry”
as it is called by the protectionists) to the exclu
sion ot all other classes, and the necessary conse
quence will be, a surplus ol hoardod specie in the
treasury or corresponding extravagant expendi
tures by the General Government. I fear wc
shall not always have a President, entertaining
tlie opinion of Mr. Polk, that Internal Improve
ments by the General Government are unconsti
tutional, and that appropriations cannot consti
tutionally be made by Congress, for that pur
pose : and I much fear, every President will not
have the nerve and moral courage which he
has exhibited during the last session in jcttiso
his veto on the Harbor and River appropria
tion bill, by which, more than a million was
saved to the country. While lie remains in of
fee, we may feel confident, that only moderate
duties will be imposed to defray an economical
administration of the government, if the people
are true to themselves and send such representa
tives as will sustain his polity. If they are de
ceived by the clamor of the “ One man power ”
and “ American Industry ” and take away the
Veto, the conservative, principle of the
and elect men who will impose
high duties for the protection and enriching
ot the manufacturers at the expense and injury
of all other classes, “it will follow as the
night the day,” the specie must accumulate iir
the treasury, or lie disbursed in illegal, improper
and extravagant appropriations.
During the last session a Tarififlaw was pass
ed, making very important alterations and reduc
tions in the duties imposed by the act of 1842.
During its passage, and more particularly, while
‘the Bill was before the Senate, the city c-f Wash
ington was crowded with manufacturing capital
ists ; the panic cry of ruin and desolation was
raised, and before it even passed into a law, the
threat of repeal was sent forth with the assur
ance that before one week passed in the ensuing
session, a Bill would be introduced for that pur
pose. The democratic Senators, however, with
some few exceptions, remained firm in their pur
pose to sustain the administration, and reduce the
Tariff of 1842, amidst all the clamor of the lobby
members, and the time-killing speeches of those
within its walls, and passed the Bill, as it camo
from the House of Representatives, with a single
amendment. As might be expected, all sorts of
objections were raised to it, and as frequently
happen* in such cases, those objections have not
been entirely consistent with one another.
The politicians and presses of tie North who- 1
are in the interest of the manufacturers, de
clare that such great reductions have been made
ruin must ensue, the factories will be stop
jif and entirely; the operatives turned off ter
starve,.and that the country will he inundated
with foreign merchandize. While the politi
cians a'd presses of the Whig party in the
South, to excuse themselves to the people of that
party for their opposition, to'the Bill, contend
that the reductions’ ctc few and inconsidera
ble end entirely unimportant. I shall leave
them to settle this matter among themselves
in the full conviction, that important alterations
and reductions have been made, not to the ex
tent, that justice would require, but as great as
it was practicable to’ obtain.
The system of ad valorem duties which
was adopted in the last act, has been the
theme of unmitigated censure by the man
ufacturers and Whigs, purtly lrom the ap
prehension that the United States will be
defrauded by false invoices. Disinterested patri
ots! They set it down as undeniable, that all
importing merchants are rogues and cheats. If
any are honest their invoices would furnish
the means by which fraudulent ones could be de-~
tected. While pressing this objection they are
compelled to admit, “it is the most fair, easily
understood and equitable mode,” fciit they say it
is not practicable', and seem entirely to have
forgotten that by the act of 1842, more than one
half, and nearly two thirds of the Revenue
was collected by ad valorem duties, in which*
it was quite as easy to commit frauds as under
the act of 1846, And while raising the cry of
fraud and dishonesty, they also forget that speci
fic duties are liable to the same objection, and
that frauds may be quite as easily and effectually
committed by dishonest men making false state
ments of the number ofvards and pounds, as it
would be in giving false invoices of the costs of
the articles imported. The real objection to the
system entertained by the knowing ones, and
which they dare not disclose is, that the amount
is not concealed, and the people cahnot lie cheat
ed and defrauded when ad valorem duties are
imposed, and that every man of ordinary under
standing can tell much duty he pays for
every article he buys for use.
That you may be able, without difficulty, to’
appreciate the relative advantages of minimum,
specific and ad valorem duties, I will give the
meaning of each as they arc used in the act of
1842.
lst. mini mum duties — When Tire law says,
an article is worth a certain and specific sura,
and the duty is laid on that sum, it is called a
minimum ; —because the article, is said to be
worth, at least that much. For example , cot
tons not printed costing 20 cents or less a yard,
were said to have cost that much, and 30 per cent. -
was laid on that amount, and not on what the
cloth actually cost.
And printed cottons (commonly called Cali-’
eoes) costing 30 cents or less a yard, were said
to he worth 30 cents, and 30 per cent was im
posed on that amount, and not on the sum the
cloth actually cost.
2d. Specific Duties. —When the duty is im
posed on a yard of cloth, a pound of sugar, or a‘
gallon of spirits, without regard to the quality of
the articles respectively, the duty is termed speci
fic. For example —if a specific duty of $2 a’
yard, is laid on Broad cloth, and the importer
brings into the United States, cloth which costs’
$lO a yard, and cloth which costs $2 a yard, he
has to pay the duty of $2 on each yard, without
any regard to its fineness or value. Jn such cas
es the fine cloth pays 20 per cent, and the coarse
cloth, a duty of 100 per cent.. All therefore,
who wear fine cloths and are best able, pay a 1
duty of only 20 per cent;- while those who
wear coarse cloths, and are least able, hate to’
pay a duty of 100 per cent, to the government.
All must sec, this cannot be fair and just, to
tax the poor five times as much as the rich. I 1
do not intend to be misunderstood, and be charg
ed with using ad-captandum Arguments. Ido
not propose, to tax the rich and exempt the poor ;
what I propose and contend ‘or is, that th6y may
be placed on an- equal footing, and be taxed
alike. This I have no doubt name of you will
object to ; and this I insist is doi re by—
3d. “Ad valorem” duties.—V 7 hen a certain
rate per cent, is laid on the cost <pr value of any
article, it is called an ad valorem) duty ; because
it is imposed according to the /value of the ar
ticle, whiclrthe cost is Supposdd, fairly to iudi-