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Paroles addressed a letier-to command
er on that frontier, in which he stated o nim,
*'at the present date I stippose you at rhe
head of that valiant army, either fighting
already, or prepariitg (or the-opeiations of
a campaign nd“ supposing yon already
oa the theatre of operations, and with all
the force* assembled, ii4s indispensable that
hueit.i ies be commenced, yoursell taking
the initiative against the enemy.”
The movement of our army to the ‘Rio
Grande waarmwle by the commanding gen-;
era! nnder positive orders to ab-tain ‘from
all aggressive acta towards Mexico, or Mexi
can ettizens, aod m regard the relations be
tween the two countries as peaceful, unless
Mexico aliouM duel ire war, nr commit uds
of hostility indicative of a slate of wat ; and
these orders he faithfully executed. Whilst
occupying his position on the east bank of
rhe Rio Grande, within the limits of Texas,
then recently admitted as one of the States
of our Union, the-commanding general ot
the Mexican forces, who, in pursuance o!•
rhe orders of his government, had -collecleiU
a large army on il:e opposite shore of the
Rio Gtands, crn.-sed tiie river,“invaded our
territory, andagouimciiced hostilities by at i
tacking our. forces
Thus, after ail the injures which we had
received and borne from Mexico and af:er
she had insultingly rejected H minister sent;
to her o . a mission of pea e. anHwhom she
had solemn y agreed to receive, she consum
mated her lung course of outrage against’
our country by commencing an offensive;
war and shedding the blond of our citizens
on our own soil.
The United States never attempted to ac
quire Texae by conquest. On the con rary,
at an early period alter the people of Tex
as had achieved their independence, they
sought to r ke annexed to die United States
At a general elettion in .September, 1836,
they deaided with great unanimity in favor
of •* annexation ;** and in November follow
ing. the Congress of the tepublic authoriz
ed the appointment of a minister, to bear
their request to this government. This go-!
veroiueui, ’however, having remained neu
tral between Txas and Mexico during the
war between them, and considering it due.
to the honor rtf our tcountry, anil our fair
fame among the natious < 1 the earth, that
we should not at tltis early period consent
to annexation, nor until it -should be manifest
to the whole world that the reconquest off
Texas by Mexico was impossible, refused
to accede to the overtures made by Texas.
On the l*3:h of April, 1844, and after mote
than 7 years had elapsed since Texas bad
established her independence, a treaty was
concluded fir the annexation of that repub
lic to the United States, which was reject
ed by the Senate. Finally, on the Ist of
March, 1845, Congress passed a joint reso
lution for annexing her to the United Stales,*
upon certain preliminary conditions to which
her assent was required. The solemnities
which characterized the deliberations ant!
conduct of the government and people of
Texas, on the deeply interesting questions
presented by these resolutions, ate known
to the world. 1 lie Congress, the Executive,
and the people of Texas, in a convention
elected for that purpose, accepted with great!
unanimity rhe proposed terms of annexa
tion; and thus consummated on her part
the great act of restoring to our federal Union
a vast terri ory which had been ceded to
spain by the Florida treaty more than a
quarter of a century before.
After the joint resolution for the annexa
lion of Texas to the United States had been
passed by our Congress, the Mexican tnin
i*er at Washington addressed a note to the
Secretary of State, bearing date on the 6th
vs March, 1845, protesting agaii.st it as “an
act of aggress on. the most unjust which can
be found recorded in the annals of modern
his’ory ; namely, that of tire spoiling a
friendly nation, like Mexico, of a considera
hie pnition of her territory and protest
ing against the resolution of annexation, as
being as act •* whereby the province of Tex
as, au integral poition of the Mexican ter
ritory, is agreed and admitted into the Ame
ricau Union ; and he announced that, ns a
consequence, (us mission to the United
States had terminated, and demanded his
passports, which were granted. It was up
on the absurd pretext, made by Mexico,
(herself indebted lor her independence to a
successful revolution,) that the tepublic of
Texas still couiinucd to be, notwithstand
ing all that had passed, a province ol Mexi
co, that this step was taken by the Mexican
minister.
Every honorable effort has been used by
me to avoid the war which followed, but ail
have proven vain. All our attempts to pre
serve peace have been met by insult and
resistance on the part of Mexico. My <f
foria to this end commenced in the note of
the Secretary of State of the tenth March,
1845, in answerto that of the Mexican min
ister. Whill declining to reopen a discus
sion which had already been exhausted, and
proving again what was known to the whole
world, that Texas had long since achieved
her independence, the Secretary of State
expressed the tegret oft his government that
Mexico should have taken offence at the re
aolutionnf annexation passed by Congress,
and gave assurance that our “ most strenu
ous efforts shall be devoted to the amica
ble adjustment of every cause of complaint
betw-een the two governments, and to the
cultivation of the kindest and most friendly
relations between the sister republics.”
That I have acted in the spirit es this as
surance, will appear from the events which
have since occurred. Notwithstanding Mex
ico had abruptly terminated all diplomatic
intercourse v-itli the United S'ates. and
ought, therefore., to have been the first to
ask for its resumption, yet, waiving ail cer
einonv, I embraced the earliest favorable
opportunity “to ascertrin from the Mexican
government whether they would receive an
envoy I'tom the United States intrusted with
full power to adjust all the que-lions in dis
put© between the two governments.*’ In
Sep embcr, 1845, 1 believed the propitious
moment for such an overture had arrived.
Texas, by the enthusiastic and almost tinani
inous will of her people, had pionounc\<
in favor of annexation. Mexico he?seif ban’
©greed to acknowledge the independence of
Texas, subject to a condition, itistroe, w hich
she ha<! no right to impose and no power to
enforce* The last lingering hope ol Mexi
co, if she still could have retained anv, that
Texas wolild exer agar*: become one of hci
provinces, must have been abandoned.
The consul of the United States at the
e ty of Mexico was, therefore, instructed by
•lie Secretary of State on the 15th of Sep
tember, 1845. to make the inq dry of the
inextean government. Ihe inquiry was
n.ade v and 01* the lot It of October, 1845, the
minister of Foreign Affairs if the Mexican
government, in a note uthlressui to our con
■♦ill* gave a favorable respouse, requesting,
atilic same time, that our naval force might
be witluJrawn linin Vera Cruz while nego
tiations should be pending. Upon the re
eeiptoftlus note,our naval force was prompt
ly withdrawn fr.uu Vera Cruz- A minister
w*fj immediately appointed, ami departed
tn Mexico. Every thing b<*ro a promising
Mpect lor a speedy and peaceful atljust ment
f all our difficulties. At the dale of my
annual message to Congress, in December
lest, no doubt was entertained but that lie
would be ?ere<ved by the Mexican govern
ment, and the hope was cherished that ail
cause of misunderstanding between the two
countries would be speedily removed. In
the coufi lent hope that such would he the
result of his mission, ( informed Congress
that _1 forbore at that time to •* recommend
such u.tenor measures ©f redress lor the
wrongs and injuries we had so long borne,
ns it. would have been proper to make had
no such negotiation been-instituted.” To
my surprise and regret, the Mexican gov
ernment, though solemnly {Hedged to do so
upon the arrival of our minister in Mexico,
refused to receive and accredit him.—
When be reached Vera Cruz, on the 30th
of November,*lß4s, he found that the as
pect of affairs had undergone an unhappy
change. The government of General Her
•rera, w ho was at that lirfie President of the
republic, vas tottering to its fall. Gene’til
Paredes (a military leader) had manifested
his tleteMumeriHit to-o-ve throw the govern
ment of Herrera, by a -military revolution ;
and one ol the principal means which he
employed to effect bis purpose, and lender
ihe government of Herrera odious to the ar
mv ; ml people of Mexico, was by loud y
condemning its determination to receive a
minister < f peace from the United States,
alleging that it was the intention of Henera,
by a treaty w th the United Slate*;, to His
member the territory of Mexico, by ceding
aw ay the department of Texas. The gov
ernment of Herrera is believed to have been
well disposed to a pacific adjustment of ex
isting difficulties; but, probably alarmed
for its own security, anil in older to ward
off the danger of the revolution icd by Pa
redes violated its solemn agreement, and
refused to receive or accredit our minister;
and this, although informed that he had been
invested with full power to adjust all ques
iions'in dispute between the two govern
ments. Among tlie frivolous pretexts dor
this refusal, the .principal one was, tliarour
minister had not gone,upon a special mis
sion, confined to the question of Texas
alone, leaving all the outrages upon our
flag and onr citizens it n redressed. The
Mexican government well knew that both
our national honor and the,protection due to
our citizens imperatively requited that die
two questions of boundary and indemnity
should be treated of together, as naturally
and inseparably blended, and they ought to
have seen that this course was best calcula
ted (o enable the Uuited States to extend to
them the most liberal justice. On the 30th
of December, 1845, General lien-era re
signed the presidency, and yielded up the
governmentito General Paredes without a
struggle, ill us a revolution was accom
plished solely by the army commanded by
Paredes,-and rhe supreme power in Mexico
passed into the hand sofa military usurper,
who was known to be bitterly hostile to the
United States.
Although the prospect of a pacific adjust
ment with the new government was un
promising, from the known hostility of its*
head to the United Slates, yet, determined
that nothing should be lei undune on our
part to restore ftiendly relations between
the two countries, our minister was instruct
ed to present his credentials to the new
government, and ask to be accredited by it
in the diplomatic character in which he hail
bi'en commissioned. These instructions he
executed by his note of the Ist of March,
1846, adjust'd to the Mexican Minister of
Foreign Affait®, hut his request was insult
ingly refused by that nl?oisterin his answer
of the i2ih of the same No alter
native remained for our minister but to de
mand his passports, aud return to the Uni
ted States.
Thus was the extraotdinary spectacle
presented to the c vilized world, of a gov
ernmenl, in violation of its own express
agreement, having twice rejected a minister
of peace, invested with full powers to adjust
all the existing differences between the two
countries in a manner just and honorable to
both, Jam not aware that modern history
presents a parallel case, in vhicii, in time
of peace, one nation has refused even to
hear propositions from another for tennina
ting existing difficulties between them. —
scarcely a hope of adjusting our difficulties,
even at a remote day, or of preserving
peace with Mexico, could be cherished
while Paredes remained at the head of the
government. He had acquired tite supreme
power by a military revolution, and upon
the most solemn .pledges to wage war
against the‘United States, and to reconquer
Texas, which he claimed as a revolted
province of Mexico. He had denounced as
guilty of treason all those Mex cans who
considered Texas as -no longer constituting
a part of the territory of Mexico, and who
were friendly to the catt6C of peace. The
duration of the war winch he waged against
the United States was indefinite, bfecaltse
the end wilich he proposed, of the recon
quest Os Texas, was hopeless. Besides,
there was good reason to believe, from ail
his conduct, that it was his intention to con
vert the republic of Mexico into a monar
chy, and to call a foreign European prince
to the throne. Preparatory to this end, he
had, dining his short rule, destroyed the
liberty ol the press, tolerating that portion
of it only which openly advocated the es
tabJishment of a monarchy. The better to
secure the success of Ins ultimate designs,
be had, by au arbitrary decree, convoked a
Congres not to be elected by the free
voice of the people, but lobe chosen in a
manner to make them subservient to bis
will, and to give him absolute control over
their deliberations.
Under all these circumstances, it was be
lieved that any revolution in Mexico, found
ed upon opposition to the amlnt.ous projects
of Paredes, would tend to promote the
cause ot peace as well ns prevent any at
tempted European inteiference in the affairs
of the North American continent—both ob
jecis of deep interest to the United States.
Any such foreign interference, if attempted,
must have been resisted by the U ited
Stmes. My views upon that subject were
fully communicated to Congress in ntv last
annual message. In any event, it was cer
tain that no change whatever in the govern
ment of Mexico which would deprive Pare
des of power could be for the worse, so lar
as the United States were concerned, while
it was highly probable that any change
must be fir the better. This was the state
of affi tire existing when Congress, on the
13tIt ■ f May last, recognized the existence
ot the w.tjxrv It+cb had been commenced by
the £—’.eminent of Pared.s, and it became
an object of much impotatxe, with a view
to a speedy sett errent of our difficulties
and the restoration of an honorable peace,
that Paredes should not retain power in
Mexico.
Before that time there were symptoms o’
a revolution in Mexico, favored, ns it was
understood to be, by the more liberal party,
and especially by those who were opposed
to ftreign interference and to the monarchi
cal form of government. Santa Anna was
then in exile in 1 Havana, having been ex
pelled from power tint! banished from his
•'ouiitry by a revolution which occurred in •
December, 184 1; but it was kttow’n that lie
haJ still a considerable party in his favor in
Mexico. It was also equally vcli known
that Bt> vigilance which could be exerted by
our Squadron would, in all probability, have
prevented hrm from effecting a landing
somewhere orv the extensive gulf coast of
Mexico, if he desired to return to his coun
try. He had openly professed an en’ire
change of |>liey; had expressed his regfet
that he had subverted tire feeb'r'al constitu
tion of 1824, and avuweil that he was now
in favor of its restoration. He had publicly
declared his hostility, in the strongest terms,
to the establishment of a monarchy, and to
European inteifererice irt the aflims of his
cuuoiry.
Information to this effect had .been receiv
ed, from soutces believed to be reliable, at
the date of the recognition of the existence
of .ft® “ •r by Congress, and was afterward’
sfully confirmed by thie receipt of the despatch ol
• our consul in the city of Mexico, with the accom
panying documents, which are herewith trans
mitted. Besides, it was reasonable to suppose
that he -must see the ruinous consequences to
Mexico of a war with the United States, and
that it would be his interest to favor peace.
It was under these circumstances and upon’
these conside'aliens that it was deemed expedi
ent not to obstruct his return to Mexico, should
he attempt to do so. Our object was the restora
tion of peace; and with that view, no reason
was perceived why we-should take -part with
Paredes, and aid him, by means of our blockade,“
in preventing the return of his rival to Mexico.
‘On the contrary, it was believed that the intes-’
tine divisions which ordinary sagacity could not
■but anticipate as the fruit of Santa Anna’s re
turn to Mexico, and his contest with Paredes,
might strongly tend to produce a disposition with
both parties to restore and preserve peace with
the United States. Paredes was a soldier by pro
fession, and a monarchist in principle. He had
but recently before been successful in a military
revolution, by which-he had obtained power.—
•He was the sworn enemy of the United States,
with-which he had involved his country in the
existing war. Santa Anna had been expelled
from power by the army, was known to be in
open hostility to Paredes, and publicly pledged
against foreign interventron and the restoration
of monarchy in Mexico. In view of these facts
and circumstances it was, that, when orderswere
issued to the commander of our naval forces in
the Gulf, on the 13th day of May last, th - day on
which the existence'of the war was recognized
by Congress, to pi ce the coasts of Mexico under
blockade, he was directed not to obstruct the
passage of Santa Anna to Mexico, should he at
tempt to return.
A revolution took place in Mexico-in fire early
part of August following, by which the power of
Paredes wes overthrown, and he has since been
banished from the country, and is now in exile.
Shortly afterwards,-Santa Anna returned. It re
mains ‘to be seen whether his return may not
yet prove to be favorable to a pacific adjustment
of the existing difficulties, it being manifestly his
interest not to persevere in the prosecution of a
war commenced by Paredes, to accomplish a
purpose so absurd as the reconquest of Texas to
the Sabine. Had Paredes remained in power,
it is morally certain that any pacific adjustment
would.have been hopeless.
Upon the commencement of hostilities by
Mexico against the United States, the indignant
spirit of the nation was at once aroused. -Con
gress promptly responded to the expectations of
the country, and, by the act of the 13th of May
last, recognized the fact that war existed, by the
act of Mexico, between the United States and that
republic, ar.d granted the means necessary for its
vigorous prosecution. Being involved in a war
thus commenced by Mexico, and for the justice
of which on our part we may confidently appeal
-to the whole world, I resolved to prosecute it with
the utmort vigor. Accordingly, the ports of
Mexico on the Gulf and on the Pacific have been
placed under blockade, and her territory invaded
at several important points. The reports front
the Departments of V\ ar and the Navy will in
form you more in detail of the measures adopted
in -the emergency in which our country was
placed, and of the gratiiying results which have
been accomplished.
The various columns of the army have per
formed their duty -under great disadvantages,
with the most di tinguisbed skill and courage.—
The victories of Palo Alto and Rcraca de la
Palma, and of Monterey, won against greatly;
superior numbers, and against m< st decided ad
vantages in other respects on the part of the en
emy, were brilliant in their execution, and entitle
our .brave officers and soldiers to the grateful
thanks eK their country. The nation deplores
the loss pf the brave officers and men who have
gallantly falfen while vindicating and defending’
their country’s rights and honor.
It is a subject of pri.de snd satisfaction that our
volunteer citizen soldiers, who so promptly re
sponded to their country’s call, with an experi
ence of the discipline of a camp of only a few
weeks, have borne their part in the hard-fought
battle of Monterey with a constancy and com--
age equal to that of veteran troops, Wad worthy
of the highest admiration. The privations of
long marches through the enemy’s country, and
through a wilderness, have been borne without a
murmur. By rapid movements the province of
New Mexico; with Santa Fe, its capital, has been
captured without bloodshed. The navy has co
operated With the army, aad rendered important
services: if not so brilliant, it is because the ene
my had no force to meet them on their ow n ele
ment, and because of the defences which nature
has interposed in the difficulties of the navigation
on the Mexican coast. Our squadron in the
Pacific, with the co-operation of and gallant officer
of the army, and a siriall force hastily collected
in that distant country, have acquired bloodless
possession of the Oalifornias, and the American
flag has been raised at every important point in
that province.
I congratulate yob on the success which has
thus attended our military and naval operations.
In less than seven months after Mexico com
menced hostilities, at a time selected by herself,
we have taken possession of many of her prin
cipal ports, driven back and pursued her invading
army, and acquired military possession of the
•Mexican provinces of New Mexico, New Leon,
Coahuila. Tamaulipas, and the Califomias, a
territory larger in extent than that embraced in
tire original thirteen States of the Union, inhab
ited by a considerable population, and much of
it more than a thousand miies from the points at
which we had 1o collect our forces and com
mence our movements. By the blockade, the
import and expoit trade of the enemy has been
cut off. Well may the American people be
proud of the energy and gallantry of our regular
and volunteer officers and soldiers. The events
of these few months afford a gratifying proof that
our country Con, under any emergency, confi
dently rely for the maintenance of her honor, and
the defence of her rights, on an effective force,
ready at all times voluntarily to relinquish the
comforts of home for the perils and privations ol
the camp. And though such a force may be for
the time expensive, if is in the end economical,
as the ability to command it removes the neces
sity of employing a large standing army in time
of peace, and proves that our people love their
institutions, and are ever read}’ to defend and
protect them.
Whilst thi war was in a course of vigorous
and successful prosecution, being still anxious to
arrest its evils, and considering that, after the
brilliant \ictorics of our arms on tbc Sth ane9th
of May last, the national honor could not
lu compromitted by it, another overture was
made to Mexico, by my diretcion, on the 27th of
July last, to terminate hostilities by a peace just
and honorable, to both countries. On the 31st
of August following, the Mexican government
declined to accept this friendly overture, but re
ferred it to’ the decision of a Mexican Congress,
to be assembled in the early pact of the present,
month. 1 communicate to you, herewith, a co
py of the letter of the Secretary of State pro
posing to reopen negotiations, ol the answer of
the Mexican government, and of the reply there
to of the Secretary of State.
1 he war will continue to be prosecuted with
vigor, as the best means of securing peace. It is
hoped that the decision of the Mexican Con
gress, to which our last overture has been referr
ed, may result in a speed}- and honorable peace.
With our experience, however, 6f the untea
sonable course of the Mexican authorities, it is
the part of wisdom not to relax in the energy ol
our military o; orations until the result is made
knawn. In this view, it is deemed important
to hold military possession of all the provinces
which have been taken, until a definitive treaty
of peace shall have been concluded and ratified
by the two countries,
The war has not been waged with a view to
conquest; but having been c ommenced by Mexi
co. it has been carried into the enemy’s country,
and will be vigorously prosecuted there, with a
view to obtain an hooorable peace, and thereby
secure arhple indemnity for the expenses ol the
war, as well as our much injured citizens, who
hold large pecuniary demands against Mexico.
By the laws of nations conquered territory
is subject t- be governed by the conqueror du
ring his military possession, and until there is
either a treaty of peace, or he shall voluntarily
withdraw from it. The okl civil government be
ing necessarily superceded, it u the right and
duty of the conqueror to secure his ccuauret,
and loprc ;dc lot the maintenance cf cHI order
and the right of the inhabitants. This right has
been exercised, and this duty performed, by our
military and naval commanders, by the estab
lishment of temporary governments in some ol
the conquered provinces in Mexico, assimilating
them as far as practicable to the free institutions
of our own country. -In the provinces of New
Mexico, and of-the-Cafiformas, little if any fur
ther resistance is apprehended from the inhabi
tants to the temporary governments which have’
thus, from the necessity of the case and
ing to the laws of nations, been established. It may
be proper to provide for the security of these im
portant conquest* by making an adequate ap
propriation for tho purpose of erecting fortifi
cations and defraying the expenses necessarily in
cident to -the ‘maintenance of our possession and
authority over them.
Near the close of your last session, for teasons
communicated to Congress, I deemed it impor
tant as a measure lor securing a speedy peace*
with Mexico, that a sum of money should be ap
propriated, and-placed in the power of the
Executive, similar to that which had been made
upon two former occasions, during the adminis
tration of President Jefferson.
On the 26th of February, 1803, an appro
priation of two millions of dollars was made, and
placed at the disposal of the President. Its ob- f
ject is well known. It was at that time in con
templation to acquire Louisiana from France,
and it was intended to be appiied as a part of the
consideration which might be paid for that ter
ritory. On the 13th of Feb., 1806, the same
sum was in like manner appropriated, with a;
view to the purchase ofthc Floridas from Spain.
These appropriations were made to facilitate ne
gotiations,and as a means to enable the President
‘to accomplish the important objects In view.—
Though it did not become necessary for the Pres
ident to use these appropriations, yet-a state of
things might have arisen in which it would have
been highly important for him to do so, and the
wisdom of making them cannot be doubted. It is
belived that the measure recommended at your
last session met with the approbation of decided
majorities in both houses of Congress. Indeed,
in different forms, a bill making an appropria
tion of two million of dollars passed each-House,
and it is much to be regretted that it did not be
come a law. The reasons which induced meta
recommend the measure at that time still exist
and I again submit the subject for your consider
ation, and suggest the importance of early action
upon it. Should the appropriation be made,
and be not needed, it will remain in the treasu
ry: should it be deemed pioper to apply it in
whole or in part, it will be accounted for as oth
er public expenditures.
Immediately after ’Congress bad recognised
the existence ol the war with Mexico, my atten
tion was directed to the danger that priva eers
might be fitted out in the ports of Cuba and
Porto Rico to-prey upon the con merce offthe U.
S.; and invited the special attention of the Span
ish government to the 14th article of our treaty
with that Power of the 2()th of Oct., 1795, un
der which the citizens and subjects of ei
ther nation- who shall take commissions or let
ters of marque to act as privateers against the
other “shall be punished as pirates.”
It affords me pleasure to inform you that I
have received assurances from the-Spanish gov
emmont that -this article of the treaty shall he
faithfully observed on its part. Orders for this
purpose were immediately transmitted from that
government to the authorities of Cuba-and Por
to Rico to exert their utmost Vigilance in pre
venting any attempts-to fit out privateers in
those islands-against the’U. S. From the good
faith of Spain I am fully satisfied that this trea
ty will be executed in its spirit as well as its
letter; whilst the U. S. will, on their part faith
fully perform all the obligations which it imposes
on them.
Information has been recently received at the
Department of State that the Mexican govern
ment-has sent to Havana blank commissions to
privateers, and blank certificates of naturaliza
tion. signed by General Salas, the present head
of the Mexican government. There is, also,
reason to apprehend that similar documents have
been transmitted to other parts of the Xvorld.—
Copies of these papers, in translation, arc here
with transmitted.
As the preliminaries required by the practice
of civilized liafmns for commissioning privateers
and regulating their conduct appear not to have
been observed, and ‘ tiifse commissions are in
blank, to be filled up with tiff nfttues of citizens
and subjects of all nations, who may be w illing
to purchase them, the whole proceeding can fil
ly be construed as an invitation to all freeboot
ers upon earth, who are willing to pay for the
privilege, to cruise agninst American commerce.
Jt will be for our courts of justice to decide
whether, under such circumstances, these Mexi
can letters of marque and reprisal shall protect
those who accept them, and commit robberies up
no the high seas under their authority, from the
pains and penalties of piracy.
If the certificates of naturalization thus grant
ed be intended by Mexico to shield Spanish sub
jects from the guilt and punishment of pirates,
under our treaty with Spain, they will certain!}
prove unavailing. Such a subterfuge would be
but a xveak device to defeat the provisions of a
solemn treaty.
I recommend that Cot) gross should immediate
ly provide by law ior the trial and punishment
as pirates of Spanish subjects who, escaping the
vigilance of their government, shall Ire found
guity of privateering against the U. S. Ido not;
apprehend serious danger from these privateers.
Our navy will be constantly < n the alert to pro
tect our commerce. Beside, in case prizes
should be made of American vessels, the utmost
vigilance will lie exerted by our blockading
squadrons to prevent the captors from taking
them into Mexican ports, and it is not appre
hended that any nation w ill violate its neutrality
by suffering such prizes to be condemned and
sold within its jurisdiction.
I recommend that Congress should he imme
diately provided by law for granting letters ol
marque & reprisal against vessels under the Mex
ican flag; It is true that there are but few, ifany,
commercial vessels of Mexico upon the high
seas; and it is, therefore, not probable that many
American privateers would be fitted out, in case
a law should pass authorizing this mode of war
fare. It is, notwithstanding, certain that such
privateers may render good service to the com
mercial interests of the country by recapturing
our merchant ships, should any be taken by
armed vessels under the Mexican flag, as well
as by capturing these vessels themselves. Ev
ery means within our power should be rendered
available for the protection of our commerce.
The annual report of the Secretary of the
Treasury will exhibit a detailed statement of the
condition of the finances. The imports for the
fiscal year ending oh the 13th of June last were
of the value of $121,691,797; of which the a
mount exported was §11,346,623, leaving the
amount retained in the country for domestic eon
suumption §110,345,174. The value of ex
ports for the same period was $113,488,516 ; of
w hich §102,141,893 consisted of domestic pro
ductions, and $14,346,623 of foreign articles.
The receipts into the treasury tor the same
year were $29,499,247 6 cts.- of which there
whs derived from customs $26,712,667 87 cts.,
and from incidental and miscellaneous sources
$92,126 71 cts. The expenditures for the same
period were $28,031,114 20 ct, and the balance
in the treasury on the Ist day of July last was
$9,126,439 Scents.
The amount of the debt, including treasury
notes, on the first of the present month was
$24,256,494 60 cts., of which the sum of $17.-
?80,799 62 cts. was outstanding on the 4th vl
March, 1845, leaving the amount incurred since
that time $6,467,694 98 cts.
In order to prosecute the war with Mexico
with vigor and energy-, as the best means of
bringing it to a speedy and honorable termina
tion, a further loan will be necessary, to meet
the expenditures for the present and the next
fiscal years. If the war should be continued
until the 30th of June, 1848—being the end of
the next fiscal pear—it is estimated than art ad
ditional lean of $23,000,000 Will be required—
This estimate is made upon the assumption that
it be necessary to retain constantly in the trea
sury $4,600,000, to guard against contingen
cies. If such surplus wore not required to be
retained, then a loan of $19,000,000 would
be .sufficient. If, however, Congress should,
at the present sessrion. impose a revenue
duty on the principal articles now embraced
in the frra list, it is estimated that an addi
tional animal rc- sr.ue es about two millions
and hall, amounting, it is estimated, on the 30th
of June, 1848/*o Si4i©t)o,ooo, would be derived
from t hat-source; and the loan required would
lie reduced by that amount. It is estimated, al
so, that should Congress graduate and reduce
the price of euch of the public lands as hdve
been long in the market, the additional revenue
derived l'roin that should be annually, tor several
years to come, between half a million and a mil
lion of dollars; and the Joan required may be re
duced by that amount also. Should these mea
sures be adopted, the loan required would not
probably exceed 18 or 19 millions of d'liars—
leaving in the treasury a constant surplus of $4,-
000,000. The loan proposed, it is estimated,
will be sufficient to cover the necessary expen
diture , both for the war and for all other purpo
ses, up to the 30 th of June, 1848; and an amount
of this loan, not exceeding one-half, may be re
quired during the present fiscal year, and the
greater part of the remainder during the first
half of the fiscal year succeeding.
In order that timely notice may be given, and
proper measures taken to effect the loan, or such
portion of it as may be required, it is important
that the authority of Congress to make it be giv
en at an early period of your present Session. It
is suggested that the loan should be contracted
for a period of twenty years, ‘with authority to
purchase the stock and pay it off, at an earlier
period, at its market ‘Value, out of any surplus
which may at Any time be in the treasury appli
cable to that purpose. After the establishment
of peace with Mexico, it is supposed that a con
siderable surplus will exist, and that the debt may
be extinguished in a much shorter period than’
that for which it may be contracted. The period
of twenty years, as that for which the proposed’
loan may be contracted, in preference to a t hort
cr period, is suggested, because all experience,
both at home and abroad, has shown that loans :
are eff cted upon much better terms upon long
time, than when they are reimburseable at short
dates.
Necessary as this measure is, to sustain the
hon r and interests of the country, engaged in
a foreign war, it is not doubted but that Con
gress will promptly authorise it.
The balance in the treasury on the Ist of July
last exceeded nine millions of dollars, notwith
standing considerable expenditures had been
•made lor the war during the months cf May and
June preceding. But for the war, tire whole
public debt could and would have been extin
guished within a short period ; and it wasa part
of my settled policy to do so, and thus relieve
the people from its burden, and-place the govern
ment in a position which-would enable it to re
duce the public expenditures to that economical
standard which is most consistent with the gen
eral welfare, and the pure and wholesome pro
gress of our institutions.
Among our just causes of coinplaint against
Mexico, arising out of her refusal to treat for
peace, as well before as since the war so unjust
ly commenced on her part, arc the extraordinary
expenditures in which we have -been involved.
Justice to our own people will make it proper
that Mexico should be held responsible for these
expenditures.
Economy in the public expenditures is at all
tiroes a high duty which all public functionaries
of the government owe to the people. This du
ty becomes the more imperative in a period of
war, when large and extraordinary expenditures
become unavoidable. During the existence of
the war with Mexico all our resources should be
husbanded, and no appropriations made except
such as are absolutely necessary for its vigorous
prosecution and the due administration of the
government. Objects of appropriation which in
peace may be deemed useful orproper, but which
are not indis,pensable for the public service, may,
when the country is engaged in a foreign war,
he well postponed to a future period. By the
observance ot this policy at your present session,
large amounts may be saved totbe treasury, and
be applied to objects of pressing and urgent ne
cessity, and thus the creation of a corresponding
amount of public debt may be avoided.
It is not meant to recommend that the ordiua
iy and necessary appropriations for the support
of government should lie withheld, but it is well
krown that at every session of Congress appro
priationsare proposed for numerous objects -which
may or may not te made, without materially af
fecting the public interests; and these it is re
commended should not be granted.
I he aet passed at your last session “ reducing
the duties on imports” not having gone into op
eration until the first of the present month, there
has not been time for its practical eflect upon
the revenue, and business of the country, to be
developed. It is not doubted, however, that the
just policy which it adopts will add largely to
our foreign trade, and promote the general pros
perity. Although jt ccnnot be certainly foreseen
what amount of revenue it wjj! yield, it is esti
mated that it will exceed that produced by the
act ot 1842, which it superseded. The leading
principles established by it are, to levy the taxes
with a view to raise re’ enue, and to impose
them upon the articles imported according to
their actual value.
The act of 1842, by the excessive rates of du
ty which it imposed on many articles, either to
tally excluded them from importation, or greatly
reduced the amount imported, and thus dimin
ished instead of producing revenue. JJy it *hc
taxes tvere imposed not for the legitimate pur
pose of raising revenue, but to afford advantages
to favored classes, at the expense ot a large ma
jority of their fellow-citizens. Those employed
in agriculture, mechanical pursuits, commerce,
and navigation, were compelled to contribute
irom their substance to swell the profits and over
grown wealth ot the comparatively lew who had
invested their capital in manufactures. The
taxes were not levied in proportion to the Value
ot the articles upon which they were imposed ;
but widely departing from this just rule, the light
er taxes were, in many cases, levied upon articles
of luxury and high price, and the heavier taxes
on those ot necessity and low price, consumed
by the great mass ot the people. It was a sys
tem the inevitable effect ot which was to relieve
lavored elasses and the wealthy few from con
tributing their just propoition tor the support of
government, and to lay the burden on the labor
of the many engaged in other pursuits than man
ufactures.
A system so unequal and unjust has been su
perscced by the existing law, which imposes du
ties not tor the benefit or injury of classes or pur
suits, hut distributes, and, as tar as practicable,
equalize* the public burdens among all classes
and occupations. The favored classes, who, un
der the unequal and unjust system which has
been repealed, have heretofore realized large pro
fits, and many of them amassed large fortunes
at the expense of the many who have been made
tributary to them, will have no reason to com
plain it they shall be required to bear their just
proportion of the taxes necessary for the support
of government. So far from ft, it will be per
ceived, by an examination of the existing law,
that discriminations in the rates of duty imposed,,
within the revenue principle, have been retained
in their favor. The incidental aid against for
eign competition which they still enjoy gives
Them an advantage which no other pursuits po—
sess ; hut of this none others will complain, be
cause the duties levied are necessary for revenue.
These revenue duties, including freights and
charg s, which the importer must pay before he
can come in competition with the home manu
facturer in our markets, amount, on nearly 11
our leading branches of manufacture, to more
than one-third of the value of the imported arti
cle, and in some eases to almost one-half its va
lue. With such advantages, it is not doubted
that our domestic manufacturers will continue to
prosper, realizing in well conducted establish
ment even gn aler profits than can be derived
from any other regular business. Indeed, so far
from requiring the protection of even incidental
revenue duties, our manufacturers in several
leading branches are extending their business,
giving evidence of great i: genuity and skill, and
of their ability to compete, with increased pros
pect of success, for the open market of the world.
Domesticmanufactures, to the value of several
millions of dollars, which cannot find a market at
home, are annually exported to foreign countries.
With such rates of duty as those established by
the existing law, the system will probably be
permanent; and capitalists, who have made, or
shall hereafter make, their investments in manu
factures, will know upon what to rely. The
country will be satisfied with these rates, because
the advantage which the manufacturers still en
joy. result from the collection of revenue for the!
support of government. High protec he duties,
from their unjust operation upon the masses of
the people, cannot fail to give rise to extensive
dissatisfaction and complaint, and to constant ef
forts to change or repeal-them, rendering all in
vestments in manufactures uncertain and preca
rious. iowrr ahd more permanent rates of du
ty, at the same -time that they will yield to the
manufacturer lair and remunerating profits, will
secure him against the danger of frequent chang
es in the system, which cannot fail to ruinously
affect his interests.
Simultaneously with the relaxation of the res
trictive policy by the United States, Great Brit
ain, from whose example vve derived’the system,
has relaxed hers. ST.e’ha.s modified her corn
iaws, and reduced many other duties to moder
ate revenue rates. Alter -ages of experience,
the statesmen of that country have bedn con
strained by a stern necessity, arid by a public
opinion having its deep foundation in the suffer
ings and wants of impoverished millions, to aban
don a system the effect of which was to build up
immense lortunes in the hands of the few, and
to reduce the laboring millions to pauperism and
misery. Nearly in the same ratio that labor was
depressed, capital was increased and concentra
ted by the British protective policy.
The evils of the system in Great Britain were
at length rendered intolerable, and it has been
abandoned, but not without a severe struggle on
the part ot the protected and favored classes to
retain ‘the -unjust advantages which they have so
long enjoyed. It was to be expected that a simi
lar struggle would be made by the same classes
in the United states, whenever an attempt was
made to modify or abolish the same unjust sys
tem here. The prblective policy had been in
operation in the United States lor a much shorter
period, and its pernicious effects were not, there
fore, so clearly perceived and felt Enough,
however, was known of these effects to induce
its repeal.
It would be strange if, in the face of the ex
ample of Great Britain, our principal ibreigneus
-to'Jner, and of tbe evils of a system rendered
manifest in that country by long and painful ex
perience, and in the face of the immenee advan
tages which, under a more liberal commercial
policy, we are already deriving, and must con
tinue to derive, by supplying her starving popu
lation with food, the United ‘States should res
tore a policy which she has been compelled to
abandon, and thus diminish her ability to pur
chase trom us the food and other articles which
she so much needs, and we so much desire to sell.
By the simultaneous abandonment of the-protec
tive policy by Great Britain and the U. States,
new and important markets have already been
opened far our agricul ural and other products;
commerce arid navigation have received a
now impulse ; labor and trade have been released
from the artificial trammels which have so long
lettered them ; and to a groat extent reciprocity,
in the exchange of commodities, has been intro
duced at the same time by both countries, and
greatly for the benefit of both. Great Biitain
has been forced, by the .pressure ot circumstan
ces at home, to abandon a.policy which has been
upheld for ages, and to open her markets tor our
immense surplus of breadstuffs; and it is confi
dently believed that other Powers of Europe
will ultimately see the wisdom, if they be not
compelled by the pauperism and sufierings ot
their crowded population, to pursue a similar po
licy.
Our farmers are more deep'y interested in
maintaining the just and liberal policy of the ex
iting law than any ether class of “our citizens.
They constitute a large majority of our popula
tion ; and it is well known tlrat when they’ pros
per, all other pursuits prosper also. They have
heretofore not only received none of the boun
ties or favors of government, bat, by the une
qual operations ot the protective policy, have
boon made, by the burdens of taxation which it
imposed, to contribute to tbe bounties which
have enriched others.
When a foreign as well as a home market is
opened to them, they must leceive, as they are
now receiving, increased prices for their products.
They will find a leadier sale, and at better pri
ces, for their wheat, Hour, rice, Indian corn,
beet, pork, lard, butter, cheese, and other-articles,
which they produce. The home market alone
is inadequate to enable them to dispose of the
immense surplus of food and other articles which
they are capable of producing, even at the mo?t
reduced prices, for the manifest reason that they
cannot be consumed in the country. Tbe United
States can, from their immense surplus, supply
not only the heme demand, but the deficiencies
of food required by the whole world.
That the reduced production of some of the
chiet articles of food in Great Britain, and other
parts ot Europe, may have contributed to in
crease the denlaild for our breadstufis. and pro
visions, is not doubted ; but that the great and
efficient cause of this increased demand, and of
increased prices, Consists in the retnoval of arti
ficial restrictions heretofore imposed, is deemed
to be equally certain. That our exports of food,
already increased and increasing -beyond exam
ple, under the more liberal policy which has
been adopted, will be still vastly enlarged, unless
they be checked or prevented by a restoration of
the protective policy, cannot be doubted. That
our commercial and navigating interests will be
enlarged in a corresponding ratio with the in
crease of our trade is equally certain; while our
nianufacturing interests will still be the favored
interests of the country, and receive the inciden
tal protection a Herded them by revenue duties;
and more than this they cannot justly demand.
In my annual message of December last, a tar
ifl’ of revenue duties based upon the principles
of the existing law was recommended, and I
have seen no reason to change the opinions then
expressed. In view of the probable beneficial
ellects ol that law, I recommend that the policy
established by it be maintained. It has but just
commenced to operate ; and to abandon or modi
fy it without giving it a fair trial, would be inex
pedient and unwise. Should defects in any of
its details be ascertained by actual experience to
exist, these may be hereafter corrected ; but un
til such detects shall become manifest, the act
should lie fairly tested.
It is submitted for your consideration whether
it may not be proper, as a war measure, to impose
revenue duties on some of the articles now em
braced in the free list. Should it be deemed
proper to impose such duties, with a view to
raise revenue to meet the expenses of the war
with Mexico, or to avoid to that extent the crea
tion of a public debt, they may be repealed when
the emergency which gave rise to them shall
cease to exist, and constitute no part of the per
manent policy of the country.
The act of the 6th of August last, “so provide
for the better organization of the treasury, and for
the collection, safekeeping, transfer, and disburse
ment of the pubic revenue,” has been carried into
execution as rapidly as the delay necessary aris
ing out of the appointment of new officers, taking
and approving their bonds, and preparing and
securing proper places for the safekeeping of the
public money, would permit. It is not proposed
to depart in any respect from the princip'es or
policy on which this great measure is founded.
There are, however, defects in the details of the
measure, developed by its practical operation,
which are fully set forth in the report of the Se
cretary of the Treasury, so vvhich the attention
of Congress is invited. These defect would ‘im
pair to some extent the shccess’ul operation of
the law at all tifnes, hut arc especially embarrass
ing when the country is engaged in a war, when
the expenditures are greatly increased when
loans are to be effected, and the disbursements
are to be made at points many hundred miles
distant, in some cases, from any depository, and
a large portion of them in a foreign country.
The modifications suggested in the report of the
Secretary of the Treasury are recommended to
your favorable consideration.
In connexion with this subject, I invite vour
attention to the importance of establishing a
branch f the mint • f the U. Htates at N. York.
Two-thirds of the revenue derived from customs
being collected at that point, the demand for spe
cie to pay the duties will be large ; and a branch
mint, where foreign coin and bullion could be
immediately converted into American coin, would
greatly facilitate the transaction of the public
business, enlarge the circulation of gold and sil
ver, and be, at the sanro time, a depository of the
public money.
The importance of graduating and reducing
the price of such of the public lands as have been
long offered in the market, at the minimum rate
authorized by existing laws, and remain unsold,
induces me again to recommend the subject to
your favorable censidefat.on. Many millions of
acres of these lands have been offered” in the
market for more than 30 years, and larger quan
tities for more 10 or 20 years; and lie in g of an
inferior quality, they must remain unsaleable lor
an indefinite period, unless the price at whirh
they may be purchased shall he reduced. To
place a price upon them above their real value is
not only to prevent their sale, and thereby de
prive the Treasury ot any income from that
source, but is unjust to the Slates in which they
lie, because it retards then growth and increase
of population, and because they have no power
to levy a iax upon them ns upon other lands
within their limits, field l>y other proprietors than
the U. States, for the support of their local gov
ernments.
The beneficial effects of *he graduation princi
ple have been realized of the State* own
ing the lands within tliei'r limits, in which it has
been adopted. They have been demonstrated
al#o by theTT. Dtates acting as the trustee of the
Chickasaw tribe of Indians in the sale oftheir
lands lying with IT) fife States of Mississippi and
Alabama. The Chickasaw lands, which would
not command in tbe market tire minimum price
established by the laws of the ff. States for the
sale ot their lands, were, in pursuance ofthc trea
ty of 1834 with that tribe, subsequently offered
for sale at graduated and reduced rates for limit
ed periods. The result was, that large quanti
ties ofthese lands were purchased, which would
otherwise have remained On-sold. The lands
w ere disposed of at their real value, asnd many
persons of limited means wcre'euabled to pur
chase small tracts, upon which they have settled
with their families. That similar results would
be produced by the adoption of the graduation
policy by the U. States, in all the States in which
they are tbe ow ners of large bodies of lands
which have been long in the market, cannot be
doubted. -It cannot be a sound policy to with
hold large•quanftitresof the public lands from the
use and occupation of our citizens, by fixing upon
them prices which experience Irts shown they
will not command- On the contra'ry, it is a wise
policy to afford facilities to our citizens to be
come the owners, at low and ‘moderate rafes, Vtf
freeholds ot their own, instead of being the ten
ants and dependants of otiiefs. If it be appre
hended that these lands,- if reduced in price,
would be secured in large quantities by specula
tors or capitalists, the sales-may be restricted, in
limited quantities, to actual settlers or persons
purchasing for purposes of cultivation.
In my last-annual message I submited for the
consideration of Congress the present system of
managing the mineral lands of the U. States, and
recommended that they should be brought into
mark-et and sold, upon such tortus and under such
restrictions as Congressmight prescribe. By the
act of the 11th of July last, ‘“the reserved’lead
mines and contiguous lands in the States of Illi
nois and Arkansas, aird Territories of Wisconsin
and lowa,” w ere authorized to be sold. Tbe act
is confined, in its operation, to “lead mines and
-contiguous lands.”
A large portion of the public lands containing
copper and other ores is represented to be very
valuable, and I recommend that provision be made
authorizing she sale ofthese lands, upon such
terms and conditions as their supposed value mav,
in thejudgment ot Congress, be deemed advisa
ble, having due regard “to the interests of such of
our citizens as may be located upon them.
It will be important, during your present ses
sion, to establish e territorial government and to
extend the jurisdiction and laws of the U. States
over the Territoryd Oregon. -Our laws regulat
ing trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes
east of the Rocky mountains should be extended
to tile Pacific ocean; and for the purpose of exe
cuting them, and preserving friendly relations
with the Indian tribes within our limits, an addi
tional number of India® agencies will be required,
and should be authorized by Jaw. The estab
lishment cl custom houses, and of post offices
and post roads, and provision for the transporta
tion ofthc mail on such route's as the public con
venience will suggest, require legislative authori
ty. It will be proper, also, to establish a survey
or general’s office in that Territory, and to make
the necessary provision for surveying the public
lands, and bringing them into market. As our
citizens who now reside in that distant region
have been subjected to many hardships', priva
tions, and sacrifices in their emigration, and bv
their improvements have enhanced the Value of
the public lands in the neighborhood oftheir set
tlements, it is recommended that liberal grants
be made to them ofsuch portions ofthese lands
as they may’Occupy, and that similar grants or
rights df pre-emption -be made to all who may
emigrate thither within a limited period, to be
prescribed by law.
3 he report ol the Secretary of War contains
detailed information relative to the several
branches ol tbe public service connected with
that department. The operations of the ar
my have been of a satisfactory and highly grati
fying teharacter.
I recommend to your early ahd favorable con
sideration the measures proposed by the Secreta
ry of War for speedily filling up the rank and file,
of the regular army, for its greater efficiency in
the field, and lor raising an additional force to
serve during the war with Mexico.
Einbarrassment is likely to arise for want of le
gal provision authorizing compensation to be
made tothb agents employed in the several States
and Territories to pay the revolutionary and oth
er pensioners the amount allowed them by law.
Your attention is invited to the recommendations
of the Secretary of War on this subject. These
agents immr heavy responsibilities and perform
important duties, and no reason exists why they
should not be placed on the same footing, as to
compensation, with Other disbursing officers.
Our relations with the various Indian tribes
continue to be ol a pacific character. The unhap
py dissensions which have existed among tbe
Cberokces for many years past have been healed.
Since my last annual message important treaties
have been negotiated w’ith some of the tribes, by
which the Indian title to large tfacts of valuable
land within the limits of the States and Territo
ries has been extinguished, and arrangements
made for removing them to the country west of
the Mississippi. Between three and four thou
sand, of different tribes, have been removed to
the country provided fibr them by treaty stipula
tions, and arrangements have beeu made for oth
ers to follow.
In our intercourse with the several tribes parti
cular attention has been given to tbe important
subject of education. The number of schools es
tablished among them has been increased, and
additional me-ans provided, not only for teaching
them the rudiments of education, but of instruct
ing them in agricultOre and mechanical arts.
I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the
Navy for a satisfactory view of the operations of
the department tinder his charge during the oast
year. It is gratifying to perceive, that while the
war with Mexico has rendered it necessary to em
ploy an unusual number of our armed vessels on
her coasts, the proteesion due to our commerce
in other quarters of the world has not proved in
sufficient. No means will lie spared to give effi
ciency to the service in the prosecution of the
war; and lam happy to know that the officers
and men anxiously desire to devote themselves to
the service of their country in any enterprise,
however difficult of execution.
I recommend to your favorable consideration
the proposition to add to each of cur foreign
squadrons an efficient sea steamer, and, as espe
cially demanding attention, the establishment at
Pensacola of the necessary means of repairing
and refitting the vessels of the navy employed in
tiro Gulf of Mexico.
There are other suggestions in the report which
deserve, and, I doubt not ? will receive your con
sideration.
The progress and condition of the mail service
for the past year are fully presented in the report
of the Postmaster General. The revenue for the
year ending on the 30th of June last amounted
to $3,487,19!), which is $802,642 45 less than
that of the preceding year. The payments of that
department during the same time amounted to
84,084,297 22 Ofthissum $597,97 80 have been
drawn from the treasury. The disbusements for
the year were $236,434 27 less than those of /he
preceding year. While the disbursements have
been thus diminished, the mail facilities have
been enlarged by new mail routes 0f0,739 miles;
an increase of transportation of 1,764,145 miles,
and the establishment of4lß new post offices.
Contractors, postmasters, and others, engaged in
this branch of the service, have performed their
duties with energy and faithfulness deserving
commendation. For many interesting details
connected with the operations of this establish
ment, you are referred to the report of the Post
master General; and his suggestions for improv
ing its revenues are recommended to your favor
able consideration. I repeat the opinion express
ed in iny last annual message, that the business
of this department should be so regulated that
the revenues derived from it should be made to
equal the expenditures , and it is believed that
this may be done by proper modifications of the
present laws, as suggested in the report of the
Postmaster General, without changing the pre
sent rates of postage.
With full reliance upon the wisdom and patri
otism of vour deliberations, it will be my duty, as
it will be my anxious desire, to co-operate with
you in every constitutional effort to promote the
welfare and maintain the honor of our common
country.
.TAJIKS 7C. POLK.
Wash ngton, Decamber ?, 1816.