Newspaper Page Text
antlT JOHN FORSYTH.
1. FOSSVTB. J. T. SUES t B. ELLIS,
proprietors end Publishers.
TIM Times is published every Tuesday Mom
|(. ia the building known as “ Winters’ Ex
shasf,” East side of Broad Street above Ran
dolph, op stairs, immediately in the rear of the
Pest Office.
TERMS—Th*e DoLLina per annum, payable
so orfrsnrr for new subscriptions,
g, paper will be discontinued while any arrear
age* ere due, unless at the option of the propri
rtefs, and roc a dollars will in all cases be ex
acted where payment is not made before the
expiration of the subscription y*ajr.
ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at
One Dollar per sqare, for the first insertion,
aad fifty cents for every subsequent continu
ance.
ADvnrrisKMF.XTS, sent to ne without specify
ing the number of insertions desired, will be
cccSHroed until ordered out, and charged ac
cordingly.
Lcoal AoTtR-nsEMRUTs published at .the usual
rates, and with strict attention to the requisi
tions of the law.
f a cairr*s Sales under regular executions, mast
ha advertised thirty days ; under mortgege fi
far, sixty days before the day of sale,
fates of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
ministrators or Guardians, for sixty days before
Um day of sale.
•alcs of personal property (except negroes) for
ty DIAYS.
CtnMosi by Clerks of Courts ofOrdinarv, upon
application for letters of administration are to
he published for thirty days.
Cratiors upon application for dismission, by Ex
ecutors, Adtn'mistrators„or Guardians, monthly
(hr sex norms.
Orders ofCourts of Ordinary, (accompanied with
a copy oftho bond, or agreement) to make title
ts lead, must be published three morths.
Nances by Executors or Administrators or Guar
dians, of application to the Court of Ordinary
for leave to sell the Land or Negroes of an
•State, FOUR MORTHS. . #
Her tecs by Executors or aoministrators, to the
Debtors and Creditors of an estate, for six
WEEKS. ,
yp Letters to the proprietors on business, must
h rear raid, to entitle them to attention.
pat.*flA GRAPES, nas, DATSB
AND LEIRONS.
JUST received bv
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Feb. 1. 1848.
GOSHEN BUTTER,
A Superior article, for sale at 20 cents per lb.
by GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Feb. 22.J548
PICKLES! PICKLES! I
MANGOES, Limes. Peppers, Beans, Onions.
and mixed Pickles, in gal’s, half gal’s, q’ts.
ud pints. Also, Spanish Olives and Capers.
Just received bv
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Dec. 7, 1847.
FULTON MARKET BEEF, dried Beef and
Beet Tongues. Just received by
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Dec. 7. 1847.
fish.
Mackerel, No. 1.2 mad a—No. 1 shad,
Salmon, Codfish and Herrings.
Just received bv
GREENWOOD A MORRIS.
Dec. 7, 1847.
JUST received. Gelatine, Preserved Ginger,
Dried Ginger, Preserves, Jams, Pie Fruit,
Dpices, Saleratus, Sage, rhyme. Essences, Ex
tracts. Table Salt, White Black and Red Pep
par, Currie Ponders, Fancy Snaps, Perfumery,
Stationery, Ink, German Copying Ink, Back
gammon Boards.Diee. Black Sand, &c. &c.—by
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Dee. 7, 1847.
VINEGAR.
RED Wine, While Wine, Raspberry and Ci
der Vinegar. Just received bv
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Dec. 7, 1847.
MOCK Turtle Soup, Pickled Lobsters, Sar
dines and Anehovie*. Just received by
GREENWOOD A MORRIS.
Dee. 7. 1847.
LONDON Porter, Croton Ale, Chatnpaigne
Cider, Wines, Liquors and Syrups ofeve
ly description. Ju>t received by
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
_ Dec. 7. 1847.
SAUCES,
TTTORCESTERSHIRE, Ashburton. Canton
Tv Soy and John Bull’s Beefsteak Sauces;
Also, Tomato. Mushroonnnd Walnut Catsup
Lime Juice, True Syrup,
Just received bv
GREENWOOD A MORRIS.
Nov. 30, 1817.
STEWART’S Refined Sugar Housa Molas
es. Just received by
GREEN WOOD A MORRIS.
Nov. 30, 1817.
B T*RAD.
SODA. Boston, Lemon unJ Sugar Biscuit,
Water am) Butter Crackers, Pilot Bread, dee
Just received hv
GREEN'WOOD & MORRIS.
Nov. 30. 18-17.
PICKLED PORK. Beans, Venison Hams
and Sugar Cured Beef. Just received by
GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Jan. 18. 1818.
MfIKSSTpMKBS i
J. W. PEASE,
BOOKSELLER AND STATIONBR,
At the old stand, a sere doors above Moody Grimes,
It Cos. East side Broad Street,
HASjnst Retired a complete assortment
ol School, Classical, Law, Medical and
Miscellaneous works—Letter, Cap, Note and
Bill paper of every quality. Also, a good assort
ment of BLANK BOOKS. With every other ar
ticle usually kept in the business. All of which
trill be sold on the most reasonable terms,
Columbus, D.c. 7, 1547. 60-3 m
~~ HEW BOOK STORE.
B. B. DeGRAFFEHUIED,
Pi plrasril to announce to the citizens of
Columbus and vicinity, that he has justopen
•d a Store next door below Winter & Epping’s,
where he has on hand, and will be receiving, a
New and select assortment of
BOOKS AND HT4TIOHF.RY;
among which may found School, Classical, Med
ical Law and Miscellaneous Works; a good as
sortment of ANNUALS and GIFT BOOKS; to
gether with Sunday School and Children’* Books
efal most any kind and quality.
Numerous kinds of ENVELOPES; Fancy and
Note Paper; Printing; Visiting and Playing
CARDS : Bristol and Perforated Boards; Trans
parent and Motto Wafers; and all other articles
•anally kept in a Book Store.
Teachers and persons wanting Libraries,
are invited to call and examine.
Columbus, Dec. 21, 1847. 52—3 m
COBB'S ANALYSIS AND FORMS
13I1CE $i For sale by
•A B. B. DeGRAFFENRJED.
December 21, 1547. 52 — 3 m
COBB'S COMPILATION OP LEGAL
FORMS.
T> IlfE SO cents. For sale by
X B. B. DcGRAFFENRIED.
December 21, 1547. 52—3 m
JOB PRINTING,
Plath anti Ornamental ,
MOHPIT r.XECI'TKD AT THI
orrica or
tfjt Columbus crimes.
, I Hand Bills,
■Miaesa Cards, I Way Bills,
*• I Circulars,
tall Tickets, j Blank Notes,
■milA ACT ALABAMA BLANKS
fOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
2Tjc Columbus Cimcs.
VOLUME VIII.
MERCANTILE.
COLUMBUS
saddim mom,
At the sijffn of the Golden Saddle, next
dowr to-Maaara. Hall At Alosea, Kast aids.
Droad Street.
AT HOiVIE AGAIN.
WADE & MIDDLEBROOK,
MANUFACTURERS OF
SADDLES, I TRUNKS,
BRIDLES, I SADDLE BAGS,
HARNESS, f VALICER, At.
ave constantly on hand, a large assortment, and
* r e receiving every week from their own manu
factory one of the largest and best assortments of
Gentlemen and Ladies daddies, of every variety
of pattern, from the cheapest to the best, which
we arc offering to sell lower than ever before of
fered in this market.
HAXUra&SEB.
Coach, Barrouch, Buggy and Bulkey sraeas
es,ot every style and quality.
WAGON HARNESSES.
Collars, a nsi, Wli pi and Dray arnessas
Carryai arness—some very cheap,
SADDLERS MATERIALS.
Saddle Tree Skirtings, og Skins, Pad do.,
Straining and Girt Web, and a large assortment of
Saddlery, Coach and a mess ardware.
CARRIAGE TRIMMINGS.
Top and curtain Leather, Patent Dash do. Rub
ber Cloth, figured and plain; Patent curtain
cloth, Patent mole skin, broad and narrow Laces,
Silk and Worsted Fringes and Tassels, &c.
All of which we are offering very low.
Kr Persons wishing to purchase any articles
in our line, would do well to call and examine
our stock and prices before purchasing else
where.
N. B. —Repairing in all its various Branches
done at the shortest notice and in the best man
ner.
WANTED, a lot of GOOD HARNESS
LEATHER.
Columbus, 23d October, 1847. 44-6 m
DCP REMOVAL. .O
HENRY KING & SON,
HAVE removed to the store rceeatly
pied by A. K. Ayer, a few doors above the
Bank of St. Marys, near the Post Office, where
they offer for sale a good stock of
AND
DOMESTIC DRY-SCOBS,
consisting in part of the following articles i
Brown and Loaf Sugar, Young Hyson, Impe
rial, and Black Tea, Rio Coffee, Sperm Candles,
Soap, Poland Starch, Window’ Glass, White and
Bar Lead, Powder, Shot, Nails, Rectified and
Monongahela Whiskey, Rum, Gin, Brandy ; Ma
deira, Tennerifte, Malaga and Port Wine.
Bleach and unbleached Sheeting and Shirting,
Prints, Kerseys, Blankets, Hats, Shoes, &c. &c.
low for cash, or approved paper.
Columbus, Oct. 5, 1847. 41—ts
WOODRUFF & WHITTELSEYr
HAVE just received from Xcw York an ad
dition to their stock of
among which may be found Wide Black Gro de
Rhine, Silk, forVisittes, Cashmere Shawls,Cash
meres, Muslin de Laines, Orleans and Columbia
Plaids, and Fine Silk Hals, Shoes, Ac., &c.
W. & W. will sell all theirstock of Cashmeres
and Muslin de Laines., at from
Ten to Fifty per cent, below New
York ( ost, f r * ash.
Now is the time, Ladies, to buy Dresses cheap.
Please call and examine for yourselves.
December 14, 1847. 51 —ts
GROCERY AND STAPLE
i
J.B. BROOKS,
Is now opening at his new Store 01 West
side Broad street, three doors below Hill,
Dawson & Cos., a
Well Selected Stock of Goods,
to which lie invites the attention of his friends,
and former customers.
He will also give liberal piiees for COTTON
and*COUNTRY PRODUCE.
83” N. B.—Those indebted to the late firm of
J) & J. Brooks, are requested to call and liqui
date their accounts, which are in the Hands ofthe
undersigned. J. B. BROOKS. ,
December 2S, 1547. I—ts
CHOICE GROCERIES.
r F'IIE Subscribers have received audarenow
A- opening, a fresh stock of Groceries, fine
Liquors, choice Brands of Cigars, &c., consisting
in part of the follawing j
BRANDIES, Otard, Dupuy & Co’s.; French
ad Cognac, American and Peach ; RUM, Jamai
ca, St. Croix, and New England ; GIN, Holland
and American; WHISKEY, Old Monongahela,
Irish, Scotch and Western; WINES, Madeira,
Port, Teneriffe, Malaga, Sherry and Claret; CI
GARS, of the following brands, to-wit: Byron,
Washington,Rionda's, Leitad Clctrandti,Lanoi via,
Amerilla, Congress, De’ Cabana, Regalia and
Americana; SUGARS, Loaf, West India, and
New Orleans; Coffee, Tea, Soap, Lard, Butter,
Cheese, Candles, Powder and Shot. Besides a
general variety of
FAMILY GROCERIES.
In the rehr of our establishment will be found
a genteel Reading Room for the mental, and re
freshments for the physical man.
CODE & CRICHTON.
December 28, 1547. I—3m
mat
GEO. A. NORIUS,
\YTOFLD rcspcctfniry announce to Ms ens*
T T tomers and the public generally, that he
is now receiving his FALL. STOCK of
Staple and Fancy Dry Goods,
consisting in part of RIC DRESS GOODS, in
great variety, RIC LACE CAPES, and Laces of
every style; BONNETS, ATS, CAPS, BOOTS,
and S OES; BLANKETS, KEARSEYS, KEN
TUCKY JEANS, SATINETS, FLANNELS,
&c., together with almost every article kept in
a Dry Goods Store, which he is selling on tbe
most favorable terms. Please gixe us an early
call.
Oct. 5, 1547. 41—If
THE SACKED MOUNTAINS,
BY J. T. HEADLEY.
1 r ol pp. 204, beautifully printed. .
MR. Headley’srepHtatios as an author,has
been widely diffused by his “Napoleon
and his Marshals and, “Washington and his Gen
erals.*’ “The Sacred Mountains” commends
itself by the beantiful drapery w hich its author
has thrown around scriptural localities,as well
as by the forcible and elegant diction in which
the scenes are described —scenes in. which the
reader feels a very natural interest from their
connection with the Bible history, and to which
Mr. Headley has imparted additional charms by
the rich and varied imagery with which he has
invested them.
Persons whose residence is remote from large
cities, and who have not ready access to book
stores, may be desirous of purchasing a work
of the merits of “The Sacred Mountains,” and
to such the Publisher oflers to transmit by mail,
free of postage, three, copies on the receipt of
*L
JOHN S. TAYLOR, Publisher,
151 Nassau street, New York.
Feb. 22, 1645. *
MERCANTILE.
TEAS AS!!
AGENCY OF THE CANTON TEA COMPANY.
TIE Subscribers have just received from
the CANTON TEA COMPANY, a complete
assortment. of their superior Teas i embracing
every variety of grades and qualities—put up in
quarters, halves, and pound packages. Wc can
safely assert that these Teas and better and
cheaper than any heretofore offered in this mark
et, 53“ The money will in all cases be refunded
if the Tea does not give satisfaction.
STANFORD & ELLIS.
Columbus, Feb. 22, 1848. 9—3 t
MEW BOOK STORE.
THE undersigned beg leave respectfully to
return their sincere thanks to their friends,
for the very liberal patronage during the short
time they have been engaged in business, and
take pleasure in giving notice that they have re
moved into their new brick store, between Messrs
Kivlin & Struppers, East side Broad street,where
they intend keeping a complete assortment of
School and Miscellaneous Books and Sta
tionery, of every description, which will be
sold on the most reasonable terms.
The citizens and the public generally are in
vited to call. For the accommodation of those
wha may wish, to call, their store will be kept
open and well lighted every night through the
business season, until 9 o’clock.
TARBOX & MARBLE.
Columbus, Feb. 22, 1848 9—ts
NEW YORK ADVERTISEMENT.
1848.
BURT BROTHERS.
Have removed from their former stand in Pearl
Street to
No. 58 Broad Street New York.
And are now prepared to exhibit a large assort
ment of “New England,” “Jersey,” “New York
City made,” and French
BOOTS A SHOES
of our own, and other celebrated manufacturers,
comprising all kinds of coarse work,aad flue city
made styles ofGoods. Among the Ladies’ Shoes,
may be found
A LA MODE—JENNY LIND.
Manhattan, Polka, Knickerbockers, Buskins and
Tiee. These are all new styles, and an excel
lent variety of colors. We arc also manufactu
ring the various styles ofthe
CONGRESS GAITERS,
Whieh are so much admired, and so convenient.
We have all ofthe different kinds of Ladies’ Cloth
Shoes, suited to the Spring Sales.
We have just received
3SQ eases mens’ calf and sewed Boots.
500 **■ “ kip and thick do.
100 “ “ fine imitation stitch Boots.
120 “ “ thick and kip Brogans.
38 ** Boye’and Youths’ Brogans.
25 “ Womens’ Slippers.
40 •* ‘f Peg Boots and Buskins.
12 “ M Common Gaiters.
A large assortment of Misses’ and Childrens’
Shoes, to which we respectfully invite the atten
tion of Country Merchants.
Feb. 32, 1848. 9—2 t,
FRENCH PAIMLLES. -
ANEW article (or Ladies Dresses, just re
ceived and for sale at
WOODRUFF & WHTTKDSEY’S.
November 2, 1847. 4a —ts
UMBRELLAS,
PARASOI.S, PARASOLETTES,
AND
WALKINS CASE UMES2LLA3.
W H. RICHARDSON’S
Steam Factory, the only one in the United States,
No. 104. Market Street, Philadelphia.
Merchants are respectfully informed that I con
tinue to manufacture all the above goods, by . the
aid of steam, notwithstanding the great opposi
tion of parties opposed to the introduction of ex
pensive improvements. My assortment is com
plete, and prices so low, as to give entire satis
faction-
s'As there is an Umbrella Store next door, of
nearly the same name, it is important yon should
remember
WM. H. RICHARDSON,
Steam Factory, and Patentee of the Walking
Cane Umbrella,
Sign of the Lady and Eagle, No. 184 Market
Street, — Philadelphia.
Feb. Bth 1848 7—3 t
MOUSE TO
THE Snbsfribcrs take this method ol in
forming the Merchants of Middle and
Southern Georgia, and Alabama, that they are
making at the FLINT RIVER FACTORY, in
Upson county, .a very superior article of heavy
SHIRTING, i wide. They offer this article to
the friends of Southern enterprise and industry
as cheap, or cheaper than it can be obtained from
the North, while it is in every respect much su
perior. It is remarkable for the evenness and
soundness ofthe thread, and for the compactness
of the cloth. Specimens may be seen at Rich
ard's & Jeffeson’s, in Columbus; Ross &
Brother’s, Macon ; and at Thornton’s, in Grif
fin. Merchants and others wishing an article of
the kind, and who arc disposed to patronize
Georgia labor and capital, would do well to call
and examine the specimens. It can be had low,
and, if necessary, on. time.
FLINT RIVER MANUFACTURING COMPANY.
February 22, 1848., 9—sm2m
INLAND MAIL ROUTE
TO THE NORTH,
Via Branchville, Columbia , Camden, Cheraw,
Ftlyetteville , Raleigh and Petersburg to Bal
timore.
A DAILY LINE of Four Horse Post Coaches
has been established since July last, be
tween Columbia and Raleigh, at a speed of six
miles the hour, making the whole time through
to Baltimore, only twenty-four hours behind the
Wilmington Steam Boat Route.
Passengers can secure seats in the Stages by
paying through from Columbia to Petersburg
(fare $21,) or by application to J. D. Mathews,
Agent of the Omnibus Company, Augusta, Ga.
Passengers wishing to take the Inland Route,
having through tickets to Charleston, can use the
same to Columbia without additional expense.
E. P. GUION & CO.
Columbia, S. C., Dec. 21, 1847. 52—6 m
N. B. The only Stage travel is from Columbia
to Raleigh.
LOOK HERE !
LIBERAL advances will be made on Con
signments of COTTON to our friends in
New York.
Jan 25. (5 ts) HENRY KING & SON.
CHISELS,
T\/TILL-WRIGHT, Long Paring, Mortice,
IYaTu ruing, Socket and Firmer Chisels, war
ranted good, for sale at J. ENNIS & CO’S
Feb. 22 1848 Iron and Hardware store.
STOVES.
COOKING and Office Stoves, for sale bv
Feb 2g 1848 J. ENNIS & CO*.
SAWS.
MILL, Crosscut, Circular, Compass, Web,
Tenon, Hand snd FannelSaws, a great va
riety. for sale by J. ENNIS & CO.
Feb. 32 1846.
THE UNION OP THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.
COLUMBUS, GA. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 29, 1848.
CONGRESSIONAL.
SPEECH OP THE HON. JOHN A. DIN,
or jr e w-ion k,
In the Senate of the United Slates, January
26, 1848— On the Bill repotted from the
Committee on Military Affairs to raise, for
a limited time , an additional Military force.
Mr. Dix said : Mr President, it was my wish
to add ress the Senate on the resolution offered
by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Cal
houn,] and not on this bill. I should have pre
ferred to do so, because I am always unwillining
to delay action on any measures relating to*the
war, and because the resolutions afford a wider
field for inquiry and discussion. But as the de
bate has become general, and extended to almost
every topic that can well he introduced under
either, the force of the considerations by which
I have b-*en influenced, has become so weaken
ed, that I have not thought it necessary to defer
longer what. I wish to say.
Two leading questions divide and agitate the
public mind in respect to the future conduct ol
the war with Mexico. The first of these ques
tions is. Shall we withdraw our forces from the
Mexican territory, and leave the subject of in
demnity for injuries and the adjustment of a
boundary between the two Republics to future
negotiation, relying on a magnanimous course ol
conduct on our part to produce a corresponding
feeling on the part of Mexico? There are other
propositions, subordinate to this, which may hr
considered as parts of the same general scheme
of policy, such as that of withdrawing from the
Mexican capital and the interior districts, and
assuming an exterior line of occupation. I shall
apply to all these propositions the same argu
ments: and isl were to undertake to distinguish
between them I am not sure that I should make
any difference in the force of the application.—
For whether we withdraw from Mexico altogeth
er, or take a defensive line which shall include
all the territory we intend to hold permanently
as indemnity, the consequences to result from it,
so far as they affect the question of peace, would
it appears to me, be the same.
The second question is, Shall we retain the
possession of the territory acquired un
til Mexico shall consent to maJi?a treaty of peace
which shall provide ample compensation for the
wrongs of which we complain, and settle to our
salistaction the boundary in dispute ?
Regarding these questions as involving the
permanent welfare of the country, I have con
sidered them with the greatest solicitude; and
though never more profoundly impressed with a
sense of the responsibility which belongs to the
solution of problems of such magnitude and diffi
culty, my reflections have nevertheless, led me
to a clear and settled conviction as to the course
which justice and policy seem to indicate and
demand. The first question, in itself of the
highest importance, has been answered affir
matively on this floor; and it derives additional
interest from the fact, that it has also been ans
wered in the affirmative by a statesman, now re
tired from the busy scenes of political life, who,
from his talents, experience, and public services,,
justly commands the respect of bis countrymen
and whose opiniors on any subject are entitled
to be weighed with candor and deliberation. I
Imve endeavored to attribute to his opinions, and
to those of others who coincide with him whol
ly or in part, all tho importance which belongs
to them, arid to consider them with the defer
ence due to the distinguished sources from which
they emanate. I believe I have done so ; and
yet I have, after the fullest reflection, come to
conclusions totally different from theirs. I be
lieve it would be in the highest degree unjust
to ourselves, possessing, as we do, well-founded
claims on Mexico, to withdraw our forces from
her territory altogether, and exceedingly unwise
as a matter of policy, looking to the future politi
cal relations of the two countries, to withdraw
from it partially, and assume a line of defence,
without a treaty of peace. On the contrary, I
am in favor of tetaining possession, for the pres
ent,of all we have acquired, not as a permanent
conquest, bnt as the most effective means of brin
ging about, what all most earnestly desire, a res
toration of peace ; and I will, with the indulg
ence of the Senate, proceed to state, with as much
brevity as the magnitude of the subject admits,
my objections to the course suggested by the
first question and my reasons in favor of the
course suggested by the other.
I desire, at the outset, to statethis proposition,
to the truth of which, I think, all will yield their
assent ; that nopoiiey which does not carry with
it a reasonable assurance of healing the dissen
sions dividing the two countries, and of restoring
permanently, amicable relations between them,
ought to receive our support. We may differ
in opinion, and, perhaps, hopelessly, as to the
measures best calculated to produce this result;
but if it were possible for us to come to an agree
ment in respect to them, the propriety of their
adoption could scarcely admit of controveisy.—
This proposition being conceded, as I think it
will be, it follows, that if the measure proposed
—to withdraw our forces from Mexico—be not
calculated to bring about a speedy and perma
nent peace ; but, on the contrary, if it be rather
calculated to open a field of domestic dissension,
and possibly of external interference, in that
distracted country, to be followed, in all proba
bility, by a renewal of active hostilities with us,
and under circumstances to make us feel sever
ely the loss ofthe advantage which we have gain
ed, and which it is proposed voluntarily to sur
render, —then, it appears to me, it can present
no claim to our favorable consideration. I shall
endeavor to show, before I sit down, that the pol
icy referred to is exposed to all these dangers and
evil*.
I do not propose to enter into an examina
tion of the origin of the war. Fjom the moment
the collision took phee between our iorces and
those of Mexico on the Rio Grand, I consider
ed all hopes of an accomodation, without a full
trial of strength in the Reid, to be out of the ques
tion. I believed the peculiar character of the
Mexicans would render any such hope illusive.-
Whether that collision was produced in any de
gree by our own mistakes, or whether the war
itself was brought about by the manner in which
Texas was annexed to the Union, are questions
Ido not propose to discuss now; and if it were
not too late, I would submit whether the discus
sion could serve any other purpose but to exhib
it divided councils to our adversary, and to is
spire him with the hope of obtaining more favor
able terms of peace t>y protracting bis resistance
No one can be less disposed than myself to a
bridge, in any degree, the legitimate boundaries
ofdiscussion. But lam nt disposed to enter
inty such an investigation now. The urgent
concern is to know, not how tbe war originated
not who is responsible for it, but in what mah
ner it can he brought to a speedy and honorable
termination; whether as some suppose, we ought
to retire from the field, or whether, as appears
to me, the only hope of an accommodation lies
in a firm and determined maintenance of oar po
sition.
The probable consequences of an abandon
ment of the advantages we have gamed may be
better understood ly seeing what those advan
tages are. I speak in a military point of view.
While addressing the Senate in February last
on an army bill then under consideration, I
had occasion to stole, that the whole of north
ern Mexico as far south as the mouth of the
Rio Grande and the 26th parallel of latitude was
virtually in our pc ssession, comprehending about
two-thirds of tl>e territory of that republic, and
about oße-tentb of its inhabitants. Our acqui
sitions have since been augmented by the re
duction of Vera Cruz and. the Castle San Joan
de Clua, the capture of Jalapa. Perote. and P
ebla, the surrender of the city of Mexico, and
the occupation of the three States of Vers €>uz
Puebla, and Mexico, With nearly two millions
and a half of souls. It is true, our forces have
not overrun every portion ofthe territory Os those
States; but their chief towns have been reduced,
the military forces which defended them, captur
ed or dispersed, their civil authorities superseded
their capital occupied and the whole machinery
of government Within the conquered States vir
tually transferred to our hand*. All this has
been achieved with an army at no. one period
exceeding fifteen thousand men. and against
forces from three to five times more numerous
than those actually engaged on our side, in eve
conflict since the fall of Vera Cruz.
I had occasion, on presenting some army pe
titions a few weeks ago agov to refer to the bril
liant successess by. which these acquisitions, were
made ; and I wHI not trespass on, the attention
ofthe Senate by repeating what I said at that
time.* But I canot forbear to say, that there is
a moral in the contest, the effect of which is not
likely to be lost on ourselves or others. At the
call of their country our people have iitetaily
rushed to arms. The emulation has been tube
receivdd into the service, not to be excused from
it. Individuals from the plough, the counting-.
1 house, the law-office, and the workshop, have
taken the- field, braving inclement seasons and
inhosditable climates without a murmur; and,
(hough wholly unused to arms, withstanding
the most destrnctive fire, and storming batteries
at the point ofthe bayonet with the coolness, in
, trepidity, and spirit of vetrans. I believe I may
safely say. there has been no parallel to these
achievements by undisciplined forces since the
French revolution. lam no* sure that his tory
can furnish a parallel. As to the regular army
we always expect it to be gallant and heroic, and
we are never disappointed. The whole conduct
ofthe war in the field has exhibited the highers
evidence of our millitary capacity, It confims
an opinion I have always held—that a soldier is
formidable in ratio of the importance he posses
ses in the order of the political system of which
he is a part. It establishes another position ol
vital impo'tance to us; that, tinder the protection
of our militia system, the country may, at the
termination of every contest, lay aside the more
massive and burdensome parts ofitsarmour, and
become prepared, with energies renewed by that
very capacity, for succeeding scenes of danger.
Mr. President, the political condition of Mex
ico has been gradually approaching a dissolution
of all responsible government, and of the civil
order, which constitutes her an independent state.
This lamentable situation is not the fruit alone
of ourmilitary successes. The factions, by which
that country has been distracted, each in turn
gaining and maintaining a temporary ascendency,
and often by brute force, lie at the foundation of
the social and political disorder which has reign
ed there for the last twenty years. To most ol
the abuses of the old colonial system of Spain, she
lias superadded the evils of an unstable and ii
responsible government. The military bodies,
which have been the instruments of those who
have thus in succession gained a brief and preca
rious control over her affairs, though dispersed,
stiil exist, ready to be re-united and to renew the
anarchy which we have superseded, for the time
being, by a military government: and this brings
me to the first great objection to the proposition
of withdrawing,our armies from the field.
I have already said that no policy can deserve
our support which does not hold out the promise
of a durable peace. Nothing seems to me more
unlikely to secure so desirable a result, than an
abandonment of Mexico by us at the present mo
ment with a treaty, leaving behind a strong feel
ing of animosity towards us, with party divisions
as strongly marked, and political animosities as
r incorous, perhaps, as they have been at any for
mer period. Even when her capital had fallen,
humbled and powerless as she was, party leaders,
instead of consulting for the common good, were
seen struggling with each other for the barren
sceptre of her authority. Our retirement as en
emies would, in all probability, be the signal for
intestine conflicts as desperate and sanguinary as
those in which they have heen engaged with us
—conflicts always the most disastrous lor the great
body of the Mexican people, for, oa what side
soever fortune turns, they are certain to be the
victims. You know, sir, there are two great par
t es in Mexico, (I pass by the minor divisions) —
the “Federalistas” and “Centralistas.” The for
mer, as their name imports, are ia favor of the
federative system; they are the true republican
party. With us, in former times, the terms
“Federal” and ‘‘Republican” designated different
parties; in Mexico, they arc both employed to
designate the friends of the federative system.—
The Centralists are in favor of a consolidated
Government, republican or monarchical in form,
and are composed of the army, the clergy, and I
suppose a small portion of the population. I be
lieve our only hope of obtaining a durable peace
lies in the firm establishment of the Federal party
in power—the party represented by Herrera, A
oaya, Peiiy Pena, Cumplido, and others, I
understand Heirera has, been elected President
of the Republic; and this is certainly a favorable
indication. But, unfortunately, I fear this party
would not succeed in maintaining itself, if Mex
ico were left to herselfatthe present moment with
an embittered feeling of hostility towards us. The
•The reference alluded to is contained in tie
follow isg extract:
“ I will not detain the Senate by entering in
to any detailed review of these events with a
view to enforce the appeal contained in the pe
tion on the attention. I hope, however, I
may be indulged in saying, in justice to those
who bore a part in them, that the first conquest
of Mexico cannot, as it appears to me, be com
pared with the second, either as to the obsta
cles overcome, or as to the relative strength of
the invaders. The triumphs of Cortez were a
chieved by policy and by superiority in discip
line and in the implements ofwarefare. The
use of fire-arms, until then unknown to the in
habitants of Mexico, was sufficient in itself to
make his force, small as it was, irreatible. ]n
the eyes ofthat simple and superstitious people
he seemed armed with superhuman power.— .
Other circumstances combined to facilitate his
success. The native tribes, by whom the coun
try was possessed, were distinct communities,
not always acknowledging the same head, and
often divided among themselves by implacable
hostility and resentments. Cortez, by his con
summate prudence and art, turned these dissen
sions to hi own accounts ; he lured the parties
o them into his own service, and when he pre
sented himself at the gates of the city of Mexico
he wan at the head of four thousand ofthe most
warlikeef the natives, asauxiliaries to the bandof
Spaniards, wih which he commenced his march
from Vera Cruz* Thus his early successes were
as much the triumph of policy as of arms. Gen*
Scott, and the gallant band he led,had no such
advantage*. The whole population of the coun
try, from Vera Cm* to Mexico; was united a*
one man against him, and animated by the fierc
est animosity. He was opposed by milify for
ces armed like his own, often better disciplined
occupying positions chosen by themselves, strong
by nature, and fortified according tt> the strict
est rules ofatf. These obstacles were over
come by his skill as a tactician Raided by a corps
of officers unsurpassed for theirjkoewledge of the
art of attack and defence, and by the icdomita
bte courage of their followers. With halfhis
force left on the battle-field or in the hospital,
aod with less than 6thousand men, afteea series
of desperate contests, he took possession of the
city of Mexico, containg nearly two bandred
thousand inhabitants, and defended by the rem
nant of an army of more than thirty thousand
soldiers. I confess I know nothing in modern
warfare which exceeds in brilliancy the move
ments of the American army from the Gulf to
the city of Mexico. I shall not attempt to speak
of them in the language of eulogium. They are
not a fit them for such comment. Like the achiev
tnenta of General Taylor and his brave men on
the Rio Grand, at Monterey and Buena Vista,
the highest and most appropriate praise is con
tained in the simplest statement of fact.’’
NUMBER 10.
military chief*, who controlled the army, and w ho
.might rally it again, for political uses, if we were
“to retire without a treaty, are for the most part en
;:emies.n£ the federative system, and conservators
of the popular abuses, to tfrhieh they owe their
wealth and importance. Nothing could be more
unfortunate- for. Mexico.than the re-establish me nt
of these men in power. It would bring with it
a hopeless perpetuation of the anarchy and op*
pression which have given a character to their
supremacy in. past years—a supremacy without
a prospect of amelioration in, the condition of the
Mexican people—a supremacy of which the chief
variation has been an. exchange of one military
despot for another..
Calamitous as the restoration of this party to
their former ascendency would b for Mexico it
would hardly be less so for us. Relying on milk
■ 1 Vy force sos their support theii policy then, would
beto continue the war as-a pretext for main*
taintng the army iu full strength, or, at least,
not to terminate it till peace would ensure their
own supremacy* It is-believed that these con
sideration* have been, leading motives, in the re
• sistance they, have opposed to us. It is true, the
fcepubhean party has been equally hostile,so far as
external indications show; but the fact is accoun
ted for by their desire to see the war continued
until the army and its leaders, the great enemies,
of the federative system, axe overthrown. Un
doubtedly the obstinate refusal of Mexico to
i make peace may b* very properly reierred to
the natural exasperation of every people who*e
soil is invaded; but there can be little doubt that
it has been influenced, in no inconsiderable de
gree, by considerations growing out of party di
visions, and the jealousy and animosities to
which those divisions have given ri,<e. My
confidence in our ability to make an amicable ar
rangement with the federal party, if It were in
undisputed possession of the Government, arises
from the belief that their motives arc honest, that
they have at heart the public welfare, and tl.at
they must see there is no hope for Mexico but in a
solid peace with us. My utter distrust of the
Centralists arises from the belief that their ob
jects are selfish, and that, to accomplish, them,
they would not hesitate to sacriliee the liberties
of the people and the prosperity of the country.
But whether I err in these views or not, I feel
quite confident I do not erf in believing that it
our armies were to be withdrawn from Mexico,
without a peace, the flames of the civil discord
would be rekindled in that unhappy country,and
burn with redoubled violence. I should great
ly fear that the military chiefs would succeed in
restablishing their ascendency, and that no pro
bable limit could be assigned to the duration of
the war. If lam right, our true policy is to
stand firm, and, if possible, united, until wiser
counsels shall prevail in Mexico, and a disposi
tion shall be shown to come to an amicable ar
rangement with us on reasonable terms.
The objection I have staled to the proposition
of withdrawing our forces fiom Mexico, concerns
only the relations which now exist, orir.ay cxi-t
hercalter, between the two countries. If there
were no other objection, the question might be
decided upon considerations touching only their
domestic interests and their mutual rights.
But I come to the second objection—one per
haps of graver import than the first, because it
supposes the possibility, if not the probability, of
an interference in her affair* by other countries,
if we were to retire without a treaty and without
commercial arrangements, which it would he in
our power to enforce. The President alluded to
the subject in his annual message at the opening
of Congress, and expressed an apprehension of
danger from that source. I participate in it. 1
shall assign the grounds on which it rests; and I
only regret that, in staging them with the minute
ness necessary to make them fully understood, I
shall be compelled to draw much more largely
than I desire on the patience of the Senate.
Senators are doubtless aware that the right of
intervention in the affairs of this continent was
formally asserted in the French Chamber of De
puties, in the year 1845, hy M. Guizot, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, as the organ of the Govern
ment of France. He regarded the great powers
,on this continent as divided into three groups,
namely: Great Britain, the United States, and
the States of Spanish origin; ami he declared that
it belonged to France “to protect, by the author
ity of her name, the independence of States, and
the equilibrium of the great political forces in A
i merica.” To this declaration, I have thought it
not out of place, in connection with the subject
under discussion, to call the attention of the Sen
ate; not for the purpose of undertaking the for
mal refutation, of which I thinkthe whole
doctrine of intervention, as it has been prac
tically enforced in Europe, is clearly suscep
tible, but for the purpose of denying it as founded
upon any well established principles of interna
tional law, and, if it had such a foundation, of
denying its applicability to the political condition
of this continent. To enter fully into the exam
ination of this important subject, would require
more time than it would be proper for me to de
vote to it. I propose only to pass rapidly over a
few of the principal considerations they suggest.
The declaration of M. Guizot was the first
public and official intimation, by a European gov
ernment, of an intention to interfere with the
political condition of the independent communi
ties on the continent of America, and to influence
by moral, if not by physical agencies, their rela
tions to each other. And if it had been presen
ted in any other form than that of an abstract
declaration, not necessarily to be followed by.any
overt act, it would have behooved us to inquire,
in the most formal manner, whether this asserted
[right of interposition derived any justification
from the usages of nations, or from the recog
nized principles of international law; or whether
it was not an assumption wholly unsupported by
authority, and an encroachment on the indepen
dence of sovereign States, which it would have
been their duty to themselves and the civilized
world to resent, as an injury a wrong.
Am I in error in supposing this subject derives
new importance from onr existing relations with
Mexico,one ofthe states of Spanish origin, which
M. Guizot grouped together as constituting one
of the great political forces of this continent, a-,
mong which the ‘'equilibrium” was to be main
tained 1 Sir, more than once, in the progress of
the war, the governments of Europe have been
invoked, by leading organs of public opinion
abroad, to interpose between us and Mexico., is
it not, then, appropriate briefly to state what this
right of intervention is, as it has been asserted in
Europe, what it has been in practice, and what it
would be likely to become, if applied to the States
of this continent t I trust it will he so. consid
ered.
The doctiine of intervention to maintain the
balance of power is essentially of modern origin.
From the earliest ages, it is true, occasional com
binations have been formed by particular States
for mutual protection against the aggressions of
a powerful neighbor.. History is fell of these ex
amples. Such a cooperation dictated by the
plainest principles of self-jreaervation, for the
purpose of guarding against the danger of being
destroyed in detail; and U b founded upon such
obvious maxims of common sense, that it would
have been remarkable if if had not been resorted to
from the moment human society assumed a reg
ular fbxm of organization.. These defensive alli
ances were deficient m the permanence and me
thodical airangements whiehdbtiaguish the mod
ern system of intervention. Hume saw, or fancied
he saw, in them the principle of the right ofin
tervention to preserve the balance of power which
b asserted at the present day. But it could only
have been the principle which was developed;
they certainly never attained the maturity or the
efficient force of a regular system.
The modern doctrine of intervention in the af
fairs of other B(ates, which has sprung op within
the fast two centuries, ia far more comprehensive
in its scope.. It has grown into a practical system,
of supervision on the part of the principal Europ-.
can power* over their own relative force* and*
those of tha other States of Europe ; and though, ‘
it may, in some instances, have been productive
yoi beneficial effect* in maintaining the public
-tranquillity, it has a* frequently been an instru*.
incut of the grossest, injustice and tyranny. From,
the first extensive coalition .of tl.i* natuie. which,
was formad during the long series of wars Urmi*.
nated hy the peace of Westphalia, in 1648, down
to the interference of Great Britain, Prussia, An*-,
tlia, and France, in tha contest b* tween the Sul
tan and Mehemet Ali, in 1(810, a period of nearly,
two centuries—an interference designed, in soniu
degree, to prevent what was regarded as a dan
gerous protectorate over the affairs of the Porta
by Russia—the exercise of the right has heart,
placed, theoretically, on the same high ground
ol regard for the tranquillity ol Europe and tha
independence ofStates. Practically,it has often,
been perverted to the worst purposes of aggran
dizement and cupidity.
If We look into the writers on international law-
I think we shall find no sufficient ground for th*-
right of intervention. Grotius, who wrote in the
early part of. the seventeenth century, denied ita.
existence. Fenelon, mho. wrote about half a
century later, denied it, fcxCept as a means of self’
preservation, and then only when the danger was.
ral and imminent. Vattel, who wrote nearly a,
century after Fenelon, and a century before our
own times, regarded the States-of Europe as for-,
ming a political system, and be restricted the
right, of entering into confederacies.and alliance*,
for the purpose of intervention, in the affairs of,
each other, to cases, in which such combination*
were necessary to curb the ambition of any pow-.
et.which, from its superiority in physical strength,
and its designs ol oppression or conquest, threat-*
ened to become dangerous to its neighbors. Do-
Martens tfcho Wrote half a century ago, acknowl
edges, with Vattel, the existence of the right uni
fier certain conditions, though he hardly admit*,
it to be well settled as a rule of international law;,
and he limits its exercise to neighboring states*
occupying the same quarter of the globe. But,
according to the two last writers, who have, per-,
hops, gone a* far as any other public jurists, of
equal eminence, towards-a, formal recognition of
the right, it only justifies a union of inferior states,
within the same immediate sphere of action, to,
present an accumulation of power in the hand*
of a single sovereign, which would be too great
lor the common liberty.
I. am confident, Mr. President, that no one cant
rise from a review of the history of modern Eu
rope, and from an examination of the writings
of her public jurists, without being satisfied that
the right of intervention, as recognized by civiU
ized nations, is what I have stated it to be—a
mere right, on the part of weaker states, to com
bine for the purpose of preventing the subversion
of their independence, and the alienation of their
territories, hy a designing and powerful neighbor
3> tight to ne exeicised only in cases of urgent
and immediate danger. It is simply a right oC
self preservation, undefined, (indefinable, having
no settled or permanent foundation in public law*
to be a sue'ted only in extreme necessity.and when
arbitrarily applied to practiee, a most fruitful
source of Abuse, injustice, and > ppression. On*
clear and certainlimitation.it happily possesses—
a limitation which, amid ajl its encroachment*
upon the independence of sovereign States, ha*
never until our day been overpassed. By univeo,
sal consent, by the unvarying testimony ol abus*
itself, it is not to be exercised beyond the imme
diate sphere of the nations concerned. It per
tains rigidly and exclusively tostutes within th®
same circle of political action. It is only by neighs
bore for the protection of neighbors against neigh
bors, that it can, even upon. the broadest princi
ples, be rightfully employed.. When it traverse*
oceans, and looks to the regulation of the political
concerns of other continents, it becomes a gigantio
assumption, which, for the independence of nation*,
for the interests of humanity, for the tranquility
of the Oldi Wor,ld: and the New, should be sig
nificantly repelled'.
Mr. President, a review of the history of Eu
rope during the last twocenturies will bring with
it another conviction in respect to the right of in
tervention—that no reliance can be placed on it*
restrict on in practice to the objects to which ijl
‘is limited by every public jurist who admits its
existence at all; and that nothing could be so
discouraging to the friends of free government as
an extension of the system to this continent, if th*
(power existed to introduce it here. Though ife*
combinations it is claimed to authorize may, in
some instances, have protected the coalescing par
ities from the danger ofheing overrun by conquer
ing armies, the cases are perhaps as numerous, in
:which their interposition has l e.-n lent to break
down the independence ol states, and to"thiov*
whole communities of men into the arms of gov
ernments to whreh theii feelings and pftneiptea
were alike averse. The fight, as has been seen
-—(and it cannot be too often repeated)—with
l the utmost latitude claimed for it by any publio
jurist, goes no further than to authorize a leagu*
on the part of two or more weaker states to, pro
tect themselves against the designs of an ambi
tious and powerful neighbor. In its practical
application, it has more frequently resulted in a
combination of powerful states to destroy their
weaker neighbors for the augmentation of their
own dominions or those of th ir allies. From a
mere right to combine for self preservation, they
have made it in practice a right to divide, dis
member, and partition state* at their pleasure—■
not for the purpose of diminishing the strength
of a powerful adversary—-hut under the pietenco
of creating a system of balances, which is artifi-
cial in its structure, and, in some degree, incon
gruous in its elements, and which a single polit
ical convulsion may overturn and destroy. Do
we need examples t f the abuse of the power, I
will not call it a right? They will be found in
the dismemberment of Salony, the annexation of
the republic of Genoa to the kingdom of Sardinia,
and the absorption of Venice by Austria. There
b another and maze aggravated case of abuse to
which recent events have given new prominence*
In 177%, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, under the
pretence that the disturbed condition of Poland
was dangerous to their own tranquillity, seized
upon about one third of her territories, and divi
ded it among thomselves. In 179.3, notwithstan
ding her diminished proportions, she had become
more dangerous, and they seized half of what
they had left to her by the first partition. Sir,
she continued to grow dangerous asshe grew weak
and iu two years after the second partition, they
stripped her ol all that remained. In 181S, the
five great Powers, at the Congress of Vienna, from
motives of policy, and not from a returning sense
of justice, organized the city of Cracow and a
portion of the suirounding territory, with a pop
ulation of about one hundred thousand souls, inta
a republic, under the protection of Austria, Rus
sia, and Prussia, with a guaruntee of its indepen
dence in perpetuity, Russia pledged herself, at
the same time, to maintain bet share of the spoil,
as the kingdom of Poland in name and form, with
a constitutional government. She kept her pledge
seventeen years, and then virtually incorporated
it as an integral part into the Russian empire.—
The little republic of Cracow was all that remain
ed as a monument of the dbmembered kingdom,
; A year ago, it was obliterated as an independent
state l y the three great powers of eastern and
’northern Europe, in violation, of their solemn
guarantee, assigned to Austria. The name of
Poland, the fountain ol so many noble and ani
mating recollections, is no longer to be found on
! the map of Europe. The three quarters of a cen
tury which, intervened from the inception to the
consummation of this transaction are not suffi
cient to conceal or even to obscure its true char
acter. The very magnitude of the space over
which it is spread only serves to bring it out in
bolder and darker relief from the pages of histo
ry*
If the United States, in the progress of these
usurpations, has not remonstrated against them,
and contributed by her interposition to maintain
the integrity of the states thus disorganized and
dismembered in violation of every rule of right,
; and every suggestion of justice and humanity, it
‘is because we have been faithful, against all
movements of sympathy, against the very in
stincts of nature, to the principle of abstaining
from all interference with the movements of Eu
-1 ropean powers, which relate exclusively to tbe
condition of the quarter of tbe glebe to which they
belong. But when its is proposed or threatened
to extend to this continent and to ourselves a
similar system of Iralances, vstth all its danger of
abuse and usurpation, I hold it to be our duty
to inquire on what grounds it rests, that we may
be prepared to resist adl practical application of