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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR.
4. FORSYTH. 4. T. NILES & H. ELLIS,
Proprietor* and PablUbcro.
Tit Time* <• published every Tues day Morning
it the traiidiag known a* “ Winter’s Exchange,”
F— side of Broad street, above Randolph, up
•tarn, immediately in the rear of the Post-Office.
TERMS—Three Dollars per annum, payable
t' shsan for new subscriptions.
No paper will be disccAtinucd while any arrear
age* are doe, unless at the option of the proprietors,
and Three Dollar* and a Half, will in all earn
be exacted where payment is not made before the ;
etpiratioa of the subscription year.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted at One !
Dsilar per square, for the first insertion, and i
HUyteuls for every subsequent continuance.
All Advertisement* sent to us without specify- I
tag the number of insertions desired, will be con- i
tinned until ordered out, and charged accordingly.
Advertisement* published at tiie usual
rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions of
the law.
Sheriff”* Salt* under regular executions, must
be advertised Thirty Days; under mortgage fi fas,
Sixty—Day* before the day of sale.
Sale* of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad- j
niiuistrators or Gaardians, for before
tbe day of sale.
Sale* of personal propertv (except negroes) For
ty Day*.
Citation* by Clerks of Courts of Ordinary, upon
application for letters of administration are to be :
published for Thirty Days.
Citatit .11* upon application f.:r dismission, l>v
Executors, Administrators, or Guardians, monthly ‘
for Sis Month*.
Order* of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied j
with a copy of the bond, or agreement) to make j
title to laud, must be publi- bed Three Mouth*.
Notices, by Executors or Administrators or Guar- )
divas, of application to the Court of Ordinary for ,
leave to sell the LanJ or Negroes of an estate, Four j
Month*.
Notice* by Executors or Administrators, to the |
Jvbtors aad Creditors of an estate, for “Ox Weeks, j
rr Letters to the proprietors on business must !
be pets paid, to cntii!e them to attention.
~ M E
F'N’i DRT-CM
BRQKAW 4 CLEMONS,
ARE now receiving a desirihie assortment of
LADIES DRESS GOODS,
consisting of French. Jaconet, Organdie, and
tveotrh Mu*lin. Grenadine and Ti*ue silk-.
I*laiu Gla**a Foulard*, fancy color’d. Silk
Harvge. EaibroidercU Mu-tins *up. French
asl Scotch Ginghams, Linen and Silk do;
cotton Grenadine-.etc.
Together with a lot of MOURNING Silk and
warned Bareges, Tissue Silks, plain and figured
French Lawns and Muslins, Dress Hikfs., Grena
dine, and Crape Shaw is, &c.
BRoK.yW & CLEMONS.
MayS. l<t|S 20—Sr
PANkMA AND I.IXiHOIIV HATS,
a Large lot, jut rerrived, bv
BROKAW & CLEMONS.
May 9. IMS. 20—81
41 sr KIX'EIVEII.
FRENCH Cloths and Cassuneres, Silk and
Satin; Vestings; plain and Ri’>'d J.incn Dril
llags; Silk Worp Italian Cloths; Caslimaretts,
A.*. Ac. BROKAW <fc CLEMONS.
May 9. 1848 go —Kt
CHEAP DRY GOODS.
n'KL Suhwribm nre offrrins Ihtir stoclv of
at VERY LOW PRICES FOR CASH—Consisting
va part, of the usuai assortment —Printed Muslins,
Silk Tissues and Grenadines; Jaekonet's ; Gloves
aad Hosiery—Bleached and unbleached Shirtings
aad Sheeting’s from 3-1 to 12-4 wide.
\lso,
A large stork of Fine an I Extra Fine IIIIO.W)
CLOTH*, ( t*-SHi:hl •“ Ihl UMle Ml li,
LINEN IIRIM>. B,c. eke.
3.000 Yard* of Light apd Dark Prints, at Nevv-
Yrk C -and Ir——from 6 m 11 cts. per yard
the CAS 11. MYISATT & HODGES.
May 9. IS4S 20—ts
IjIURMTI’RE Dimity. Furni
ture Calico, \tos|tu?oe Nct
tiag.l3-1,11-4, and 5-4 Sheetings. Furniture Fringe,
Table Damask, Cotton Diaper, Doilin, Table Covers,
llaackvbuck Diaper, Bleached and Brown Ilomes
puM, “ furi Shies,'* Ticking, Checks, Cottonaues,
Striped Homespuns, CurtNUi Muslins; a full assort
meat of Housekeeping Goods at
TERRY & GOULDING’S.
May 9, IMS. 19—ts
LADII.N SHOIxS—AC.V.
At TERRY & GOULD I NOS.
May 9, ISAS. ID—ts
yufi-w dUUriDsi.
GEORGE A. NORRIS,
HAS Just rreeiveil his rnlire purchase of
Spring and summer goods, making a very
larae Stork, embracing every variety of Fancy
aad Staple Dry Goods, please call and see, our
pnees and then decide w here the cheap goods are.
April lli, IS4S.
NKH BON NET)*.
JUST rcceived.a large assortment, for sale by
April *5 UEORGR A. NORRIS.
SUMMER H ATS.
JUST received a large Stock of Pananea Leg
horn Pedalaud P. Leaf Hats for sale by
April 25 GEORGE A NORRIS.
PRESS GOODS.
T*R Mu lin. Ginghams, Barrcges, Lawns Ac.
are worthy of all cor sidcralion.
Aprill9s GEORGE A. NORRIS.
aMnpßffir
J. H. MERRY,
RS. 3. Wwrrn'i Arcade,
4 few doors a h ore the Tost Office.
IS SOU RECEIVING A FALL SITPLY OF
READY-MADE CLOTHING,
of everv variety of style and fashion—and made in
the best manner.
Al,o—Cravats, Scarfs, Socks, Gloves, Suspenders
Hosiery, Shirts of every description ; HATS, CAPS,
Silk and Cotton Umbrellas. Ac. Ac.
JOT These Goods will positively be sold at a verv
SM ALL PROFIT, for Cash.
Columbus. May 9, IS4S 19 —Bm.
W.J. It!DGli.li,
( Formerly of Eufaula, A fa.)
HAS token the Sloti* two doors Hclony Hull ft
Ifosot, where he will keep at all times, a
well •elected lock of
STAPLE I>KY GOODS,
AND
GROCERIES.
B<m SHOES, BATS, SADDLERY, kt. ftt.
Also, a large ami well selected stock of
Negro Goods, Blankets, Arc.
All ofwhieh. he offers at the forces,’ passible prices.
He will also give liberal prieesfor COTTON and
COUNTRY PRODUCE.
lie hopes that his old friends and the public gen
era’. v, will call and examine his stock before pur
chasing eisew here.
Columbus. November 93, 1847. 4S—tf
WOODHUFT iWHITTELSEY,
I THE just reeeivfd an additional supply of
A SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS,
ana or g wh.ch can be found Shawls, Bonnets and
B -ret Ri.'i on*, Ginghams, Muslins. Calicaee, Ac.
A’o a good assortment of FAN AM A and I.TX
INORN HAYN. all of which they will eel! very
low fur cash or approved credit.
\V. & \V. have a few patterns of very fine Bareg
es, wh:ch they will sell tor about Half IS-ice, rath
er than keep them over. 1, Vl)ll> call and see.
Apnl 25, I*4*. 18—ts
NEW SPRIXS AND SUMMER
DRY-BOOBS AND CLOXHINS.
sibreribers bavins just r tamrd from
JL Ncw-York, would politely call the attention of
the is : ies to their new stock of French, English and
American Prints, French Lawns, Ginghams, Jaco
net! Mous’ins, Cambrics, Swiss, Mull and Book
Nous! ,ns, Bishop Law ns, Shawls, Scarfs,Neck Ties,
L.neaCxmbnc Handkerchiefs, all kinds of Hosiery,
a spiendiu assortment of fashionable Bonnets ami
Ribboos, sad numerous other articles, w hich for
cheapness of price, and richness of style, cannot be
surpassed ia the city. Piesse call, we will be glad
to show our Goods, and then judge for yourself.
We have also a good assortment of Ready Made
Ciothiag. such as Coats, Vests, Pants, and anew
I etyie of Hem.-t:ched Linen Bosom Shirts, Drawers,
I Ar . Panama and Le ghorn Hats, Bools and Shoes,
r all of which we offer at verT low prices, but to sat
isfy yourself, please to call at
E. & B. MENDHEIM’S
N*w-\ ork Dry Goods and Clothing Store, four
doors above Messrs. Wade & Middiebrook’s Saddle
rv Store.
’ Apnl 95. IS4S. IS—2m
GROCERY AND STAPLE
IQ'&T ppg'Dg*
J. B. BROOKS,
IS sew cpfQim I his sew Store on West side
1 Broad street, three doors below Hill, Dawson
A Cos., a
Well Selreted •‘lock of ffioods.
” which he ievitsthe attention of his friends, and
fsrmer customers.
He w.i aiw give liberal paces fol COTTON sad
COUNTRY PRODUCE.
93T N. R.—Those indebted to the Inte firm of J.
Brooks, are requested to call and liquidate
*** accounts, which are in the hands ofthe under
j, B. BROOKS,
ember 3*. 1147. I—ls
VOLUME VIII. j
I ROM COLUMBUS TO FT. FAt LA.
leave Celmnbns on Mondays, Wcdnes
* V diys Tod Fridays, at 5 o’clock, A. JVI. and
arrive at Enrinla at 5 P. M. Leaves Eufaula for
Columbus on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays
ats o’clock, A. M., and arrives at Columbus at 5
P. M. VVHESA.
The subscriber assures the Public that every at
tention will U paid to the comfort of those who
patronize this line. H. MORGAN.
“ May 30, 1848. ” 23 -Cm
GEORBIA, MUSGQSEE DOTTY
To ail Persons to wii iii these Presents shall
come. Greeting.
Jr NOW ye, that vr, Farish far to, Joan H.
k_ Howard, John 11. Baird, William L. Jeter,
George B. Smith, and John C. Leitner. have asso
ciated ourselves together as a body coporate, for
the purpose of eng iging in the business of Manu
facturing Cotton, Wool, anJ Machinery ; and that
we have adopted as onr corporate name, by which
we will sue and be sued, the “Coweta Fails Man
ufacturing Company,” and by which wo wiil be
known and designated ; that we have subscribed as
our Capital Stock, the sum of sixty thousand dol
lars, ($60,000.) which will be employed iu the
business before mentioned.
PARISH CARTER, “|
JOHN II.HOWARD, £
JOHN B. BAIRD, I ~
WILLIAM L. JETER, f -g
GEO. B. SMITH, o
J. C. LEITNER. J ~
Signed in presence of
JOHN J. McKENDREE, J. P.
OBOKGIA, IHtisrogfee County.—Personally
appeared before me. Parish Carter, President of the
Coweta Fall* Manufacturing Company, and being
duly sworn. deporeth and saith, that the Capital
Stock of *60,000, of3aid Company, has been actu
ally paid in, and is now employed in the business
of said Company, and that said capital consists of
the notes of specie paying banks, and property ne
cessary to carry on the business of said Company,
to the aforesaid amount $60,000, cash valuation.
PARISH CARTER, President.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this £Cth May,
1848. ROUT. B. ALEXANDER, Judge S. C. C. C.
GEORGIA, MUSCOGEE COUNTY.—Recorded
in Clerk’s office Superior Court of said county, in
Book J. page 234, this 24th May, 1543.
E. J. HARDEN, Clerk.
May 30, 1848. 24—2 m
NOTRE.
RUN, RUN, RUN HI.HU, EVERYBODY.
<1 VTTRiYEDfrom my plantation in Ihe
8 th district of Randolph county, Ga.
—A>4LJL. on the 1 4th ult. t.v j bay MARE Ml LES.
One is a large mule, and upon close examination,
will be found to have only one good eye ; tne other
is a small animal. I will give a liberal reward to
have them stopped, with information of the same,
or delivered at my residence, 4 miles above George
town. JAMES B. SMITH.
May 30, 2848 23—tl
INLAND MAIL ROUTE
TO T HE MOUTH,
T 7 Rranc’ivilie, Columbia, Camden, Cheraiv,
Fufft tfcvilb, Raleigh uud Petersburg to Balti
more.
A DAILY LINE of Four Horse Post Coaches has
1 been established since July last, between Co
lumbia anil Raleigh,at a speed of six miles the hour,
making the whole time through to Baltimore, only
twenty-four hours behind the Wilmington Steam
Boat Route.
Passengers can secure seats in the Stages by
paying through from Columbia to Petersburg (fare
$21,) or by application to J. D. Mathews, Agent
of the Omnibus Company, Augusta, Ga.
Passengers wishing to take the Inland Route,
having through tickets to Charleston, can use the
same to Columbia w ithout additional expense.
E. P. GUION & CO.
Columbia, S.C., Dec. 21, 1*47. 52—6 m
N. B. The only Stage travel is from Columbia to
Ralcish.
MADDEN* ADAMS,
HAVE removed their Marble AYorks to the
East side of Broad-st. near tbe Market-House,
w here they will keep constantly on hand a choice
selection of
ITALIAN AND AMF.RICAN MARDI.E,
FOt
Grave Stones, Monuments, Tab
let?, Tombs, &c.,
And solicit a continuance of public patronage.
They are determined to sell at a small ail ranee on
New Turk prices, and lower than any establishment
in this part of the country. ALL ORDERS from
the Country attended to, the satue as if ordered in
person.
. (fr™ ENGRAVING and U ARVING done in ths
best manner. PLASTER of PARIS and KOMAR
CEMENT, always on hand, for sale.
April 11, 1848. 16—tlj
GROCERIES, PROVISIONS, &c.
OI K stork is lam and well assorted, and in
order to realize on a portion of it, we are ot
ering to sell at prices below’the current rates by
wholesole or retail. In order to reduce our stock of
n^<s>.C£BwC>S3r
We are offering a tine article ot s.des at 6 to 6;
cent*, iu lots to suit purchasers.
MOODY, GRIMES k CO.
April 4, IS4B. la—ts
TKUIHIS STSANSES THAN FICTION,
EITING’S SARSAPARILLA
IS msdr by n entirely new protes*, by which
the medicinal properties of the Sarsaparilla
Root sre extracted without the application of heat,
and which as heat : well known to destroy the
most valuable part ofthe genuine Honduras Sarsa
prt!hi Root yield* by far the best preparation ofSar
sapsrilla now- in use.
Numerous persons of the highest respectability
can testily to its superior efficacy as a sale and sure
remedy for all diseases arising from an impure s;a*e
ofthe Blood, removing and permanently curing
Acnte and Chronic Rheumatism. Foul Ulcers and
seres. Eruptions o! the Skin. Debility, Mercurial
D.*t*sr*, Foulness ot Complexion, Scrofula or
King's Evil, Dyspepia, severe pains, pains in the
back, head, sides, limbs,joints and organs, all se
i cret diseases ice.
Persons afflicted with ny of the above named
diseases, fc especially those that lme already used
other medicines without effecting a radical cure, of
those that have been unsuccessfully treated, and
hose cases are pronounced desperate, are invited
to call at “the BLUE DRUG STORE’’ sign of the
“NEGRO AND MORTAR ’’ where those that hare
not the means to pay for it, can have Eppings Mr
saparilla gratis—it is thus by curing and reiisving
supposed incurable eases that Epning’s 6ars iparilla
has been brought to the favorable notice ofthe com
munity, and not by long Quackisii recommenda
tions.
For sale hv
WINTER & EPPING. At the Blue Drug Store.
Sign of the Negro & Mortar.
Columbus, May 25, 1547.
SQO REWARD.
LOST or Stolen in Florenr c Stewart County, on
the Ist inst a large pocket book containing
two twenty dollar bills on the Bank of Georgetown,
South .Carolina. Two ten dollar gold pieces and
three dollars in change bills. —A note for twenty
one dollars made by John Williford payable to me
in Oetolier next together with some other papers of
no value to any one but myself. 1 caution all per
sons against trading for tbe above note
The shove reward will be paid for the delivery of
the book and contents or any evidence that will
lead to the detection of the thief.
JAMES McQUINN.
April 11. 1848. 16—ts
FOR SALE.
r FIIE subscribers having determined to remove
X West, now offer for sale their vainable plan
tation, containing 650 acres, situated in Barbour
county, Ala., on the road leading from Columbus,
Ga. to Clayton, Ala., and sixteen miles from the
terminus of the Union Springs and Notorsn'ga Rail-
Koad, (which, as the entire Stock has been taken,
will soon be completed,) and twentv miies from Eu
faula. On this plantation are 200 aires cleared land,
mostly fresh ; a good two story dwelling with all
necessary out-hoases; anew and excellent gin
house and screw, with a well of fine water in the
yard, as well as plenty of running water in the fields.
Titles indisputable. “ The above premises will be
sold at *4 50 per acre, payable first of November
next, or at *5, halfat time above specified, balance
twelve months thereafter. Address,
D. W. HARRIS,
Cusseta, Alabama.
G. B. KEENER,
Mt. Andrew, Barbour co., Ala.
AjMffif 11,1*48. 16—eovvtf
REMARKS OF HON. THUS. H. DAILY,
OP VIRGINIA,
Ia the Ho’tse rs Representatives, April 21, 1848.
The House havin'* under consideration
the Resolutions f Mr. Palfrey, respecting
the individual j rivilege of members of the
House—
Mr. Bayly said be had designed, when
he cair.c here this morning, to discuss this
great question of privilege, but it had been
so satisfactorily argued by the gentleman
from Kentucky, [Mr. Thompson,] that he
should not attempt to add. anything to that
gentleman's argument. But he meant to
present a second view of the subject which
he at the same time had in contemplation.
Conceding the right cf this House to pass
this resolution, yet the conduct of the per
son who was said to have been menaced
had been such, that, admitting the juris
dieti< nos this House, it was not bee ming
in them to exercise it. What he had been
subjected to was the legitimate consequence
of his own conduct, and for him he had not
the slightest sympathy.
He desired to show, and unless he had
greatly mistaken the force of evidence, he
should show that the ‘agitation of this sub
ject of slavery in this House, out of which
so much mischief had grown, xvas occa
sioned by the instrumentality of a foreign
nation, which was prompted by selfish
views to aim a deadly blow at not only the
prosperity, but the very existence, of this
country. The House might suppose that
this was a broad assertion, but he pledged
himself to prove its truth. He repeated
that this abolition movement in the North,
which had grown up until it had assumed
so fearful a character, was the prompting
of the British nation, and the Abolitionists
here are but the instruments of another na
tion in its aggressions on us. Gentlemen
might regard it as a bold assertion, but he
was prepared to establish it, and he desired
now to do it the more, that the North, rath
er than the South, might see the testimony.
They all knew that, for more than two
centuries, there was no nation on the face
of the earth that clung so tenaciously to
the slave trade, and to slavery, as the Brit
ish Government. Down to as late aS a
period as 177 G, a motion was made in the
British Parliament by a Mr. David Hart
ley, to inquire into the propriety of abol
ishing the slave trade, and his resolution
was not even considered; for at that time
nobody in Great Britain aimed at the abo
lition of slavery, and very few at that of
the slave trade. The British Parliament
would not even consider it. At a period
much later than that, in the year 1824, Mr.
Canning, as a Minister of the Crown, said
in the British Parliament that if he were
asked which he would prefer, permanent
slavery or immediate abolition, he would
answer that he would prefer things re
maining as they were. And he gave as a
reason for preferring permanent slavery to
immediate emancipation, “his duty to
guard the interests of those who, by no
fault of their own, by inheritance, by acci
dent, by encouragement of repeated acts of
the Legislature, find their property invest
ed in a concern exposed to innumerable
hazards and difficulties,^which do not belong
to property of another character, such as,
if they had their option, as their ances
tors had, they doubtless would have prefer
red.”
At that time the doctrine of Mr. Canning
was the doctrine of the English nation.—
But how stand matters now ? A change
in the physical condition and with it the
policy of England took place, and they
abolished in the first instance the slave
trade, and secondly slavery itself; but, as
he should show by historical facts, they
abolished it with no views of philanthropy,
but to promote their own selfish interests.
Ho begged permission to read an ex
tract on this subject from a speech of “his
own, delivered some years ago, as the facts
were tlms succinctly stated :
“ And why does England desire the abolition of
slavery in the United States] Sir, it is to cripple
our prosperity ; and the blow is aimed as much at
the North as at the South, as much at that portion
of the country, which is her most formidable rival
in commerce and manufactures as at us, who are
profitable consumers of her productions, and her
rivals in but little.
“If there are any here who maj’ bs deluded by
the idea that England is actuated by philanthropic
motive*, if he will attend for a few moments, f
wiil show him, that so far from that, her purposes
are the most selfish and heartless. A short recital
of authentic historical facts will establish this posi
tion.
“ We all know that for more than two centuries
tlie African sla\c trade was carried on by the
British nation under the patronage of the Govern
ment, and was protected by charters of monopoly
and public treaties. Under the Stuart kings, char
ter* were gtanted, endowed with exclusive privile
ge* for carrying on the African slave trade, and they
were sustained by all the power and patronage of
the British Government.
“At the celebrated treaty of Utrecht, in 1793, by
; which the Spanish succession war wa terminated,
the British nation obtained iy what was called the
I Assientu contract, the exclusive privilege of carry-
I ing on tbe slave trade for thirty years at the rate of
, 4,800 slaves yearly; and Lord Brougham said, in
the House ot Commons in 1815, the English na
| tion had obtained ‘ the whole price of the victories
I of Kamilies and Blenheim in an additional share of
tlit! slave trade;’ and Mr. C. Grant, in 1818, in
formed us ‘ that she higgled at Aix-l*-Ohape!le for
four years longer of this exclusive trade, and at
the treaty at Madrid dung to the last remains o! the
Assienlo contract.’
“In consequence of the activity of the marine
of England, and her possessing the exclusive trade,
*hc soon stocked her own colonies. Desiring the
monopoly of the tropical productions, as the means
of securing it, and to prevent the supply of labor
/or the southern colonies of other nations, she eom
ntenced agitation in favor of the abolition of the
African slave trade. But it was only the African
slave trade. It was necessary that the subject of it
should have a black skin and a woolly head to en
list English sympathies. It is notorious that slave
fair* arc regularly held in the regencies of Tripoli
aud Morocco, and they are transported thence up
the Levant, where they arc again exposed to sale
like cattle in the market. But these people did not
come into competition with English colonics in the
production of the great articles of commerce, and
hence they do not enjoy her disinterested philan
thropy, which has its beginning *nd end in the prof
its of trade.
“ In the abortive attempt at negotiation for peace
by Mr. Fox in 1806, an effort was made to induce
France to join in the abolition of the slave trade.
The French minister replied:,
“ ‘ England, with her colonies well stocked with
‘negroes, and affording a large produce, might abol
‘ish thcsiave trade without inconvenience; but that
‘France, with colonies ill-stocked and deficient in
‘produce, could not abolish it without conceding to
‘England the greatest advantages, and sustaining a
‘projiorlionable loss.’
“ Upon the restoration of Louis XVIII. lo the
French throne, (who acknowledged that he owed
it to Great Britain,) his gratitude was appealed to
abolish slave trade ; and that being ineffectual, of
fers of sums of money and the cession ot a West
India Island were made, but without success; the
same answer being given substantially which had
been given before. In August, 1815, England re
stored to the Dutch government their colonies, ex
cepting the Cape of Good Hope and Dutch Guiana,
in consideration of the entire abolition of the slave
trade by the latter.
“ During the negotiation of the treaty concluded
at Madrid on the sth of July, 1814, Great Britain
attempted to prevail ou Spain to prohibit to her sub
jects both the gei.eral slave trade and their importa
tion into the Spanish colonies, and went so far as to
offer to continue the pecuniary subsidies which the
deplorable condition of the Spanish finances made
so nccesnry. But she failed, the Duke of San Car
los remarking, ‘ that, when the slave trade was abol
‘ished by Great Britain, the proportion of negroes
‘to the whites in the British colonies was as twenty
‘to one, while in the Spanish cokwies there were
‘sot more black* than whites.’ Jmd he reftiscd to
•iTHE UNION OF THK STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 6, 1849.
take a s.ep which ‘he considered would be fatal to
‘the very existence of the colonies.’
“In January, 1815, Great Britain obtained from
Portugal, for pecuniary equivalents, the prohibition
to its subjects of the slave trade on the western coast
of Africa north of the equator. Further than this
Portugal would not go.
“Tbe island of Guadaloupe conquered from Franee
was ceded by Great Britain to tbe Swedish Crown,
upon condition of abolishing the slave trade; and at
the treaty of Madrid ofthe 22d of September, 1817,
she purchased from Spain the immediate abolition of
tho slave tiade north of the equator, and a prom
ise to abolish-it altogether, after 1820, for the sum
of £400,000.’’ ***••*
“ But, while these events were transpiring,a great
change was taking place in the British empire.—
There wa found in the counting-house of the East
India Company an obscure boy (afterwards Lord
Clive) who turned out one of Britannia’s gods of
war. By the power of his genius a small English
trading post in India was expanded until it com
prehended an empire of one hundred millions of
souls.
“In the mean time great changes were going on
in England. From being an agricultural people,
anJ the exporter of agricultural produre, by the in
ventions of the power ioom and spinning jenny, the
improvements in science, and the introduction of
the steam engine, site was converted into a great
manufacturing nation. To sustain her manufac
tures, a secure market was necessary (or the produc
tions of them. The same causes which had stim
ulated manufactures in England bad also and; ne the
same thing in the United States and upon the con
tinent of Euroj e. B. s Jes, those markets, even if
thy were open, were not within the ex lusive con
trol of Great Britain. This was indispensable, and
the desideratum was found in Indta, if her people
could but be raised up to tin condition of consum
ers. To do this, it was only necessary to destroy
all her rivils in the production of the growth of the
tropics. These rivals were the United States, the
West Indies and Brazil The staples of each of
these countries were cotton, rite, tobacco, sugar and
coffee. These were the staples of British India.—
England had seen the island of San Domingo con
verted, by the single act of negro emancipation,
from the most flourishing of all the West India Is
lands into the most unproductive, and the culture
of the indigo plant, which was its staple, transplant
ea lo the banks of the Ganges and Buraropootcr.—
And it was at once interred that, if African slavery
could be abolished, British India would possess a
monopoly in the production of the plants of tho
tropics, and her prosperity rest upon a secure basis.
England considered the sacrifice of her West India
colonies but a small price for so great a good. The
£20,000,000 which was appropriated for the in
demnity of the planters, amounted to nothing, as
scarcely a dollar of it left London, it being received
by British mortgages of West India plantations.—
And an agitation was at once commenced, in the
hypocritical name of philanthropy, in favor of the
abolition of slavery. And as soon as it was accom
plished in the West Indies, the theatre of operations
was transferred to this country in the manner I shall
very briefly notice. The fact that philanthropy had
nothing to do in the matter, is shown, if other proof
were wanting, liy the emancipation act of the Brit
ish Parliament itself. By the 44th section of that
act, it is determined that ‘it shall not extend to uny
of the territory in the possession of the East India
Company, or the islands of Ceylon or St. Helena.’
And yet this is precisely the country where slave
ry exists in its most horrid form, and where the
British Government is itself the greatest slavehold
er in the world; and hires out its slaves for profit.”
His authority for this was an extract from
the Asiatic Journal for 1838, published in
London, page 221, as follows :
“ ‘Govehkment or Slaves ix Malabar. —
‘We know that there is not a servant of Gov
ernment in the south of India who is not inti
‘mately acquainted with the alarming fact that
‘hundreds of thousands of his fellow creatures are
‘fettered down for life to the degraded destiny of
‘slavery. We know that these unfortunate be
‘ings are not, as in other countries, serfs of the
‘soil, and incapable of being transferred, at the
‘pleasure of their owners, from one estate to an
other. No; they are daily sold like cattle by
‘one proprietor to another; the husband is sep
arated from the wife, the parent from the child;
‘they are loaded with every indignity ; the utmost
‘quantity of labor is i x acted from them, arid the
‘most meagie fare that human nature can possibly
‘subsist on is doled out to support them. The
‘slave population is composed of a great variety
‘of classes; the decendants of those who have
‘been taken prisoners in time of war; persons
‘who have been kidnapped from the neighboring
‘States; people who have been born under such
‘circumstances as that they are considered with
‘out the pale of castes, and others who have been
‘smuggled from the coasts of Africa, torn from
•their country and their kindred, arid destined
‘to a more wretched lot, and, as will be seen, to a
‘more endui ing captivity than their brethren of
‘the Western World. Will it be believed that Gov
ernment itself participates in this description of
■property; that it actually holds possession of
‘slaves, and lets them out for hire lo the cultiva
‘tois ot tho country, the rent of a whole family
‘being two fararas of half rupee [about &3 50 per
‘annum V
“But why dwell on these comparatively few
slaves ? The whole of Hindustan, with the ad
jacent possessions, is one magnificent plantation,
peopled by more than one hundred millions of
slaves, belonging to a company of gentlemen iii
England, called the East India Company whose
power is far more unlimited and despotic than
that of any southern planter over his slaves—a
power upheld by the sword and bayonet exacting
more and leaving less of the product of their la
bot lo ihe subject race than is left under our own
system, with much less regard to their comfort in
sickness and age.
“As startling as these disclosures are, the
whole story is not yet tuld. England has not .on
ly engaged in a hypocrital crusade against sla
very at the time she herself the greatest slave
holder! in the world, but she has absolutely made
jhe act of her Parliament for-the abolition ofthe
slave trade the means of converting her national
navy into slavers. Whenever one of her cruis
ers captures a slaver, she is carried in and con
demned. and the Africans found in her are taken
to the West Indies and sold into apprenticeship
(as this new species of slaiery is called)to raise
the prize money -
“Now, (saisd Mr. 8..) I assert with a know
ledge of the subject upon which I am speaking,
that this species of slavery and slave trade, intro
duced by the British Government, is the more
profitable to the master and slaver, and more gall
ing to the slave, than any which can possibly be
imagined. Let us lock at the operation of it. It
has been seen ficm the. publication make by D.
Hall, that the English, in carrying on their slave
trade, do not purchase the negroes as other
slaves do, but they capture them. Under the
English act abolishing the slave trade, £7 is
given to tbe captors for every slave taken. They
are taken and condemned, are then carried to
the Wt-st Indies and sold for apprentices for as
term of seven years. These poor creatures are
taken to a country whose laws they do not under
stand, and whose language they do not speak, and
for a long time will be incapable of learning.—
Who is to see, during their apprenticeship, that
they are treated well and care taken of them in
sickness] The master has no interest in them
but for seven years, and his object will-be to get as
much cut of them as possible in the meantime,
and to incur as little expense as possible in taking
care of them. And, when the apprenticeship ex
pires, who is to identify them and sec that they are
dicharged 1 I may be told that a registry is pro
vided for—hut what registry can protect them!—
Let me illustrate. There is a plantation with
one hundred of these wild Africans upon it.—
Who can distinguish one from the other! They
will be so much alike it will be impossible. A
stranger had just as well undertake, after a lapse
of seven years, to distinguish the different sheep in
a large flock.
“Sir, this is not speculation. The impossibility
of the thing has been tested in our own courts-
The following are the facts in the case of the
Antelope. A privateer, called the Columbia, off
the coast of Africa, captured and American vessel,
from Bristol, in Rhode Island, from which she
took twenty five Africans; she captured several
Porguese vessels, from which she also took Afri
cans, and she captured a Spanish vessel called tho
Antelope, in which she also took considerable num
ber of Africans. All of the Afri cans captured were
shipped on board the Antelope. Thus freighed, she
was found hovering near the coast of the United
States, was caplused by the revenue cutter Dallas,
and taken into Savanah for adjudication. The
Africans, at the time of her capture, amounted to
upwards to two hundred and eighty. Claims yere
.set up to the Africans by the Spanish and Portu
gese vice consuls, respectively, and by the Uuited
States. The claim of the Unitefi States, under the
law for the abolition of tbe slave trade, was sustain
ed as to tbe portion taken from the American ves
sels. The residue were divided berween the Spanish
and Portuguese claimants. About one-third of the
negroes had died. It was impossible to distinguish
the several classes of Africans : and the court de
cided that the low shouldbe averaged syngrih*
three different classes, and that sixteen should be
designated, by lot, from the whole numbor, and de.
lixered over to the marshal ofthe United States, as
a fair proportion of the 25 proved to have been ta
ken from Ihe American vessel.
Now. sir, what wi.l be the operation in practice ?
Whenevei one of these apprentices shall become
disabled rr die. they will be sure to make it out
that he was one whose apprenticeship was expir
ing, whereas the apprenticeship of such as shall
continue valuable wiil never expire. The conse
quence will be, the master will always hold the pro
fitable and get rid of such as may he otherwise.
And I repeat, it will be the most profitable slavery
which has ever been introduced : and this is Bri
tish philaothropy !
‘•The motive of England in agitating the subject
of slavery is thus shown. Her object is to dis olve
the Union, to cripple our prosperity, and destroy
her most formidable rival in manufactures and
commerce. And the blow is aimed as much at the
North as the South. The assault, it is true, is
made more directly upon the South, but it will
reach the North through us”
These, then, were the motives of Eng
land.—-They were strictly selfish. Shewish
ed to strike down her rivals in agricul
ture and commerce, and hence she wished
to make the South a waste, because it was
her rival in the production of tropical pro
ductions and served to build up a commer
cial marine and to promote marine pur
suits. She had enlisted on her behalf the
abolitionists of this country; and this was
the point to which having shown the object
of England in desiring the abolition of
salvery, he would now call the attention
of the House. He designed to show that
the abolitionists and some of the State
Legislatures were acting in obedience to
the suggestions, and as the instruments of
England, in aiming a blow at this whole
Confederacy. It was aimed at the North
precisely as much as at the South; and he
pledged himself, unless he had greatly
mistaken the force of evidence, to bring it
home to them conclusively.
After the abolition of slavery by Eng
land, then commenced this agitation litre
on the same subject. Prior to 1822—pri
or to the abolition of slavery in the West
Indies—there was no agitation here. It
was true that some peaceable, quiet Qua
kers would sometimes send their petitions
to Congress, but they were quietly laid on
the table by the concurrence of both North
and South, and there was no excitement
whatever. But at that time there was rais
ed in the British Parliament a committee
on the subject of slavery, and the following
question was propounded by that committee
to Mr. Ogden, the American consul at Li
verpool.
“If you could suppose that the slaves of Louis
iana were generally able to read, and that angry
discussions perpetually took place in Congress on
the subject of their liberation, which discussions,
by means of reading, were made known to the
slaves of Louisiana,do you think that with safety
the state of slavery could endure there!”
The result ofthe answer of Mr. Ogden
to this question of the British Parliament
was soon seen. Immediately after that time,
the agitation of the question of slavery com
menced here by emissaries of a foreign na
tion ; and in 1840 the World’s Convention
was'held in London, consisting of 493 del
gates from every part of the world.- The
tl nited States was represented; and in that
convention the attention of the British na
tion was particularly directed to the abcli
of slavery here. lie had shown with
what views and purposes they desire to
abolish it here. In reply to a question
how Englishmen could effect slavery in
the southern States cf this Union, they were
told that the Abolitionists of the United
States demanded the aid of public opinion,
of the religions and literary influence cf
England. llow this literary influence was
to be brought to bear, he need not inform
this House. Under the operation of our
copy-right laws, the trash of the English
press is circulated throughout the country,
tOjthe exclusion of everything else. And he
was net left by the convention to conjec
ture how the religious influence of England
was to operate. He quoted from a minute
account of the proceedings of the conven
tion the following;
“The Rev. John Angell James brought up from
one of the committees a scries of resolutions on
church di-cipline, as connected with slavery. These
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, af
ter an animated debate, ore grounded on the recog
nition of the ‘essential sinfulness of slavery.’ They
declare that it is the incumbent duty of Christian
communities to separate slaveholders from their
communion ; and that Christians ought to have no
fellowship with slaveholders. This bow, they say,
is not drawn at a venture, but with sure aim at the
very heart of the monster. Drive out American
slavery from the presence of the sanctuary, and its
doom is sealed.”
One of the means by which tbe WGrid’s
Convention said that slavery could be op
erated upon here, was by appealing to the
church and that appeal had, as the House
knew, to a great extent been answered.—
But there was a third and still more effi
cient means suggested. It was, that per
sons in Congress from the non-slave-hold
ing States should keep up a constant agita
tion, the effect of which would lead to e
mancipation, either quietly or by force. It
was but a short time after the period of the
question to Mr Mr. Ogden, before we found
persons on this floor ready to carry out
this unhallowed purpose.
Adopting the suggestion which grew
cut ofthe inquiry propounded to Mr. Og
den, the Abolitionists of the North, at their
annual meeting in New York, in 1838,
composed of all their ieadingjrten, in dis
cussing the mode of bringing about this ab
olition, say that the discussion of the sub-,
ject of abolition at the Nortli and in Con
gress will have that tendency. The bene
fit, as they were pleased to call it, of the
agitation of the subject of slavery on this
floor is thus explained:
“The interest which they themselves take in
the discussion. In spite of all precautions, the
slaves willliecome accquainted with what so deep
ly interests them; and,so far as they do, self-res
pect will be regenerate—an excellent and profitable
sentiment for a free laborer, but ruinous to the slave.
It was the testimony of the planters of Jamaica, be
fore the British Parliament, that their slaves became
acquainted with all that passed in respect to them
in the mother country, and were thereby too much
excited to fll the places of slave with slavish obedi
ence.
“The knowledge of the slave that a portion of
the whites are exerting themselves for his emanci
pation, upon the ground that he is illegally held in
bondage, will make him, they say, impatient in
his servitude. It will make him sullen and moody.
It wiil invite him to indulge dreams of freedom in
another land which he can never enjoy in hi- own.
He will be reduced to a condition in which his
master cannot rely upon his labor. He will be dis
posed to run away, and at a time when hi* ser
vices can be least spared. The master will be sub
jected to constant and heavy expenses to recapture
him. He will thus become to his owner a source
of veiation rather than comforts of trouble and ex
pense rather than profit.”
To establish these facts there is copied
into the report the following extract of a
letter from a man at the South, to whose
sister a gentleman of New York had sent
two abolition pamphlets:
“Doyou remember the two booksyou sent to tny
sister by me ! My two black boys, William and
Jim, who lived better and easier than I did, read
them, and, in consequence, ran off, and after eleven
days’ riding and $267 cost I got them, aitd now
their place is wretched by their own Conduct, as I
sold them at a loss of S9OO to a trader.”
Well this abolition report of 1838, from
which he had quoted, after going on to say
what were the effects of this constant Jfgi-
made the negro dissatisfied; that it increas
ed his desire to run away ; that it harrassed
the master—went further. It did not stop
there. It went on to urge on the non
slaveholding States that they should facil
itate slaves in their attempts to escape, and
generate such a public opinion and pass
such laws es would make the recapture of
the runaway slaves impossible ; for if they
were to be recaptured, they would be de
terred from running away. It went on to
say that laws ought to be passed to raise
tbe question of slavery or freedom, or the
legality of the bondage in which the slave
is hold. They urged the passage cf such
a law by the Northern States, upon the
ground that the laws of some of the South
ern States, permitting slavery, are uncon
stitutional, and,that the slave ought to have
an opportunity to test them whenever he
escapes to the Nortli. They say that the
citizens of Virginia and Maryland have no
right, by their own constitutions, to hold
slaves in their own territory, much less to
recover them from other States. They
make this statement on the ground which
they assume, that the bill of rights of Vir
ginia and Maryland emancipated their
slaves, and that every negro in those States
was declared to be free by the bill of rights
which was of equal force with that contain
ed in the constitution of Massachusetts, by
which she declared that slavery was abol
ished. \Vell, sir, what has been the result
of these recommendations by the Aboli
tionists ? I appeal to the history of the
last few years. Have not the State Legis
latures carried out these recommendations
with a fidelity greater and stricter than
they have carried out the recommendations
of their own constituted au thorites ? They
have kept up the agitation here to dispose
the slaves to run away; they have raised
funds to aid him in escaping; they have
succeeded in exciting a feeling in thenen
slaveholding States which makes it dan
gerous for any man to aid a master in as
serting liis legal and constitutional rights ;
they have passed laws nullifying the Con
stitution, and making the capture of a fu
gitive slave impossible.
I have shown (said Mr. B.) the origin
and the objects ol the constant discussion
and agitation on the subject of slavery here.
I desire to call attention to the pertinacity
with which it is kept up. It commenced
at the period I have named, by the presen
tation of abolition petitions.
The South denied that Congress had any
jurisdiction of the subject, and insisted that
the petitions should not be received, and a
rule was adopted to suppress them. The
abolitionists pretended to treat this as a
great outrage, and the ear of the nation
was stunned with the clamor which was
made. Some well meaning men not un
derstanding the objects of tlie agitators, ad
vised that the whole subject should be re
ferred to a committee, which could bring
in an able report demonstrating that Con
gress had no jurisdiction of the subject;
and they insisted a quietus would be given
to the agitators. Mr. Pinckney, of South
Carolina, in an ill-fated moment, yielded
to these views, and undertook to reason
with persons in a Congressional re
port. Well, what was the result ? Pre
cisely what he predicted at the time; so far
from its arresting the agitation it increased
it, by the partial success with which it met.
The ground then was taken, that by tlie
21st rule, as it was called, the sacred right
of petition was invaded. It was in vain we
showed that such was not the case ; the
agitation went on. We were told, take
from these abolitionists this plausible pre
text, and you will hear no more of them—
by the 2ist rule, you are only adding fuel
to the flame.
Some Southern men gave in to these
views. As soon as they did, the Northern
and Western Democrats who had incurred
some odium at home by voting with us,
gave way, and the rule was repealed. But
did the agitation cease ? This pretext for
agitation was no sooner removed than anoth
er was found. W'e then had amendments
to territorial hills which never were thought
of before, to exclude slavery from the terri
tories. But as the territory (Oregon) in
reference to which we were legislating lay
so far north that it was known the slaves
never would be taken there, it was regarded
as pretty much a “brutem fulmen ” and
very little feeling xvas excited in conse
quence. But immediately afterward we
happened to be engaged in a war in which
there was a prospect that foreign territory
would be acquired. This was made the
pretext for the Wilmot Proviso. The ex
citement growing out of that was pretty
well dying out; and the occasion of rejoic
ing with France, our earliest ally, at the
prospect of her regeneration, was seized
upon to renew it. A parcel of negroes
are induced to flee from their masters, to
which they were stimulated by the con
duct and speeclxes of members here. They
are recaptured aud the lelons who aided
in their escape are lodged in jail. A
member of this House goes there to offer
them his sympathy and counsel. The
people, with a moderation, which, as prop
er as it was amazing to him, (Mr. B.) do no
mere than warn him off. And, forsooth,
this House is to interpose for his protec
tion. Sir, he and hisassociates are the au
thors of all the misery which has been
brought on these slaves and felons, and it
is a pity they do not partake with them in
it.
It thus appears what are the origin and
the object of this constant agitation of the
subject of slavery. llow is its abolition to
be ultimately effected ?
We were constantly told here that the
fanatics of the North did net look to the in
surrection of the blacks, and that they did
not desire to incite slaves to rebellion. It
had been often said here that they do not
either immediately or remotely expect to
see abolition effected by insurrection. It
was the policy of the abolitionists to deny
it as yet, but this report distinctly takes the
.ground, that if the master will not yield to
moral suasion and peaceable emancipation,
insurrection would be the natural and prop
er consequence. Here is what they say on
that point.
“If a ray of hope penetrates their gloom, though
the chink through which it passes lie never so small,
it will banish all thought of insurrection while it
shines. Though while hope of relief from some
quarter holds out, the slave will abstain from rebel
lion, it is not to be expected that they will continue
to do so if this hope shall fade away. Once let
them come to an understanding of their rights, and
the master will be forced to the alternative of giving
them or of suffering them to be taken. Though
our business is with tbe master—-though it is for
him and his political equals we print and lecture—
yet we have not pledged ourselves to prevent, what
it i* impossible should be prevented, the slaves
from getting knowledge that we are printing and lec
turing. After our operations have, for a fair prob
ationary space, displaced all thoughts of insurrec
tion by a better hope of deliveiancc, if the masters
disappoint that hope/ the consequences must b
upon their own heads.”
With such evidence before him, he as
serted that they did look to insurrection.—
They do look to freeing the blacks by mur
dering the whites. They could not, with
out stultifying themselves, look to any oth
er course, and they do not. They know
that peaceable emancipation never can take
| NUMBER 24.
do not expect to convince the master; but
even if they should be convinced of the
wrong so much alluded to, he (Mr. B.) un
dertook to say that emancipation wa# im
possible. In manyof the States, more than
half the population was black ; and did the
Abolitionists expect that the South would’
consent to have such a population let loose
upon them as free negroes ? Did they ex
pect the South to live in that condition ?
Qentlemen from the Northern States might
answer the question for themselves. Do
they do it ? Why, in how many States
did they exclude the free negroes ? Had
they net passed stringent laws against them
in these States where the infusi. n cf free
negroes would be comparatively small and
harmless 1 and yet they would not consent
to even so small an infusion there. Did
they, then, expect that they of the South
would consent to let loose such a number
-sis thqy had ? They do not expect it.
But suppose it were possible ; as far as
the purposes of humanity were concerned,
it would not make the case better. Sup
pose they were emancipated : did anybody
believe that the whites and blacks, in equal
proportions, could live in peace in the same
community ? They would be separated
from each other by prejudices ; there would
be a line of demarkation that could never
be blotted out. Did they not know that
there would be a constant conflict of races
(the most deadly of all conflicts) going on,
and a struggle on the part cf the negro for
not only equal, social and political rights,
but for supremacy; a conflict which, as in
all time heretofore, in all time hereafter,
would exist in communities composed of
distinct races, and which would end in civ
il war. Let them look to the example of
San Domingo, where a deadly conflict was
constantly going on between the negroes
and the mulattoes, although they were by
no means so distinct from each other as
negroes and whites. If the South would
consent to emancipation, how long would
peace be preserved ? The inevitable result
would be a bloody strife ; for after they were
emancipated, they would claim equal privi
leges, and civil war with all its horrors
would cusue. He therefore affirmed that
the pretence that these people were net
looking to insurrection and to the cutting
cf the throat of every white man, woman,
and child, was false. The Abolitionists in
their own reports a vow it. But if they
had not avowed it, they could not escape
from the charge that such is their purpose
in any other manner than by stultifying
themse ves ; for it was the natural and in
evitable consequence of their conduct.—
Well, and who would they benefit by it ?
If that conflict should arise, what would
become of the black man ? Did they not
know that the greater intelligence and the
greater enterprise of the white man must
conquer? It might deluge the South in
blood for years perhaps, but it would end
in the extermination of the black man.—
And this was to be done at the instigation
of a treacherous foreign nation, that they
might subvert our commercial and agri
cultural prosperity. It was to be done,
too, under the pretence of friendship for
the black man, but which would be seen
to be cruel and inhuman treachery. It
could only end in his entire extermina
tion.
There were some remarks which fell
from the member from Ohio (Mr. Gid
dings) on a preceding day, to which his
attention had been called by a gentleman
near him, cf a most murderous and incen
diary character, proving that he looked to
emancipation by force. In arguing against
the extension of slave territory, he said he
wished to keep the negroes with their mas
ters, holding their knives as near their
threats as possible. To such remarks he
(Mr. B.) did not mean to. reply. He ad
dressed himself to the sober serious reason
of the North, and he wished not to excite
their passions. He wished to show them
that this abolition excitement had an origin
hostile to them as well as the South, and
that nothing but mischief, unqualified mis
chief to the whole country, would result
from it.
Mr. Giddings rose and inquired if the
gentleman from Virginia alluded to him
when he said the gentleman from Ohio
wished to keep the negroes and their mas
ters together, that the negroes might have
their knives as near their masters’ throats as
possible ?
Mr. Eayly replied that he did allude to
the member from Ohio, for such he under
stood to be the character of that member’s
remarks.
Mr. Giddings replied that the gentleman
had entirely misunderstood him.
Mr. Bayly said other gentlemen under
stood him as he did.
Mr. Giddings said he cared not who made
the assertion; he had used no such language.
He well knew what he had said.
Mr. Bayly said a gentleman sitting near
him understood the language as he did;
but, whether the member from Ohio used
those precise expressions or not, of this he
(Mr. B.) was certain, and he would stake
his assertion on the decision of the House,
thathe had over and over again used expres
sions of similar import.*
Mr. Giddings. Os what import ?
Mr Bayly. The member from Ohio
had used language in his speeches the in
evitable tendency of which was, to lead to
insurrection, and which showed that he
looked to it.
The Speaker called the gentleman to or
der.
Mr. Giddings. I wish the gentleman
might be permitted to proceed. I like to
hear him.
Mr. Bayly had no doubt of it. The
member is fond of the notoriety which the
denunciations of him here give him. He
hopes to recommend himself to his consti
tuents by assuming to be the special ob
ject of attack by Southern Representatives,
and thereby strengthen the tenure by
which he holds his seat here with its eight
dollars a day. And hence he is eternally
trying to provoke us into denunciations of
his detestable course and sentiments.
Mr. Giddings. The gentleman is mis
taken.
Mr. Bayly. He was one of those men
who was willing to obtain profits by pro
voking abuse of themselves; to make a
traffic of his character and feelings.
The Speaker again interposod, and call
ed the gentleman to order.
Mr. Bayly said if he was out of order,
it was the remarks of the member from
Ohio which had provoked him to it. For
personal abuse he had no taste, but he
chose to speak in appropriate terms of the
course of a member here which so intimate
ly affected the dearest interests of himself
and his constituents. He represented a
frontier district, penetrated in every part of
it by rivers and harbors, into which the
vessels from the non-slaveholding States
* Mr. Giddings subsequently avowed that he
looked to insurrection. His language, as reported
in the Intelligencer, is this: “ But as he had but
‘a moment left, he would refer to that portion of
‘the gentleman’s speech in which he had declared
‘that the Abolitionists looked to insurrection among
Hhs slaves. AdJ. bedjL ijd
and the piratical schooners of the abolith
society could come. His constituents’ i.
terests were, therefore, at stake, and 1
should ever be ready to expose and rest
the unhallowed designs of men trying I
destroy them; and, in speaking of th
character of themeu themselves, he shoal
not stop to measure his words. He rt
gretted the necessity of making any refs*
ence to the member whatever ; and,
under the strongest necessity of doing if
he should not hereafter*as he had not kef*
to fore.
In speaking of this subject, he recollect*
ed a circumstance to which his attentio*
had been called several years ago. Hi* 3
attention was called to the number of ad
vertisements of runaway negroes in the
National Intelligencer and Globe. The|
dates of the departure of the negroes werw
generally given. By comparing them hoi
found that the negroes went off in gangs!
about large enough for the load of a small!
schooner, at intervals of about a month—l
as near as may ,be, the period for a vessel!
to make a trip ; to Massachusetts* for in
stance, and back. From this he was sat
isfied that these runaways made their es
cape by the river, and that there was an
actual lute ct packets engaged in takings
them off. He wrote an article calling tho
’ attention of the public to it at the time* and
he mentioned it now for the same purpose.
The House might rely up ( n it. the case
which had just occurred was not an iso la-1
ted one ; indeed, he understood thut the*
Captain now in prison admitted that thi*
was the fourth trip he had made.
He had been told, as manifest as thin
evil was, there was uo way to prevent it *
that the laws of this District provided no 1
adequate punishment* for these who had j
instigated the negroes to runaway, and as- ;
sist them in attempting it.—ls there is net 1
there cugbt to be. There is but me way
to prevent the occurrence of such act&j <
that is, by holding cut the terrors of such
punishment to all persons engaging in it
as to deter them from it and by the masters
making examples cf the slaves who may
be retaken. “W ith the negro he sincerely
sympathised ; him he pitied ; and his sore
regret was, that these who had brought
upon him the misery he would suffer, could
not have it in his place.
He did not know that the laws ns they
now steed were insufficient; but he would
inquire into the matter, and if they were
found to be so, he should feel it his duty to
ask leave to bring in a bill to remedy their
defects. It there was no law to punish the
publication of incendiary publications, he
bring in a bill to provide one. And he should
should not be deterred by being told that
he would be interfering with the liberty of
the press. He did net propose “to establish
a censorship of the press to prevent publi
cations, but to provide a law for the pun
ishment of an editor who should commit
an offence against society, precisely as eve
ry other citizen was punished in a similar
case, which offence would be judged of by
the community, through its law, adminis
tered by its judges and jurors. It is no
more a violation of the liberty of the press,
to provide by law for the punishment of an.
editor who makes publications which en
danger my life and property, than it is the
violation of the liberty of the citizen to
provide for his punishment, who does the
same thing in a different way.
But he did not know that the laws were
insufficient. The idea very prevalent that
they are so, is the only thing which has
stimulated any one to attempt acts of vio
lence. If they shall be found to be effi
cient, or if they are not so now, and Con
gress should in good faith make-them so*
he would be responsible that uo inob would,
ever be seen here. But* on the other
hand, if it should be found that the laws
are not effectual to protect the community
in the enjoyment of its rights, and the le
gislative power should refuse to make them,
sc, then the community would be remitted
to its natural right of self-preservation—*
law above all other laws, and as applicable
to communities as to individuals. Under
such circumstances, the men who did not
resort to it, to use the language of the gen
tleman from Georgia, would be slaves, who
deserved the manacles now worn by the
felons in your jail.
A MARTIAL SCENE IN RUSSIA.
The position and power of Russia are
beginning to excite more than ordinary at
tention. An American traveller who re
cently visited that country, speaks of the
government as a military depotism, with an
army of a million. Even the peace estab
lishment includes 600,000 troops, of which
60,000 follow the person of the Emperor.
A parade at St. Petersburg is
ced:
Early the next morning I went out about twelve
versts from the city to attend a grand military re
view by the emperor in person. The government
of Russia is a military despotism, and her unraensa
army, nominally amounting to a million,even on the
peace establishment numbers actually six hundred
thousand, of which sixty thousand follow the person
of the Emperor, and were at that time under arm*
at St. Petersbnrg. When 1 rode on the parade
ground, the spectacle of this great army, combining;
the elite of barbaric chivalry with soldiers trained
iu the best schools of European discipline, drawn
up in battle’s stern array, and glittering with Kwl,
was brilliant and almost sublime; in numbers and
military bearing, in costliness of armor and eqnj|>-
ment, far surpasing any martial parad- that I list!
seen, not excepting a grand review of French troops
at Paris. Rut when strains of martial music burst
from h hundred .bands, and companies, and regi
ments, and brigades wheeled and manoeuvred bo
fore me, and the Emperor rode by, escorted by gen
eral and field officers, and tnc most magniticeot
staff injEuropc, andthcearth shookuriderthccharge
of the cavalry, I felt a strong martial spirit soused
within me, perhaps I was excited by the reflection
that these soldiers had been in battles, and that tit*
stars and medals glittering on their breasts were
not mere holiday ornaments, but the tokens of des
perate service on bloody battle fields.
In a body, the Russian soldiers preseut an exceed
ingly fine appearance. When the sirs i* aaroMed,
his hair and beard are cut off. ex, cpt on the upper
lip; bis uniform is simpl ansi ga,eful;e bell i*
worn tightly round the waist, and the breust of the
coat is thickly padded, increasing the manliness es
tbs figure, though sometimes at the expense of
health. In evolutions they move like a great ma
chine. as it all the arms and legs were governed by
a s ngle impulse.
The army under review was composed of repre
sentatives front all the nations under the sway of
Russia—Cossa .ks ot the Ron, and the Wolgu, and
the Black Sea, in jacket an 1 wide pantaloons *f
blue cloth, riding small horses, with high peaked
saddles, and carrying spea's eight or ten feet in
length. One regiment had the privilege of wearing
a ragged flag and a cap full of holes, as proof of
their gallant service, being <he only tegimeru that
fought at Pultnwa. And there were (Jalmacs in
their extraordinary war-dres*—a helanet with a
gilded crest, or a chain esp with a net work of
iron rings falling over the bead and shoulders, and
hanging as low as the eye-brows in front; shirt of
mail, composed of steel rim's matted together and
yielding to the body, the arms protected by plates
and the back of the hand by steel net work ias’en
cd to the pistes on each side ; their offensive weap
ons were l lows and arrows, silver mounted pistols
peeing out of their bolsters, cutiidge-boirson each
side of the nreast, and a dagger, sword and gun.
The Hoson of thb Pahisisx eocene*.—
When the revolutionists who won the Republic
for France had forced their wav into the Palate
Royal, and had reached the apartments of General
Athalis, one of Louis Philipp’s aids-de-camp, they
encountered the gcfteral’s lady, a woman of digni
fied deportment and steture, whom the general had
espousep for her rare beauty, be mg but the daugh
ter of a poor fisherman of Granville. ‘‘My Attends,”
she exclaimed, “I trust that you havintflbot coma
here to offer any injury to myself or my husband.
I am not one of your fine ladiee, but a daughter
of the people; I throw myself then confidently on
your protect on. But I will not laave my husband;
he is corflnd to hia bed by illness.”
The band were struck with the boldness of tha
appeal. They repaired to the general’s chamber,
placed him in an arm-chair, and, beaded by this
daughter of the people, they conveyed him ton
friend’s house in the neighborhood. On fifj||hfcig
his destination, tha general recollected leaving %
sum of 130,000f. (£4200) in notes and gob! in hta
desk. He banded the key of the desk to work-mail
in a blouse, whom be did not know. An how *f-