Newspaper Page Text
j YTII—EDITO R.
J. j.xMWYTmTjTt. XttES * H. ELLIS,
. proprietors aid PoblUhers.
’ Tiwe* >• published every Tuesday Morning
* wiii.sg known as “ Winter’s Exchange,”
” l|4 j f # j- Broad street, above Randolph, up
*r* 1 immediately in the rear of the Post-Office.
’ K i|—Three Itollars per annum, payable
jMvrlttsr* saliKrpUoii.
*\ llffr wni be discontinued while any arrear
’ t doe. unless at the option of the proprietors,
* . fiuee Dollars and a Half, will in all caret
where payment is not made before the
rthoe of the subscription year.
’ Uirdhroealv conspicuously inserted atOUe
iMlar per square, for the first insertion, and
n ,.Crsh for every subsequent continuance.
* ‘. || Advertisements sent to ns without specify
„ nnaber of insertions desired, will be con-
until ordered oat, and charged accordingly.
Advertisements published at the usual
aß d with strict attention to the requisition! of
hrr “ales under regular executions, mnst
t< ~ivertiscd Thirty Days; under mortgage fi fas,
mi a -Day<v before the day of sale.
Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
’ .trators or Guardians, for Shty-Dajx before
ualeu of personal property (except negroes) For
ts Days.
t itattoas by Clerks of Courts of Ordinary,upon
, < at.ou for letters of administration are to be
i, hed Car Thirty l>aya.
* t Italians upon application for dismission, by
L Administrators, or Guardians, monthly
m Kv Vlilßih*.
iHderv of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied
m ;th a copy •*’ the bond, or agreement) to make
. ... land, must be published Three Months.
\-4lres by Executors or Administrators orGuar
< of applies!.on to the Court of Ordinary for
,urlßil the Land or Negroes of an estate, Four
< U
V 4irr by Executors or Administrators, to the
|>. Mars sad Creditors of an estate, foi >1 \ Weeks.
g y letter* to the proprietors on business roust
y pmit ftid, to entitle them to attention.
mkTicani’ilr
IfflliSiT
■ BOKAW & CLEMONS,
\|;K fi"W i deainbie assortment o>
. LADIES DRESS GOODS,
voasnting of Krrarli. Jaconet, Organdie, and
watch Nadias Grenaitin.? and Tissue Silks,
mis (Haws foulard-. Fancy color’d. Silk
Harr 4*. Embroidered >lii,l:nw, Sup. French
nad Scotch Ginghams Linen and Silk do;
rstlui Grenadine-, &r.
Together with a lot of MOURNING Silk and
worsted Bareges, Tissue Silks, plain and figured
k reach Lawns and Muslins, Dress Hdkfs., Grena
dine, and Crape Shawls, he.
CROKAW A CLEMONS.
May 9, 1848 20— 8 t
rtWMt AND LEGHORN HATS.
A Large lot, just received, by
BKOKAW & CLEMONS.
May 9, 1848. 20— 8 t
JIiST RECEIVED.
lIREM'H Cl*bs and Cawuineres, Silk and
1 iSuliu; Votings; plain and Rih’d Linen Dril
luti; Siik Worp Italian Cloths; Cashmaretts,
*c- Ac- BKOKAW & CLEMONS.
May 9. 1818 20— 8 t
cheap” dry goods.
r PIE Jtohsfrifcm bit offrrin: thrir slock of
• t VERY DIW PRICES FOR ("ASH —Consisting
is part, of the usual assortment —Printed Muslins,
Bilk Tissues and Grenadines; Jackouet’s ; Gloves
and Hosiery—Bleached and unbleached Shirtings
and Sheeting's from 3-4 to 12-1 wide.
Also,
A Urge stock of Fine sni Extra Fine BROAD
( MirilN CASBINEIIES DHAP De ETE,
I INEN DRII.I>. Lc. dkr.
Ad It Ml Yards of Light and Dark Prints, at Yew*
York t'nat and Lc— —from 6 to 11 cts. per yard
far C ASH. MYGATT & HODGES.
May 9,1948 20—ts
FERN ITUKE Dimity, Furni
ture Calico, Mosquitoe Net
lt-1,11-4. and 5-1 Sheetings, Furniture Fringe,
Table Damask,Cotton Diaper, Doilin, TableCuvers,
Mnacltsi.uck Diaper. Bleached and Brown Homes
puns. - l+ St’let,” Ticking, Checks, Cottonaaes,
Striped Homespuns, Curtain Muslins; a full assort
ment of Housekeeping Goods at
TERRY & GOULDING’S.
May 2, IS4S. 19—ts
LADIES SHOES—ALL KINDS,
At. TERRY & GOULDINGS.
May 2, IMS. 19—ts
sarar
GEORGE A NORRIS,
HIS Jut rrrrirrd his entire purchase of
Spring and summer poods, making a very
laic* Slock, embracing every variety of Fancy
ami Staple Dry Goods, please call and see, our
ptv. *% and l)i*n decide where the cheap goods are.
April 55. |S4S.
SKM nOWKTs.
Jl'sT received,* large assortment, for sale by
April -:.v ÜBORGE A. KORRIS.
Sl'ilKFK II \TS.
B I ST received a large Stock of Pananea I,cg
• “ horn PrdalanJ P. l.onf Hats for sale by
April IS GEORGE A NORRIS.
Iltl'>s (JOOIK
OI K Mudim., Ginghams. Parrcgcs, Lawns &c.
•re worthy of all consideration.
Aor il 85 GEORGE A, NORRIS.
(MGJMI
J. 11. MERRY,
|i. S. Warren's Arrailc,
A few doors ii'iorr the Post Office.
IS >o\\ RKILiVIVG A FILL SUPPLY OF
REABY-MAEE CLOTHING,
~r ever* variety of style and fashion —and made in
the best manner.
A ,*—t'ravats, Scarfs, Socks, Gioves, Suspenders
W... crv. Shirts ofevery description ; HATS, CAPS,
Silk and Cotton Umbrellas, &c. &c.
g%- The” Goods w ill positively be sold at a verv
t| Via. PROFIT, for Cash.
nmbaa. Mav 2. ISfS 19—3 m.
WOODRUFF & WHITTELSEY,
111 YE jast rrrrivrd an additional supply of
11 SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS, j
a-.g winch can be found Shawls, Bonnets and
l- Kixt Ribboaa, Gingham*. Muslins, Calicoes, &c.
Also a good assortment of PANAMA and I.KG—
tlot:> II AT>*, all of which they will sell very
law tor rash or approved credit.
W . k W. have a few patterns of very fine Bareg
es. stack they will sell tor about Half I’rice, rath
er tUi keep them over. I.AItIO call and see.
April J:>, IMS. IS—ts
NEW SPRING AID SUMMER
DRY-GOODS AND CLOTHINO.
f PHE vakstribm bavin? jnst r tnrnetl from
I New-York, would politely call the attention of
tie ladies to their new stock of French, Knglishand
Aw'i an Prints, French I.swns, Ginghams, Jaco
•eit Monslu.s. Cambrics, Swiss, Mull and Book
HiHi> Bishop I-aw ns. Shawls. Scarfs, Neck Ties,
l seaCambr c Handkerchiefs, all kinds of Hosiery,
• *;lendid assortment of fashionable Bonnets and
1* ‘ a*, and numerous other articles, which for
< Sir;i-ana of price, and richness of style, cannot be
vwrpaaaed to the city. P>ac call, we will be glad
*” hor onr Goods, and then judge for yourself.
tVf have also a food assortment of Ready Made
Alottiiag, such as Coats, Vests, Pants, and anew
*• V of Hcmsticlied Linen Bosom Shirts, Drawers,
*1 . Panama and Leghorn Hats, Boots and Shoes,
h of wa ch we otfer at very low prices, but to sat
>*A vourscif, please to call at
E. & B. MENDHF.IM'S
New-York Drv Goods and Clothing Store, four
d* >ra above Messrs. Wade & Middlcbrook's Saddle
ry Store.
Annl 55. )MS. IS—2m
GROCERY AND STAPLE
war
J. B. BROOKS,
It mv sprain: at his am Start an Writ side
Bused street, three doors below Hill, Dawson
fcCo..a
Well Aelt'cled Sleek of Goods,
<• wbteh be laviti a the attcDtion of his friends, and
formvr customers.
w, )l a'so give liberal j>,ices for COTTON and
CXHSTKY pRomX'E.
®- ‘Those indebted to the late firm of J.
fc J. Brooks, are requested to call and liquidate
ther arcouata, which arc in the hands of the under
-g?..-,. ,m. i.b.broo.
LIFE CAN BE PROLON6ED!!
OLD AGE PUT OFF!
tM>MAX*S DAYS IX IIKAI.TH EX-
Tl;.\l*i;t> To OMK HPSDKIiU YEARS!
MW ASH VALUABLE WORK.
VI! Lrrlirn n tkr m if the Lunjs: ram.
ea, prevention, and cure of PULMONARY
r OSS MPTIO.N, ASTHMA, (or Phthisic,) and dis
eases of the Heart; on the lajws of Longevity ; and
••n the mode of preserving Male and Female health
hood red rears.—JS Engravings—324 pages.
*ASH|;i. SLMION FITI 11, A. M., M. D.
Jnat received and for sale hy
TAUVDX It MARBLE.
May Jfi, |SIB.
VOLUME VIII. J
BEORBIA, MUSCOGEE COUNTY
To all Persons to tvlton these Presents shall
come, Greetin'*.
KNOW yf, that we, Farish Cnrtrr, John H.
Howard, John U. B:frd, William L. Jeter,
George B. Smith, and John C. Leitner, have asso
ciated ourselves together as a body coporate, for
the purpose of engaging in the business of Manu
facturing Cotton, Wool, and Machinery ; and that
we have adopted as our corporate name, by which
we will sue and be sued, the “Coweta Falls Man
ufacturing Company,” and by which we will ’be
known and designated ; that vve have subscribed'as
our Capital Stock, the sum of sixty thousand dol
lars, ($60,000.) which will be employed in the
business before mentioned.
FARISH CARTER, <i
JOHN H.HOWARD,
JOHN B. BAIRD, 2
WILLIAM L. JETER, > ■
GEO. B. SMITH, o
J. C. LEITNEII. J |
Signed in presence of
JOHN J. McKENDREE, J. P.
GEORGIA, Muscogee County.—Personally
appeared before me, Farish Carter, President of the
Coweta Falls Manufacturing Company, and being
duly sworn, deposeth and saith, that the Capital
Stock of $60,000, ofsuid Company, has been actu
ally paid in, and is now employed in the business
of said Company, and that said capital consists of
the notes of specie paying banks, and property ne
cessary to carry on the. business ol said Company,
to the aforesaid amount $60,000, cash valuation.
FARISH CARTER, President.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 26th May,
1848. ROBT. B. ALEXANDER, Judge S. C. C.C.
GEORGIA, MUSCOGEE COUNTY.—Recorded
in Clerk’s office Superior Court of said county, in
Book J. page 234, this 24th May, 1848.
E. J. HARDEN, Clerk.
May 30, 1848. 24—2 m
statjb lunatic asylum,
(Near Alilledgcville.)
June Ist. 1848.
EXTRACT FROM THE RULES &c.
1. No citizen of this State will be received as an
inmate or patienfunlcss regularly committed accor
ding to the forms of the law of the State, in relation
“to such cases.
2. The friends of pay-patiapts shall in all case*
be required to pay in advance, one hundred dollars
per annum board, and supply all necessary person
al clothing, and will be liable to no other charge
except in the case ot violent and destructive patients,
whose friends will be required to pay for all articles
belonging to the Institution, which they may won
tonly destroy, and in the event of elopement they
will be charged witli all expenses incurred in their
recovery, while every precaution consistent with
their restoration will be taken to prevent all such
occurrences.
3. An account will be kept with each pay-patiant,
and when the amount deposited has been so nearly
exhausted as to leave an amount sufficient only to
pay board for one month, and pay the expense ol
the patient’s return to their home, tile Superiiitcnt
shall give notice of the fact to bis or her friends,
and if the deposite is not renewed within that pe
riod, lic’shall at its expiration,discharge the patient.
4. Tiie friends of any patient not resident in this
State, will fcc required in all cases to execute a bond
with satisfactory security, for the payment of board
and all expenditures incurred on account of auch
patient, during his or her stay in the institution.
6. It will he absolutely required, that all pauper
patients brought to the institution, shall have on
their reception at least two entire suits of clothing,
in good condition.
6. No patient laboring under any form of conta
gious disease will he admitted to the Institution.
The above extract from the rules of the Asyium,
is published under the direction of the hoard of
trustees, to secure regular conformity to thir re
quirements, and prevent trouble to those who may
send their friends to the Institution.
Clerks of the Inferior Court will materially sub
serve the public convenience by cutting this out and
pasting it up in their offices, where it may he seen
by all persons applying to the Court for the com
mitment of any individual.
THOMAS F. GREEN.
Sup’t. and Resident Plivaician.
June 13, 184S. 25 - 3t
INLAND MAiL ROUTE
TO Till: NORTH,
1 ‘in Branehvitte, Columbia, Camden, Ckcrau’,
F l uyetteville , Raleigh und Felersburg to Balti
more.
A DAILY ll\E of Four Horse Post Coaches lias
been established since July last, between Co
lumbia and Raleigh, at a speed of six miles the hour,
making the whole time through to Baitimore, only
twenty-four hours behind the Wilmington Steam
Boat Route.
Passengers can secure seats in the Stages by
paying through from Columbia to Petersburg (fare
$21,) or by application to J. D. Mathews, Agent
of the Omnibus Company, Augusta, Ga.
Passengers wishing to take the Inland Route,
having through tickets to Charleston, can use the
same to Columbia without additional expense.
K. P. GUiON & CO.
Columbia, S. C., Dec. 21, 1547. 52—Gin
N. B. The only Stage travel is from Columbia to
Raleigh.
MADDEN* ADAMS,
XT AYE removed Iheir Marble Works lo the
J. A East side ofßroad-st. near the Markct-llouse,
where tliev will keep constantly on hand a choice
selection of
ITALIAN AND AMERICAN MARBLE,
FOR
Grave Stones, Monuments, Tab
lets, Tombs, Arc.,
And solicit a continuance of public patronage.
They are determined to sell at a small advance on
New York prices, and lower than any establishment
in this part of the country. ALL ORDERS from
the Country attended to, the same as if ordered in
person.
$y ENGRAVING and CARVING done in tha
best manner. PLASTER of PARIS and AO Ad A
CEhtEXT, always on hand, for sale.
April 11, 184S. 16—tlj
FOR SALE.
r FHE subsrribrrshaving (li'trrniiiird to remove
1 West, now odor for sale their valuable plan
tation, containing 650 acres, situated in Barbour
county, Ala., on the road leading from Columbus,
Ga. to Clayton, Ala., and sixteen miles from the
terminus of the Union Springs and Notorsulga Rail-
Road, (which, as the entire Stock has been taken,
will soon be completed,) and twenty miles from Eu-,
faula. On this plantation are 200 acres cleared land,
mostly lresh ; a good two story dwelling with all
necessary out-houses; anew and excellent gin
house and screw, with a well of fine water iie the
yard, as well as plenty of running water in the fields.
Titles indisputable. The above premises will he
sold at $4 50 per acre, payable first of November
next, or at $5, halfat time above specified, balance
twelve months thereafter. Address,
D. W. HARRIS,
Cusseta, Alabama.
G. B. KEENER,
Mt. Andrew, Barbour co., Ala.
April 11, 1918. 16—eowtf
NOTICE.-
RUN", RUN, RUN HERE, EVERYBODY.
TRAYEllfrom my plantation in the
u-iUN Slh district of Randolph countv, Ga.
<V / J on the I >th ult.twjbay MARE.MULES.
One is a large mule, and upon close examination,
will be found to have only oue good eye ; the other
is a small animal. 1 will give a iiberal reward to
have them stopped, with information of the same,
or delivered at my residence. 4 miles above George
town. JAMES B. SMITH.
May 30, 2S4S 23—U
PIANO FORTES!
MUSIC,
BRUNO STVIRGINS,
HAVE now OR bond, and offer for sale at their
their Stores at
Columbus, Ga.. under the Bank oLSt. Mary’a.
Macon. Ga., opposite the Washington Hall.
Montgomery, Ala., under the Madison House.
A large assortment of Piano Fortes, from the
celebrated Manufactories ol”
J. CHICKENING, NUNNS & CLARK,
LEMIiEL GILBERT, and others.
Pianos with Coleman's improved JE.o\inn Attachment.
New and Fashionable Music ;
Instruction Books for the Piano, Guitar, Violin, Ac.
&c.; Violins, Bass Viols, Guitars, Flutes, Clarinets,
Flageolets, Fifes, Drums, Mail Horns, Hunting
Horns ; Instruments for Brass Bands; Violin Bows;
fine Fiuliqps and French Accordtons; Seraphines ;
best Italian, English & French Violin Strings, and
ail other articles usually kept in a Music Store.
#y- Also, s splendid assortment of fine
Gold and Silver WATCHES,
Jewelry and Silver Ware; Silver Pla
tk..cJi ted Candlesticks and Castors; Lamps, Giron
delies, Fancy Goods, Spectacles, Mathematical In
struments, Kuxors, Knives, Scissors; PISTOLS,
GUNS, and Walker’s Percussion Caps.
Wat cites, Clocks, Jewelry and Musical
Boxes, REPAIRED and WARRANTED.—
Eugrating neatly executed.
Fb.#P, 1818 10—ts
Ulljje
POETRY.
Translated for the New Orleans Crescent.
THE PHOCIAN HYMN.
Or, New Marseillaise of iAibor and Li
berty.
Yes I speed thy vessels o’er the wave,
Thou noble city—ocean’s child 1
And bear to every trampled slave,
That freedom which on thee has smiled.
Marseilles, thou sister of the free,
That flourished in the olden time,
Send forth this song o’er every sea,
From South to North, from clime to clime,
“O’er the waves let your sails be unfurled !
From the uttermost parts of the world,
Come ye to this ancient mart.
Here under our tri-colored star,
No tyrants your prospects shall inar,
Nor labor and liberty part.”
Come with the billows rushing might 1
The kings that ruled us, rule no more ;
Approach ! for Freedom’s brilliant light
Illumines the Republic’s shore.
In ages past, o’er ocean’s crest
The Phocian roamed, and breathed a lay
That finds an echo in each breast,
With the same voice we sing to-day,
“O’er the waves,” &c.
’Twixt sunny Italy and Spain,
Proudly Marseilles in beauty stands ;
The olive of her verdant plain,
Emblem of peace, is in her hands.
Once more our rights triumphant are;
Once more in happy days we live;
The song our fathers sang before,
Again we to our children give,
“O’er the waves,” &c.
This glorious day is not a dream !
O’er the horizon of the sea
Behold our great Republic beam,
To light the earth with liberty.
Not for herself Marseilles has striven,
Though stood she in the fight alone |
But for the world the rock has riven,
And made two ports in place of one.
“O’er the waves,” &c.
POLITICAL.
[for ths times.]
TO TUB WHIGS OF THE SOUTH I
You will shortly be called upon to aid
by your voices, in determining the prin
ciples by which the Government of the
United States is to be controlled in refer
ence to your rights and interests ; and the
question will, in all probability, be presen
ted to you with a clearness, which by a
leasonable man cannot be misapprehended,
and with a force which cannot, without ut
ter madness, be disregarded. Since the
days of Jefferson the principles of the two
great parties of the country have not been
so clearly and distinctly marked as they
probably will be by, the action of the two
great Conventions of the present year.
The Democratic Convention has already
put forth the principles by which it is to
be governed—the principles which are to
be recognised by it in the administration of
the Government. To those principles I
know that most of you in your sober and
unbiassed judgment must heartily respond,
however much you may he warped by
party association. Examine the principles
thus laid down and say if you do not feel
that your rights are amply secured by them.
But I desire to call your attention par
ticularly to the seventh article of the Dem
ocratic faith as adopted by the Covention;
it is in these words:
7. That Congress has no power under the con
stitution to interfere with or control the domestic
institutions of the several States, and such States
are the sole and proper judges of everything ap
pertaining to their own all’airs, not prohibited by
the constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists
or others made to induce Congress to interfere with
questions ot slavery, or to take incipient steps in
relation thereto, arc calculated to lead to the most
alarming ar,d dangerous consequences; and that all
such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish
the happiness of the people, and endanger the sta
bility and permanency of the Union, and ought not
to lie countenanced by any friend of our political
institutions.
You have been often told, and that too
by men who know’ better, that the Northern
Democrats are as much tainted by Aboli
tionism as the Northern Whigs. You
have now a fair opportunity ol testing the
truth of that charge. Do you think that
any Southern Whig dare to attempt to en
graft upon the Whig confession of faith
any such article as that ? Or if he were
to attempt it do you think it would stand
any sort of chance of success ? If your
Southern delegates dare not, for fear of
distracting the party attempt to wring from
them such an expression in favor of your
rights, or if being asked, the great Whig
party shall refuse to give such guarantee of
the safety of your rights and interests can
you, will you any longer affiliate with
them ?
The great Whig party is essentially Fed
eral, and is very rapidly making Abolition
ism its leading and distinctive characteris
tic. To this no man who is not madly de
termined to shut his eyes can be blind.
The great mass of Southern Whigs do not
rightfully belong to that party —you have
nothing in common with them—you can
not remain with them if you would. The
Convention now in session in Philadelphia,
will, by their actions manifest, a contempt
for your influence, and a disregard of your
rights and interests, to which it will re
qui.e a very strong devotion to party to en
able you quietly to submit, unless indeed
your delegates shall have the goodness to
relieve the Convention from this necessity
by failing to assert your rights and requir
ing some security for them.
1 tell you now that they dare not de
nounce or even oppose Abolitionism, for it
constitutes the strength of the party, its
only chance for success. They may pos
sibly, for the sake of success, nominate
some man from whom you may be induced
to hope something of security for your in
terests. But can you, on this question, re
ly upon any man who would accept a nom
ination at the hands of the Whig party ?
Could any man, after the example of Mr.
Tyler, dare to veto any law they might
pass for your destruction ? Where is the
man who could or would meet the storm
that would gather around him under such
circumstances ? But I must stop— l wish
to be read, and people prefer short pieces
to long ones. I may resume my pen and
if I do it will be to show you that on the
subject of Abolition, at least so far as the
Wilmot Proviso goes, you can have noth
ing to hope from any man who may be
nominated by the Whig Convention. In
the meantime look out to see if the Whigs
incorporate into their confession of faith
any such article as that I have extracted
from the Democratic creed. If they do
then I take back all I have said about
Northern Whigs—but if they do not, what
then ! MUSCOGEE.
Note by the Editor. —The foregoing
was handed in for last week’s paper. The
proceedings of the Whig Convention trans
pired since it was written,show how truly
eur correspondent has prophesied.
Room for the Boys ‘.—lt has been esti
mated that 600,000 voters will take part in
the Presidential election of 1818, who, in
J|M%ear 1844, were between the ages of
“THK UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.**
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 20, 1849.
LETTER OF MR. CASS.
From the Washington Union.
Washington, Dec. 34, 1847.
Dear Sir; I have received your letter,
and shall answer it, as frankly as it is writ
ten.
You ask me whether I am in favor of
the acquisition of Mexican territory, and
what are my sentiments with regard to the
Wilmot Proviso ?
I have so often and so explicitly stated
my views of the first question, in the Sen
ate, that it seems almost unnecessary to
repeat them here. As you request it, how
ever, I shall briefly give them.
1 think, then, that no peace should be
granted to Mexico, till a reasonable indem
nity is obtained for the injuries which she
Ins done us. The territorial extent of this
indemnity is, in the first instance, a subject
of executive consideration. There the
constitution has placed it, and there I am
willing to leave it; not only because I have
full confidence in its judicious exercise,
but because, in thewer varying circum
stances of a war, it would be indiscreet, by
a public declaration, to commit the country
to any line of indemnity, which might
otherwise be enlarged, as the obstinate in
justice of the enemy prolongs the contest,
with its loss of blood and treasure.
It appears to me that the kind of meta
physical magnanimity, which would reject
all indemnity at the close of a bloody and
expensive war, brought on by a direct at
tack upon our troops by the enemy, and
preceded by a succession of unjust acts for
a series of years, is unworthy of the age
in which we live, as it is revolting to the
common sense and practice of mankind.
It would conduce but little to our future
security or indeed, to our present reputa
tion, to declare that we repudiate all expec
tation of compensation from the Mexican
government, and are fighting, not for any
practical result, but for some vague, per
haps some philanthropic object, which es
capes my penetration, and must be defined
by those who assume this new principle of
national inter-communication. All wars
are to be deprecated, as well by the states
man as by the philanthropist. They are
great evils; but there are greater evils
than these, and submission to injustice is
among them. The nation, which would
refuse to defend its rights and its honor,
when assailed, would soon have neither to
defend ; and when driven to war, it is not
by professions of disinterestedness and
declarations of magnanimity, that its ra
tional objects can be best obtained, or other
nations taught a lesson of forbearance—
the strongest security for permanent peace.
We are at war with Mexico, and its vigor
ous prosecution is the surest means of
its speedy termination, and ample indem
nity the surest guarantee against the re
currence of such injustice as provoked it.
The Wilmot Proviso has been before
the country some time. It has been re
peatedly discussed in Congress, and by the
public press. 1 am strongly impressed
with the opinion, that a great change has
been going on in the public mind upon this
subject—in my own as well as others ; and
that doubts are resolving themselves into
convictions, that the principle it involves
should be kept out of the national legisla
ture, and left to the people of the confed
eracy in their respective local governments.
The whole subject is a comprehensive
one, and fruitful of important consequen
ces. It would be ill-timed to discuss it
here. I shall not assume that responsible
task, but shall confine myself to such gen
eral views, as are necessary to the fair ex
hibition of my opinions.
We may well regret the existence of
slavery in the Southern States, and wish
they had been saved from its introduction.
But there it is, and not by the act of the
present generation ; and we must deal with
it as a great practical question, involving
the most momentous consequences. We
have neither the right nor the power to
touch it where it exists, and if we had both,
their excrc'ise, by any means heretofore
suggested, might lead to results which no
wise man would willingly encounter, and
which no good man could contemplate with
out anxiety.
The theory of our government presup
poses that its various members have reser
ved to themselves the regulation of all sub
jects relating to what may be termed their
internal police. They are sovereign with
in their boundaries, except in those cases
where they have surrendered to the gene
ral government a portion of their rights, in
order to give effect to the objects of the
Union, whether these concern foreign na
tions or the several States themselves.—
Local institutions, if I may so speak, wheth
er they have reference to slavery, or to
any other relations, domestic or public, are
left to local authority, either original or
derivative. Congress has no right to say
that there shall be slavery in New York,
or that there shall be no slavery in Geor
gia ; nor is there any other human power,
but the people of those States, respective
ly, which can change the relations existing
therein; and they can say, if they will,
we will have slavery in the former, and
we will abolish it in the latter.
In various respects the Territories differ
from the States. Some of their rights are
inchoate, and they do not possess the pe
culiar attributes of sovereignty. Their
relation to the general government is very
imperfectly defined by the constitution, and
it will be found, upon examination, that in
that instrument the only grant of power
concerning them is conveyed in the phrase,
“ Congress shall have the power to dispose
of and make all needful rules and regula
tions respecting the territory and ether
property belonging to the United States.”
Certainly this phraseology is very loose, if
it were designed to include in the grant
the whole power of legislation over per
ils as well as things. The expression,
the “ territory and other property,” fairly
construed, relates to the public lands, as
such, to arsenals, dock-yards, forts, ships,
and all the various kinds of property,
which the United States may and must
possess.
But surely the simple authority to dis
pose of and regulate these, does not extend
to the unlimited power of legislation; to
the passage of all laws, in the most gene
ral acceptation of the word; which by the
bye, is carefully excluded from the sen
tence. And, indeed, if this were so, it
would render unnecessary another provis
ion of the constitution, which grants to
Congress the power to legislate, with the
consent of the States respectively, over all
places purchased for the “ erection of forts,
magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, &c.”—
These being the “ property ” ol the United
States, if the power to make “ needful rules
and regulations concerning” them includes
the general power of legislation, then the
grant of authority to regulate “ the terri
tory and ether property of the U. States,”
is unlimited, wherever subjects are found
for its operation, and its exercise needed no
auxiliary provision. If, on the othej hand,
it does not include such power of legisla
tion over the “ other property” of the Uni
ted States, then it does not include it over
their “ territory,” for the same terms which
grant the one grant the other. “ Territo
ry” is here classed with property,and treat
ed as such, and the object was evidently
to enable the general government, as a
property holder—which, from necessity, it
must be—to manage, preserve and “ dis
pose of” such property as it might possess,
and which authority is essential almost to
its being. But the lives and persons- of
our citizens, with the vast variety of ob
jects connected with them, cannot be con
trolled by an authority which is merely
called into existence for the purpose of
making rules and regulations for the dis
position and management of property.
Such it appears to me, would be the con
struction put upon this provision of the
constitution, were this question now first
presented for consideration, and not con
trolled by imperious circumstances. The
original ordinance of the Congress of the
Confederation, passed in 1787, and which
was the only act upon this subject in force
at the adoption of the Constitution, provi
ded a complete frame of government for
the country north of the Ohio, while in a
territorial condition, and for its eventual ad
mission in separate States into the Union.
And the persuasion, that this ordinance
contained within itself all the necessary
means of execution, probably prevented
any direct reference to the subject in the
Constitution, further than vesting in Con
gress the right to admit the States, formed
under it, into the Union. However, cir
cumstances arose, which required legisla
tion,'as well over the territory north of the
Ohio, as over other territory, both within
and without the original Union, ceded to
the general government; and, at various
times, a more enlarged power has been
exercised over the Territories —meaning
thereby the different Territorial Govern
ments—than is conveyed by the limited
grant referred to. How far an existing
necessity may have operated in producing
this legislation, and thus extending, by
rather a violent implication, powers not
directly given; I know not. But certain
it is, that the principle of interference
should not be carried beyond the necessary
provision for their eventual admission into
the Union ; leaving, in the meantime, lo
the people inhabiting them, to regulate
their internal concerns in their own way.
They are just as capable of doing so as
the people of. the States ; and they can do
so, at any rate, as soon as their political in
dependence is recognized by admission in
to the Union. During this temporary con
dition, it is hardly expedient to call into
exercise a doubtful and invidious authority
which questions the intelligence of a re
spectable portion of our citizens, and whose
limitation, whatever it maybe, will be Tap
idly approaching its termination—an au
thority which would give to Congress des
potic power, uncontrolled by the Constitu
tion, over most important sections of cur
common country. For if the relation of
master and servant may be regulated or
annihilated by its legislation, so may the
relation of husband and wife, of parent
and child, and of any other condition which
our institutions, and the habits of our soci
ety recognise. What would be the thought
if Congress should undertake to prescribe
the terms of marriage in New York, or to
regulate the authority of parents over .their
children in Pennsylvania! And yet it
would he as vain to seek one justifying the
interference of the national legislature in
the cases referred to in the original States
of the Union. I speak here of the inhe
rent power of Congress, and do not touch
the question of such contracts, as may be
formed with new States when admitted into
the confederacy.
Os all the questions that can agitate us,
those which are merely sectional in their
character are the most dangerous, and the
most to be deprecated. The warning voice
of him who, from his character, and servi
ces and virtue, had the best right to warn
us, proclaimed to his ccuntryjncn, in his
Farewell Address—that monument of wis
dom for him, as I hope it will be of safety
for them—how much wo had to apprehend
from measures peculiarly affecting geo
graphical portions of our country. The
grave circumstances in which we are now
placed, make these words, words of safety;
for I am satisfied, from all I have seen and
heard here, that a successful attempt to
engraft the principles of the Wilmot Pro
viso upon the legislation of this government
and to apply them to new territory, should
new territory he acquired, would seriously
affect our tranquility. Ido not suffer my
self to foresee or to foretell the consequen
ces that would ensue ; for I trust and believe
there is good sense and good feeling enough
in the country to avoid them, by avoiding
all occasions which might lead to them.
Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exer
cise of any jurisdiction by Congress over
this matter, and I am in favor of leaving to
the people of any territory, which may be
hereafter acquired, the right to regulate it
for themselves, under the general princi
ples of the constitution. Because
1. I do not sec in the constitution any
grant of the requisite power to Congress ;
and I am not disposed to extend a doubtful
precedent beyond its necessity—the estab
lishment of territorial governments when
needed—leaving to the inhabitants all the
rights compatible with the relations they
bear to the confederation.
2d. Because I believe this measure, if
adopted, would weaken, if not impair, the
union of the States; and would sow the
seedsof future discord, which would grow
up and ripen into an abundant harvest of
calamity.
3. Because I believe ‘a general convic
tion, that such a position would succeed,
would lead to an immediate withholding
of the supplies, and thus to a dishonorable
termination of the war. I think no dispas
sionate observer at the seat of government
can doubt the result.
4. If, however, in this I am under amis
apprehension, I am under none in the prac
tical operation of this restriction, if adopted
by Congress upon a treaty of peace making
acquisition of Mexican territory. Such
a treaty would be rejected just as certainly
as presented to the Senate. More than
cne third of that body would vote against
it, viewing such a principle as an exclu
sion of the citizens of the slave-holding
States from a participation in the benefits
acquired by the treasure and exertions of
all, and which should be common to all.—
I am repeating—neither advancing nor
defending these views. That branch of the
subject does not lie in my way, and I shall
not turn aside to seek it. .
In this aspect of the matter, the people
of the United States must choose between
this restriction and the extent of thdir ter
ritorial limits. They cannot have both;
and which they will surrender must de
pend upon their representatives first, and
then, if these fail them, upon themselves.
o. But after all, it seems to be general
ly conceded, that this restriction if carried
into effect, could not operate upon any state
to be formed from newly acquired territory.
The well known attributes of sovereignty,
recognised by us as belonging to the state
government*, would sweep before them any
such barrier, and would leave the people
to express and exert their will at pleasure.
Is the object, then, of temporary exclusion
for so short a period as the duration of Ter
ritorial governments, worth the price at
which it should be purchased ?—worth the
discord it would engender, the trial to which
it would expose our Union, and the evils
that would be the certain consequence, let
that trial result as it might ? As the course
which has been intimated, rather than pro
posed, of engrafting such a restriction upon
any treaty of acquisition, I persuade myself
it would find but little favor in any portion
of this country. Such an arrangement
would render Mexico a party, having a
right to interfere in our internal institutions,
in questions left by the constitution to the
state governments, and would inflict a se
rious blow upon our fundamental princi
ples. Few indeed, I trust, there are among
us, who would thus grant to a foreign pow
er the right to inquire into the constitution
and conduct of the sovereign states of this
Union; and iftherearcauy, lam not among
them, and never shall be. To the people
of this country, under God, now and here
after, are its destinies committed ; and we
want no foreign power to interrogate us,
treaty in hand, and to say, why have you
done this, or why have you left undone
that ? Our own dignity, and the princi
ples of National Independence, unite to re
pel such a proposition.
But there is another important consider
ation, which ought not to be lost sight of,
in the investigation of this subject. The
question that presents itself is npt a ques
tion of the increase, but of the diffusion of
slavery. Whether its sphere be stationary
or progressive, its amount will be the same.
The rejection of this restriction will not add
one to the class of servitude, nor will its
adoption give freedom to a single being
who is now placed therein. The same
numbers will be spread over greater terri
tory ; and so far as compression, with less
abundance of the necessaries of life, is an
evil, so far will that evil be mitigated by
transporting slaves to anew country, and
giving them a larger space to occupy.
1 say this in the event of the extension
of slavery over any new acquistion. But
can it go there ? This may be well doubt
ed. All the descriptions which reach us
of the condition of the Californias &of New
Mexico, to the acquisition of which our ef
forts seem at present directed, unite in rep
resenting these countries as agricultural
regions, similar in their products to our
middle States, and generally unfit for the
production of the great staples, which can t
alone render slave labor valuable. If we y
are not grossly deceived—and it is difficult
to conceive how we can be—the inhabitants
of these regions, whether they depend up
on their ploughs or their herds, cannot be
slaveholders. Involuntary labor, requiring
the investment of large capital, can only be
profitable when employed in the produc
tion of a few favored articles confined by
, nature to special districts, and paying lar
ger returns than the usual agricultural pro
ducts spread over more considerable por
tions of the earth.
In the able letter of Mr. Buchanan upon
this subject, not long since given to the
public, he presents similar considerations
with great force. “Neither,” says the dis
tinguished writer, “the soil, the climate,
nor the productions of California south of
36 deg. 30in, nor indeed of any portion of
it, north or south, is adapted to slave labor;
and besides every facility would be there
afforded for the slave to escape from his
master. Such property would be entirely
insecure in any part of California. It is
morally impossible, therefore that a major
ity of the emigrants to that portion of the
territory south of the 36 deg. 30m, which
will be chiefly composed of our citizens,
will ever re-established slavery within its
limits.”
“In regard to New Mexico, east of the
Bio Grande, the question has already been
settled by the admission of Texas into the
Union.
“Should we acquire territory beyond the
Rio Grande and east of the Rocky Moun
tains, it is still more impossible that a ma
jority of the people would consent to re-es
tablish slavery. They are themselves a col
ored population, and among them the negro
dees not belong socially, to a degraded
race.”
With this last remark Mr. Walker fully
coincides in his letter written in 1811, upon
the annexation of Texas, and which every
where produced so favorable an impression
upon the public mind, as to have conduced
very materially to the accomplishment of
that great measure. “Beyond the Del
Norte,” says Mr. Walker “slavery will not
pass ; not only because it is forbidden by
law, but because the colored race there
preponderates in the ratio of ten to one over
the whites; and holding, as they do the
government and most of the offices in their
possession,they will not permitthe enslave
ment of any portion of the colored race,
which makes and executes the laws of the
country.”
The question, it will be therefore seen
on examination, does not regard the exclu
sion of slavery from a region where it now
exists, but a prohibition against its introduc
tion where it does not exist and where, from
the feelingss of the inhabitants and the laws
of nature, “it is morally impossible,” as Mr.
Buchanan says, that it can ever re-estab
lish itself.
It augurs well fur the permanence of our
confederation, that during more than half
a century, which has tdapsed since the es
tablishment of this government, many se
rious questions and some of the highest
importance, have agitated the public mind
and more than once threatened the gravest
consequences; but that they have all in
succession passed away, leaving our insti
tutions unscathed, and cur country advanS
cing in numbers, power, and wealth, and
in all other elements of national prosperity,
with a rapidity unknown in ancient or in
modem days. In times of political excite
ment, when difficult and delicate questions
present themselves for solution, there is
one ark of safety for us; and that is, an
honest appeal to the fundamental princi
ples of our Union, and a stem determina
tion to abide their dictates. This course
of proceeding has carried us in safety
through many a trouble, and I trust will
carry us safely through many more, should
many more be destined to assail us. The
Wilmot Provisoseeks to take from its legit
imate tribunal a question of domestic poli
cy, having no relation to the union, as such
and to transfer it to another created by the
people for a special purpose, and foreign
to the subject matter involved in this issue.
By going back to our true principles, we
go back to the road of peace and safety.—
Ijeave to the people, who will be affected
by this question, to adjust it upon their own
responsibility, and in their own manner,
and we shall render another tribute to the
original principles of our government, and
furnish, another guaranty for it* perma
nence and prosperity.
I am, dear sir respectfully, your obedi
ent servant, LEWIB CASS.
A. O. P. Nicholson, Esq., Nashville,
Tenu.
| NUMBER 26-.
STRIKE GEORGIA RKOJI THE LISTOP
THE IHPRACTICABI.ES,
It is well known to our readers, that
whilst Gen. CASS, the nominee of the
Democratic party for the Presidency, de
nies the power of Congress to restrict the
introduction of slavery into the new Terri
tories, he explicitly admits the right of the
people of the Territories to regulate the
subject of slavery for themselves. The
concluding paragraph of his letter to Mr.
Nicholson, of Tennessee, upon the subject
will be found at the head of our columns.
Whilst this letter of Gen. Cass has been
satisfactory to nearly all the slaves-holding
States, it has met with continued assault
from the Charleston Mercury the organ of
Mr. Calhoun and the South Carolina im
practicables. In the recent State Conven
tion of the Democrats in the State of Ala
bama, Mr. Yancey introduced, and succee
ded in passing through the Convention, a
resolution astfsrtmg that neither Congress
or the Territories, had any control over
the subject of slavery. The design of this
resolution with the pledge passed by the
Convention was to exclude Gen*. Cass
from the support of the Democracy of Ala
bama.
This is the celebrated “Alabama resolu
tion” The Charleston Mercury has claim
ed for it the support of Virginia and Geor
gia, and perhaps other States besides. Let
us see how the matter now stands. In the
late Baltimore Convention, Mr. Yancey, a
delegate from Alabama, in company with
a delegate from Florida and another from
South Carolina, introduced in the shape of
a minority report, the following resolution
which they intended to cover the identical
ground previously assumed in the “Ala
bama Resolution.”
Reiolved,That the doctrine of non interference
with the rights of pro|>erty of any portion of the
people of this confederation, be it in the States or
in the Territories, by any other than the parties
interested in them, is the true republican doctrine
recognised by this body :
The reader will perceive that the reso
lution is drawn in vague and general terms
and does not explicitly present the question
whether the Territories have the right to
regulate the subject of slavery exclusively
for themselves. Hence it was necessary
to call upon the mover of the resolution for
an explanation of its meaning . Mr.
Yancey had not proceeded far in his
speech in support of the resolution, when,
according to the report of the proceedings
taken by Doct. Houston for the Washing
ton Union, and published in that paper of
the 28th ult.: “77/e gentlemen from Ala
bama wits interrupted by a delegate from
Pennsylvania, who desired to know in
what the view's of Gen. Cass differed from
the resolution reported by the minority of
the Committee.” To this interrogatory Mr.
Yancey replied as follows;
I will answer the delegate from Pennsylvania.
Gen. Cass, I understand, bolds that, while Con
gress cannot interfere with slavery in the estates or
Territories, the inhabitants of a Territory, while
yet under a territorial government, may make
such regulations as will exclude slaves from being
held in such Territory. The minority of the com
mittee held, that while in such a state or condition,
such inhabitants assimilate themselves to a tenancy
in common. Each has an equal right to enjoy
the territory, with his right of property. Their
sovereignty as a people is in abeyance. They
possess the tenancy in common, under the rules
and regulations prescribed by Congress, and have
no rights of sovereignty until they meet in conven
tion to frame a constitution preparatory to admis
sion as a State into the Union. In that stage they
have an undoubted right to establish or to exclude
slavery as an institution, and not before. Before
that, neither Congress nor tho inhabitants of the
Territory can establish or exclude slavery from the
Territory.
Be it now remembered that this was the
construction of the resolution placed upon
it by Mr. Yancey, the mover of it, and the
organ of the minority of the committee, Af
ter Mr. Yancey had finished his speech
upon the resolution, the report contin
ues—
The question was taken on Mr. Yancey’s
resolution, and it was, by States, rejected
—‘3(s to 216—as follows :
YEAS—Maryland 1, South Carolina, 9, Flor
id a 3, Alabama 9, Arkansas 3, Tennessee l,Ken
tucky 1—36.
NAYS —Maine 9. New Hampshire 6, Massa
chusetts 13, Vermont 6, Rhode Island 4, Connec
ticut 6, New Jersey 7, New York—, Pennsylva
nia 26. D.-laware 3, Maryland 6, Virginia 17,
North Carolina 11, Mississippi 5, Louisiana 6,
Texas 4, Tennessee 12, Kentucky 11, Ohio 23‘
Indiana 12, Illinois 9, Mictrgun 5, lowa 4, Mis
souri 7, Wisconson 4—216.
* * * * t *
Mr. McALLISTER, of the Georgia delegation,
in anouncing the vote of that State on the resolu
tion, stated that he was instructed to accompany
the vote by an explanation.—The majority of the
delegation did not concur in the construction placed
upon the resolution by the mover of it; and be
lieving that its phraseology embodied the principle
contained in a resolution of the Georgia convention,
which he had read in the course ot his remarks on
the previous evening, he announced the vote of
Georgia in favor of the resolution, su hject to this
explanation. Two of the delegates, it was his du
ty to add voted for the resolution without restric
tion.
Thus it will lie perceived that all of the
Georgia delegation with the exception of
two repudiated the resolution as explain
ed by the mover, and that Georgia voted
for it only because its 11 phraseology em
bodied the principle contained in a resolu
tion of the Georgia convention” which Mr.
McAllister had read on apreviousday, and
he announced the vote of Georgia in favor
of Mr Yancey’s resolution “ subject to this
resolution.” Upon turning to a report of a
previous day, we find that Mr. McAllister
read the following resolution adopted by
the Legislature (Democratic Convention it
should be) of Georgia:
Resolved, That the people of the south do not
ask of Congres to establish the institution of slave
ry in any of the territory that may be acquired by
the United states. They simply require that the
inhabitants of each territory shall lie left free to
determine for themselves, whether the institution
of slavery shall or shall not form a part of their
system.
‘That was the charter on which be
stood.’ We now find the exact ground oc
cupied by the Georgia delegation. All of
them except two repudiating the “Alaba
ma Resolution” as explained by Mr. Yan
cey, and adhering to the doctrine ofUASS,
DALLAS and the GEORGIA DEMO
CRATIC CONTENTION. We say a
gain, strike Georgia from the list of the
impracticabics-—strike Virginia, which
has been classed with them, from the list-—-*
and let the vast majority of slaveholding
States from Maryland to Texas speak a
language of content with the letter of Gen
Cass, which leaves the question of slavery
in the territories, to be decided, as it should
be, by the inhabitants of the territories.
According to every principle of self-gov
ernment it is their business, to the exclu
sion of all other persons whatever.—[Ath
ens Banner.
From the Philadelphia “Plain Dealer
.1 SILAS WRIGHT.
While the few presses and politicans in
New York, that pretend to be particular
ly tenacious of Silas Wright, the former
chosen leader of the intelligent Democra
cy of the Empire State, are openly invi
ting the people to bolt the nominations of
the Baltimore Convention, and, among
other reasons, because the National Con
vention would not affirm the doctrine of
the Wilmot Proviso, to be the doctrine <*
the democratic party, it may be useful
look back to the resolution on the subject
of slavery, adopted by the National Coßr
ventioft of 1&48, and endorsed by the late
Convention. The Washington corresponds
ent of the New York Evening Potty thop
alludes to this resolution :
“ ‘The resolution, if it has any meaning at
must intend to pfedge the Democratic party
to the most ultra doctrine of the extenaiooiste ; Ik
must mean to endorse to the fullest extent all IfcaC
has ever been claimed by the Calhouns and Hay
raes of the south. It covers the very’ ground that
they have lately assumed (bat Congress bava a
power to legislate at all upon slavery, any mot*
for the territory than for tba states, it is the on
ly fair construction that can be placed upon the
resolution, and that the State oft Virginia, which
has been foremost to take in convention’ the shove
extreme position, well understood, when it voted
unanimously for the declaration.”
The same writer next goes on to show
that this resolution is quite as objectiona
ble as the amendment of {Mu. Yancey, of
Alabama, offered i stead, and rejected!
by the Convention. It is regarded, in a
word, as a complete concession to the South*
on the part of the North.
We have said that this resolution on tha
subject of slavery, and si unsparingly
denounced, is the same that was adopted
in 18-14, and we believe we are correct in
saying, that it was originally passed by
the Democratic National Convention of
1840. It strikes us, as exceedingly well
and cautiously written. Nothing could
be plainer, or more distinct— nothing less
ambiguous, or less unintelligible. Pre
pared with reference to a period, when tha
slavery question had not assumed a very
exciting aspect, it answers as well for the
present, ns it did eight or four years ago.
This view of it was taken by the late
Convention, and it was this which led
finally to its unanimous adoption, by that
highly intellectual body. We are now
glad to say that the resolution which has
thus received the approval of three consec
utive National Conventions, was jirritten
by the late Silas Wrigiit, ofNew York.
We state thisjupon the very highest au
thority. We have it from the lips of one
who konws the fact, and who declares that
it was frequently spoken of by the lamen
ted Whisht, during his lifetime.
Strong and comprehensive as this reso
lution is, the fact that it was finally adopt
ed by the Convention, and by a unanimous,
vote, was no less a compliment to Suuas
Wright, than concession to the Barn
burners, who would now outrange his
memory, by making his own sentiment *
the excuse for disaffection to the great
Democratic party. What an unnatural 9
spectacle ! How unworthy of the dignity
of the Democratic party of the greatest
State in the Union ! How bitter a com
mentary upon the professions which risa
to the lips of those who declare them
selves the friends and followers of Sells
Wrigiit !
We cannot believe that the Democracy
of New York will be led to desert the
bright flag of the Democracy and of
country, by any such disaffection as that
which counsels opposition to the cause
of Cass and Butler, especially when
that opposition is involved upon grounda
so weak and feeble. From the St. Law
rence to the Hudson, they will, we pre
dict, repudiate the attempt, which is alike
an insult to themselves and to the mem<9
try of the illustrious dead ! If the closed
grwe of a departed patriot could speak, it
would plead eloquently in favor of tha
resolutions of 1840 and 1844, and of tha
champions who support the Democrlic causa
in 1848.
From the Georgia Telegraph.
From Capt. Bragg’s Battery.— Tha
Pittsfield Eagle, a leading Whig Journal
of Western Massachusetts, says “it will
not support General Taylor if nominated
by the National Convention.” The Glouce
ster Telegraph says the same.— But one
Taylor delegate has been elected from tha
New-England States. The Whig press of
that section declare openly, that they will
not support a slaveholder nor an advocate
for slavery : The W higs of Ohio seem to ba
of the same opinion from the following re
solution. “ Resolved, That we will sup
port no man for President or Vice Presi
dent of the United States, at the ensuing
election who is a slaveholder or who is not
utterly opposed to the extension of slavery.**
The address of the Whigs of the Massa
chusetts legislature in presenting Mr. Web
ster as a candidate for the presidency, sayst
If such a candidate as Mr. Webster, re
presenting Whig principles cannot be cho
sen by the Whigs of the Union, we sea
not how any success can attend the party ,
except by a sacrifice of those principle*
themselves, or some of them and thus tho
Whigs of Massachusetts cannot propose.”
The following resolution was unanimously
passed by a Whig convention in Massa
chusetts. “ Resolved, That in the opinion
of this convention, no candidate for the
presidency can receive the electoral vote of
Massachusetts who is not publicly known
to be opposed to the extension of slavery .”
Zac.
Turn About.—Two Yankees were strol
ling in the woods without amis in their pos
session, and observing a bear ascending a
tree with its large paws, clasped round the
trunk, one of them ran forward and caught
the bear’s paws, one in each hand. He
instantly bawled out to his comrade:
‘Jonathan’ I sav, go borne and bring me
something as fast as you can, till I kill the
varmint. Mind don’t stay, for I’m in •
fix.’
Jonathan run off as fast as he could, but
was an exceedingly long time returning.
During the interval the bear made several
desperate attempts to bite the hands of him
who held it. At length Jonathan retamed.
‘Helloo Jonathan, what the deuce has kept
you V
Jonathan replied: ‘Well, I’ll tell you,
when at home, breakfast was about ready,
aud 1 guessed it would be as well to wait
for it.’
‘Here now, Jonathan,’ said his compan
ion, ‘come you and hold it, and I’ll kill the
crittur in a jiffy.’
Jonathan seized the bear’s paws, anil
held the animal while the other could kill it.
‘Well Jonathan, have you got hold of
him V
‘I guess I have’ replied Jonathan.
“Very, well, hold him fast; 1 guess Tit
go to dinner ?’
A Rostov Beau akd Belle or 1750. —01d
Times. —Rev. Mr. Fox, in a paper mitten is 1849
to a friend, gave a familiar sketch of the Banner*
apd habits of the good people ot Boston nearly a
century ago. The following is that part whieb
describes the dress of a couple, as they wor® arrow*
ged for marriage;
“To begin with the lady: her long locks ware
strained upward over an immense cushion that oat
like an incubus on her head, and then plastered over
with pomatum, and sprinkled witb a shower of
white powder. The height ot this tower was some
what over a foot. One single white rose-bad lay
upon ita summit, like an eagle on a haystack. Over
her neck, and bosom was folded a lace handkerchief
fastened in front by a bosom-pin, rather larger than
& dollar, consisting of your grandfather’s ministers
set in virgin gold. Her airy term was braced np
in a satin dress, the sleeves tight a* the. natural
skin to the arm, with a waist formed by a hoddiss
worn outside, whence the skirt flowed off and wan
distended at the ankles by an ample hoop. Shoes
of white kid, with peaked toes, and heels ol two os
three inches elevation, enclosed her het. as & fife,
tered with spangles as her pedal members peeped
curiously out.
“Now for the swain.- your granndfatber slept
in an arm-ebair the night before his Wedding, that
the arrangement of hiy pericranium, whieb bed been
under the handset • barber the whole afternoon,
mighf not be disturbed! - His hair wee sleeked bark
end plentifully floured, while bis cue projected lihe*
the handle of a skillet. Hiecoat wee of • sky Wtw
silk, lined with yellow ; his long vest of white satin
embroidered with gold lace ; hie breecbe* of the
same material, and tied at ill* fence with r pink
ribbon. White silk stockings and pumps, with
locks and tics of the same hue, completed the hf.
ed around his wrists, a gotten tone frill worked
in correspondence, end bearing the sunictuw
beloved, finished hie truly genteel ifptmiiHMt**