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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR.
. FORSYTH. 4. T. MI.IS & . ELLIS,
ProprifUrs and Pablishm.
Ti*** “ plltH*il every Tuecdav Morning
oieg known “ \Vintet*s Exchange,”
.-.Je of Bread trr*t, above Randolph, up
ir ., iiMoedwtely u the rear of the Post-Office.
T 1 ‘,l! W> —lit roc Dollars per annum, payable
a, a_'iWr fiar new sulmcrpitous.
V,. paper will be diccoalinaed while any arrear
srr :e. jn'.caa at the option of the proprietors,
sSl i txrvr Itellars and a Half, will in all ca*es
ci.-cted ohere payment ia not made before the
tt „,,t on •f the aubscnpiion year.
Utertiarnrlik conspicuously inserted at One
■letiar •er wjuare, for the Erst insertion, and
glftjwC at* exery *ube<juent continuance.
\ll %diert;ve.ießk sent to us without rpecify-
aamberof insertions desired, will be enn
{ *c-.J ustil wederc-i oat, and charged accordingly.
%d*-rti eiueatK published at the usual
n! , s, sad with strict attention to the requisitions of
fc ,r.'dT‘ “sale* under regular executions, must
%e a ei - sed Thirty Hats; under mortgage fi fas,
>i\lv~Hav before the day of sale.
waiCs •” Lind and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
- , ■strata's or tiamluai, for hi\t)*Da}s before
Sa le* of personal property (except negroes) For
"t'.t- *• ’>y Cierks of Courts of Ordinary,upon
■ .oa for .e::crs of administration are to be
paWntieJ for Thirty Days.
t itat ns upon application fur dismission, by
t>. -a- Administrators, or Guardians, monthly
f m . tt .nth'.
Orders of Coarts of Ordinary, (accompanied
of toe bond, or agreement) to make
t . , t land, m ist be published Three M Ilths,
\ ■ t ■ > . , ‘jturs or Administrators or Guar-
C:>'S. of ana .cation to the Court of Ordinary for
.istsseil the Land or Negroes of an estate, Four
V .lire* by Executors or Administrators, to the
JV v .is and CrHiton of an estate, sot Six Weeks.
*j- Letter* to the proprietors on business must
paid, to entitle them to attention.
MERCANTILE.
IMWiiT
BEOKAW A CLEMONS,
a pK nw receiving a desirable assortment of
A L VDIES DRESS GOODS,
t , lM —f* ~t of Frearh. Jacnnet. Organdie, and
uratcli slaslitto, (ireuadme and Tissue Silks,
puia(hat F-iulnrds. Fancy color'd. Silk
Barege. K uhroidered .Muslius. Sup. l<'rench
and sw itch Cinqhaius, Linen and Silk do;
ceM* tirettad Inc*. *c.
t . gel her With a lot of MOURNING Bilk and
worsted Biresus, Tissue Silks, plain and figured
*1 Lawns and Muslins, Dress Hdkfs., Grena
dine, and Crape Shawls, Ac.
BROKAW A CLEMONS.
Ma. IMS 20—St
PANAMA AND LEGHDKh HATS,
a Ijf’ lot, just ren'ieed. by
BROKAW & CLEMONS.
Mae t. IHh). 20—8 t
Jt *T KKCEIYED.
1 TRENCH Cl whs and Cassunefes. Silk and
Sslnti Vestings; plain and Ri"'d Linen Dril
|mgs;Ndk Warp Italian Cloths; CashntareUs,
Ac Ac. BROKAW dc CLEMONS.
Mar . 1919 20—8 t
GEORGE A. NORRIS,
HIS Jhn! rreriwd hit entire purchase of
s.-wtag and summer goods, making a very
Mock, embracing every variety f Fancy
wad sup s Du Goods, please call and see, our
pr eca and then decide where the cheap goods are.
Apnl 25. lS4t.
nkw uoNMirs
Jl'sT receiird.a large assortment, for sale by
April 35 GEORGE A NORRIS.
M M.UEK HATS.
Il'BT received a large Stork of Pananea Leg
haris tfcdalanJ p. Leaf Hat* lor sale bv
Apnl 25 GEORGE A NORRIS.
DHISS GOODS.
OUR Musi tits, (.inqltim*. Barregee, Lawns dec.
are wotthv us all mn-hlrratinn.
Apnl 25 ‘ GEOROE A. NORRIS.
woodeoffTwhittelsey,
1 fUK juvl mrivfd an additional supply of
“ SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS, j
amwng which can be touad Sirtvvls, Bonnets and
knurl h.t.boas. Ginghams, Mastitis, Calicoes, &c.
Alan ■ got—l iv.< .-meat of PANAMA and LEl**
MOH N MATS, all of m Inch they will sell very
Iww for each or approved credit.
\V. A \V. have a few patterns of very fine Bareg
es, hick they will sell lor about Half Price, rath
r thaa keep them over. LADIES call and see.
Apnl Ji. IMS. 18—ts
BOOTS, SHOES LEATHER, &C.
At Prime Cost.
2V/P Subscriber haring determined to diteem
t> ’tie Air present buxine** ia Columbus will
ttU of hi i stork m A and. consisting of utt article*
waaally found im a Shot Store.
A'B lILIIVX]e COST. , J
The stock t* new, hoping been mindly purchased
w -itkin t.re L**f six month*, and is unit worth the
af|> lafioa of merchant* and others, wishing to pur
rhenr by the quantity.
i harr a as—u tmrnt of LASTS, PEGS,
mod otirr A'..<wVtr‘i Findingto which the at
tenti •■t of those engaged in the manufacture of
oboe* is particularly incited.
EKASTUS REED.
Iwwe 20. 1818 28—ts
GROCERY AND STAPLE
J B. BROOKS,
If> low opciios at his new Store ou West side
BiovU street, three doors below Hill, Dam-sou
\Yi*ll Selected iilock *f
to winch he lavit s the attention of bis friends, and
He will also give lil>eral p.ices for COTTON and
eOLWTRY PRODUCE.
rr N. B.—Those indebted to the late firm ofJ.
AJ. Brooks, are requested to call ami liquidate
tht - accounts, which are in the hands of the under
mgaed. J. B. BROOKS.
Pc ember 28. IS4T. I—ts
RALEIGH,
CLASSICAL, MATHEMATICAL
AND MILITARY ACADEMY.
Arms aid Equipments furnished hy the State.
Classical LVivartinent, J.M. LOVEJOY,
Mathematical and M.ii
tarv Department, W.F. DISBROW.
Juvenile lVp’t, R. WHITEHURST.
(T* The next session of this Institution will com
trr.ee Ju!v sth, I4S.
Kale-ghi X.C. June 21. I*4*. 27-fit*
ICE! ICE!!
HitnC obtained our usnai qnantity for thr
MRMii t the bouse rd uo opcocd. —Hoing
dlevrorj* of icrvitij; our customers at the loneat poa
iu,!c rat ,rs , ;R>ttier lo place il within the reach of
nr , f*m :v, until farther notice i\e shall *e!l at 2}
t*er i‘i. For the accuimnodation ot Irnnilio*
who tawc to tru*t to servants, Tickets can he ob-
Cttard. V. H. CADY, for Proprietors.
March 2S.
DR. JOEL BRANHAM’S
UVER AND DYSPEPTIC MEDICINE.
f I'IIS Sfdiriar is especially rrfommmdtd fer
J. s .Chronic Liver affections and Dyspepsy. It
has Seen favorably received Wherever it has been
M i: for which* fact reference is made to Mr.
Geor-e Heard of Troup, Dr. Thomas Grimes and
A >l*. Jn, | E. Hurt, of Columbus, Sir. sbury Hull
of Athens, Air. Wb. D. Terrell of I’utnam, and
ker. John t. Daws on of LaGrarge.
ILV.taa 1 cosiivenessis found rery frequently con
nect'-, with feeble constitution, and persons ofsed
aatarv has ts. For this condition of the system
this article is confidently recommended, and in all
eases has been found to act as a pleasant cordial and
tonic, restoring the appetite, and at the same time,
fulfil ;.'.* every indication that the common purging
tneoictnea are designed to effect.
Persons subject to Bilious Cholic may
roly oa the preventativs properties of this medicine
—uve uoa the first intimation of an approaching at
tack.
There are some constitutions liable to
regular attacks of Bilious tever almost every fall, to
•uch, I recommend the use of this medicine, begin
atag at least by the middle of Al.xv, of first of June.
Many persons whose Digestive organs
are feeble, often experience a sense of fullness,
sreicht, aai oppression, abont the stomach after
exußg—ia such cases a dose oi this medicine will
often afford immediate relief.
Pregnant women often suffer from heart
barn and costiveness, the y msyuse the article with- j
•at the least danger and with great benefit. In
ck or nervosa fee ad-ache, it ia a most valuable
I conid append a long li*t of certificates, but for
bear, preferring to rely on the virtues of the med
ictaa to anstaia itself. The medicine is a gentle
aad certain cathartic, topic and sudorific.
JOEL BRANHAM.
Eatohton, Ga. . „
For sale by WM. A. REDD, t Cos. j
Broad Street. Columbus, Ga.
C.A. CHEATHAM, Lumpkin.
IMS. 13—lv
IVORY JET LIQUID BLACKING. j
ask bv rOND & WILLCOX. [
. July 5.1819. I
Wgfu (§||iW£o®
VOLUME VIII. |
POETRY.
SPARE THE BIRDS.
BT REV. G. W. BETHUKE, D. D.
Spare, spare the gentle Bird,
Nor do the warbler wrong,
In the green wood is heard
It’s sweet and gentle song ;
It s song so clear and glad,
Each lisUaer’s heart has stirred j
And none, however sad,
But blessed (hat happy bird.
And when at early day
The farmer trod the dew,
It met him on the way
With welcome blithe and true •
So, when at early eve,
lie homeward wends his way ;
For sorely would he grieve
To miss the well-loved lay.
The mother, who had kept
Watch o’er wakeful child,
Smiled as the baby slept,
SootheJ by its wood notes wild |‘
And gladly had she flung
The casement open free,
As the dear warbler sung
From out the household tree.
The sick man on his bed
Forgets his w eariness,
And turns his feeble head,
To list its songs, that bless
His spirit like a stream,
Os mercy from on high,
Os music iu the dream,
That seals the prophet’s eye.
Oh ! laugh not at my words,
To warn your childhood’s hours;
Cherish the gentle gentle birds,
Cherish the fragile flowers ,
For since man was bereft,
Os Paradise, iu tears,
God the sweet things hath left,
To cheer our eyes and ears.
FIRST LOVE.
BV M. DE LAMABTINE.
My image in her soul the first was graven,
As on a waking eye the morning Heaven.
Since then, nought else her Captive heart could
move :
From the first hour she loved, the world was love.
She blent her life with my life, and her heart
Saw ail with my own spirit; I was part
Os all beneath yon blue o’erarching scope
Os all Earth’s joys and Heaven’s immortal hope.
Distance and Time for her existed not.
The Present bounded all her life and thought.
’Ere this she had no Past, her Future lay
In the soft evening of each Summer day.
She trusted in the influence, smiling fair,
Os our young hearts, and in the spotless prayer
Given with her flowers, and joys that knew uo tears,
On the loved altar of her girlish years.
She led me by the hand into the sane,
And what she did, 1, childlike, did again :
Then would her voice say softly, “Pray with me,
For ev’n sweet Heaven 1 know not without thee.”
But why revert to long, departed years 7
Let the winds blow, the murmuring waters roll;
Return, return, my melancholy soul!
Come, Memory, but no tears.
POLITICAL.
MR. VAN BUREN’S LETTER.
LiNifeLWALD, June 20, 1848.
Gen.lemon—I have received your kind
letter with feelings of no ordinary charac
ter. It comes from the representatives of
a body of men who possess unsurpassed
claims upon my respect and gratitude.—
My reception by the lion-hearted democra
cy of your great city, after my defeat in
18-10, was marked by circumstances and
displayed a depth of friendship, which
I can never forget. It made impressions
upon my heart which are as vivid now as
they were then, and which will never lose
their hold upon my affections until that
heart ceases to beat. It is not in my na
ture to decline a compliance with any re
quest which such men are capable of ma
king, except for reasons of the strongest
character, and which they themselves will,
on further consideration, approve. The
determination announced in 181-1, in my
letter to the New York committee, advising
my friends to unite in the support of Mr.
Polk, to regard my public life as forever
closed, was made upon the most mature
reflection, and with an inflexible determi
nation to adhere to it to the end. I beg of
you to do me the justice to believe, that it
w 6 in no degree influenced by the spirit
of resentment which political disappoint
ments are so apt to engender in the best
regulated minds. Having been defeated
during a highly excited, and as the result
has shown, an unsound state of the public
mind, for adhering to a financial policy
which I believe to be right, the democratic
masses everywhere, as soon as it became
evident that the country recovered from the
delusions of the day, resolved, with an ex
traordinary unanimity, that the policy
which had been so successfully decried
should be vindicated, and the justice of
the people illustrated by my re-election.—
This decision of the masses was reversed
by their representatives in the convention.
More than compensated for any mortifica
tion which my discomfiture in 1810 had
occasioned, by these expressions of confi
dence and regard, proceeding directly from
the people themselves and anxious above
all things for the success of the measures
for which I had been so unsparingly ar
raigned, I forebore to scan either the mo
tives by which my opponents in the. con
vention of ’4l were actuated, or the means
they resorted to for the accomplishment of
their object, and united with zeal and alac
rity in the support of the Democratic can
didate.
But whilst thus in good faith discharging
what I regarded to be my duty, it did not
fail to occur tome that tlie circumstances
by which I was surrounded, presented the
occasion I had long desired, when I could
retire from public life consistently with
what was due to the country, to my friends
and to my own self-respect. I embraced
it with my whole heart. From that day
to the present, my mind has not for a mo
ment, wavered in regard to the determina
tion then announced. At an early period
in the present canvass, and before the Dem
ocratic mind could be regarded as having
taken any thing like a distinct direction in
reference to its candidate, I re-affirmed ir
resolution in this regard in a letter to a
worthy citizen of Pennsylvania, which has
been Extensively published, and in many
ethers with which it was not deemed ne
cessary to trouble the public. A friendly
application from cur delegates to the last
National Convention, for authority to use
mv name as a candidate if they could do
so* under proper circumstances, made it, as
vou appear to be informed, my unpleasant
duty to refuse my consent to their doing
so under any circumstances whatever.—
Having thus assumed aud so long occupied
this position, I trust to your friendship and
past indulgence to be excused for repeating
my unchangeable determination never
again to be a candidate for public office.—
The fact of my having long since retired
from public life, with the tacit approbation
of my friends, gave me a right to say so.
If, whilst in the political field, willing to
receive honor and advancement at the hands
of my political friends, I did not show my
self at all times ready to obey, without re
gard to personal consequences, their calls
to pests of difficulty, I failed to make my
self understood by those whom I was most
anxious to serve.
The considerations to which I have ad
verted, are entitled to the same controlling
influence in regard to the remaining sahd
ject of ycur letter. Whatever would be
my reference in such matters on ordinary
occasions, I feel that I could net, under ex
isting circumstances, refuse to comply with
your request, without doing injustice to un
democratic friends in this State. I shall
therefore give you my unreserved opinions
upon the questions to which you have
called my attention, and in doirg sol shall
endeavor to observe that respect and cour
tesy towards the conflicting views of others,
which it has always been my desire to prac
tice, and which is now, more than ever,
appropriate to my position.
To give the doings of a Democratic Na
tional Convention a claim upon the support
of the democracy cf any State, it is indis
pensably necessary that the democracy of
that State should be fairly represented in
such convention, and allowed equal rights
and privileges with their political brethren
from other States in regulating its proceed
ings. Neither of these, although perse
veringly demanded, was conceded by the
recent convention to the democracy of N.
York, and they are of course in no degree
bound hy its decisions. But although their
rights and their duties are thus clear, it is
notwithstanding, material to the fraternal
relations which have heretofore existed be
tween them and those who composed the
convention, that it should be distinctly
shown at whose door lies the wrong of
their exclusion ; whether at that of our own
delegation, or of the convention. Upon
this point both sets of delegates claiming
to represent New York, although differing
in almost everything else, appear to have
concurred in the opinion, that the action of
the convention had been such as to put it
out of their power to participate in its pro
ceedings, without a total disregard of what
was due, as well to their own honor, as to
the honor and just right of their State. It
was therefore but reasonable to expect that
here, at least, the opinion against the slight
est obligation on the part of the democracy
of New York to sustain the doings of the
convention, would he universal. To find
either set of .the delegates who claimed to
represent New York in that convention, or
their friends who approved of their conduct,
casting reproach upon their opponents for
not sustaining the decisions of a body, of
whose action in regard to their own state
they had respectively formed and expressed
tne opinion to which I have advened, must,
it seems to me, be regarded as a very ex
traordinary occurrence in politics.
It was plainly the duty of the committee
on credentials to examine into the facts and
report their opinion upon the conflicting
claims referred to them. It is an indispu
table fact, that instead of doing so, they
required an unqualified pledge from both
sets of delegates Irom New York, that they
would support the nominee of the conven
tion, whoever he might be, and resolved
that without a compliance with this arbitrary
exaction, they would not even look into tire
merits of their respective claims.
Now when it is considered that no such
pledge was required at any previous Na
tional Democratic Convention from any
pejson—that at one of them the delegates
from an entire State (Virginia) were per
mitted to announce their determination in
advance not to support a certain nomination,
if it should be made, without causing a
question to be raised in regard to their seats
in the convention, and that they carried
such refusal into full effect, without sub
jecting themselves or their State to the re
proaches of their associates in other States
I —that this very convention contained, with
out dispute as to their eligibility, delegates
from several States who could not enter in
to such pledge, without violating the in
structions of their constituents, and whose
intentions not to enter into it, were not con
cealed—that the convention itself had pre
viously and expressly refused to impose
such a pledge upon its members, and that
on the very committee which so imperi
ously demanded it from the New York del
egates, there were members who openly
denounced its exaction as an outrage —de-
clared their utter unwillingness to take it
themselves, and who, also, were neverthe
less recognized as eligible and fit members
of the convention—when these things are
considered, is it possible that any right
minded citizen among us can fail to regard
this treatment of the New York delegates,
as an indignity to them, and to their State,
of the rankest character ? If it is our mis
fortune to live in a community with whom
it is necessary to resort to argument to prove
this, whose minds do not rush to that con
clusion at the mere presentation of the
subject, it is of very little importance to us
what is said or done in a democratic con
vention. Others may think differently,
and I have neither the right nor the dispo
sition to become theiraccusers. But speak
ing for myself, and for myself only, I do
not hesitate to say that the representatives
of the radical democracy of this State, were
entirely right to their appreciation cf the
treatment they received, and in the course
they adopted. Were Ito advise them or
these whom they represented, to any steps
which would indicate the slightest insen
sibility on their part to the degrading dis
tinction that was applied to them, I should,
in my best judgment, be censeliing them
to an act of political dishonor, by which
they would forfeit the respect of nil upright
minds. God forbid that I should be in
duced, by any considerations, to leave my
memory exposed to the imputation of hav
ing made so pcor a return for a whole life
of public favors received at their hands.
The committee carried out their design
to the extent of their power, and the ques
tion occurs, did the convention itself relieve
your delegates or yourselves from the in
justice of their committee ? Most sincere
ly do I wish that I could think so. But is
that possible? That the difference between
the two delegations was irreconcilable was
apparent to that body, nor was there room
for a moment’s doubt that at least one of
the delegations would net attempt to rep
resent the State, unless their right to do so
exclusively was examined and decided by
the convention, and it had not yet become
too late for the convention to do its duty in
the matter, when it appeared that the reso
lution not to take their seats was common
to both delegations. There was then no
other way in which the difficulty could be
properly disposed of, than by examining
into and deciding upon the conflicting claims
before them. The unavoidable result of
failing to do so was to cause the proceed
ings of the convention to be regarded as
without authority in New York. The ex
pedient of admitting both delegations might
do well enough in a case where the differ
ence between them was not one of princi
ple, and where both parties finally assented
to the arrangement, but was wholly inap
plicable to the one under consideration.—
The matter was nevertheless so disposed
of. New York was allowed a double rep
resentation with the inevitable and well
understood consequence, that she should
not have a single effective vote upon the
proceedings of a convention whose deci
sions she is now called upon to sustain.—
Your delegates claimed the exclusive right
to represent the democracy of this State in
the convention, and offered to maajiin their
“THE UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1848.
title thereto before that body by documen
tary proof. Their claim was rejected, and
on what ground ? Net certainly on the
ground that they were unable to sustain it,
for their credentials and proofs were re
turned to them unopened, and the conven
tion itself did not profess to put the rejec
tion of their demand on any such ground ;
and yet that was the only ground on which,
if wellfcunded, their claim could be prop
erly overruled. It is net to be disguised
that the belief that your delegates were re
fused admission on the ground of the opin
ions entertained by their constituents upon
the question of the prohibition of slavery
in the territories, is very general in this
State. The course of proceeding adopted
by the convention renders it not a little
difficult to define with precision for what
particular reason the rejection of both sets
of delegates by the nominal admission of
both was ordered. That many members
were not influenced by the consideration
referred to I am well satisfied, whilst it is
equally clear that the number of those who
were was neither small nor unimportant
in character. Those who feel themselves
constraind to believe that their delegates
were rejected for that cause, cannot indeed
but regard it as an extraordinary spectacle
in the political field to find their votes de
manded for the nominee of a convention, in
the deliberations and discussions of which
they were not deemed worthy of participa
tion.
I cannot, under such circumstances, re
frain from concurring with you in the opin
ion that the decisions of that convention are
in no degree binding upon the democracy
of this State, or entitled to any other weight
in their estimation, than as an expression
of the wishes and opinions of respectable
portions of their political associates and
friends in other States, qualified as their
expression is, by the acts by which it has
been accompanied.
You desire also my views in regard to
the prohibition by Congress of slavery in
territories where it does not now exist, and
they shall be given now in a few Avoids,
and in a manner which will not, I hope,
increase, if it does not diminish, the exis
ting excitement in the public mind.
The illustrious - founders of our govern
ment were not insensible to the apparent
inconsistency between the perpetuation of
slavery in the United States, and the prin
ciples of the Revolution, as delineated in
the Declaration of Independence ; and they
were too ingenuous in theirdis positions to
attempt to conceal the impressions by which
they were embarrassed. But they knew
also, that its speedy abolition in several of
the States, was impossible, and its existence
in all, without fault on the part of the pres
ent generation. They were also too up
right and the fraternal feelings which had
carried them through the struggle for in
dependence were too strong to permit them
to deal with such a matter upon any other
principles than these of liberality and jus
tice. The policy they adopted, was to
guarantee to the States in which slavery
existed, an exclusive control ever the sub
ject within their respective jurisdictions,
but to prevent by united efforts, its exten
tion to territories of the United States, in
which it did net in (act exist. On all sides
the most expedient means to carry out this
policy were adopted with alacrity and good
feeling. Their first step was to interdict
the introduction of slavery into the north
western territory, now covered by the States
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and
Wisconsin. This may justly be regarded
as being in the main, a Southern measure.
The subject was first brought forward in
Congress by Mr. Jefferson. Virginia made
the cession of the territory upon which the
ordinance was intended to operate, and the
representatives from all thq slave-holding
States gave it a unanimous support. —
Doubts having arisen in the minds of some
whether the ordinance of 1787 was author
ized by the articles cf the Confederation,
a bill was introduced in the new Congress
at the first session under the Constitution,
recognizing and adapting it to the new or
ganization, and it has ever since been treat
ed and regarded as a valid act. This bill
received the constitutional approbation of
President Washington, whose highest and
sworn duty it was to support the Constitu
tion under which it was enacted. Nor
was the. North backward in doing its part
to sustain the policy which had been so
wisely adopted. They assented to the in
sertion of provisions in the Constitution.—
necessary and sufficient to protect that in
terest in the States, and they did more.
The trouble apprehended at the com
mencement of the government from this
source, began to show itself as early as the
year 1790, in the form of petitions presented
to Congress, upon the subject of slavery and
the slave trade, by the Uuakers of Phila
delphia and New-York, and Dr. Franklin
as President cf a Society for the promotion
cf abolition. These petitions were, in the
House of Representatives, referred to a
committee of seven, all butene of whom
were northern members, whose report, as
amended in the committee of the whole,
affirmed “that Congress hgve no power to
interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or
in the treatment of them in any of the
States, it remaining with the several States
alone to provide any regulation therein
which humanity and true policy might re
quire.”
The perseverance and good faith with
which both branches of the policy thus
adopted have, until very recently, been re
cognized and carried out, arc highly hon
orable to the whole country. The pecu
liar liability of the subject to be converted
into an element cf political agitation, as
well in the slave-hclding as in the non
slaveholding States, may have led to occa
sional attempts so to employ it, but these
efforts have been very successfully frustra
ted by the good sense and good feeling of
the people in every quarter of the Union.
A detailed account of the numerous acts of
the federal government, sustaining and
carrying into full effect the policy of Mts
founders upon the subject of Slavery in the
States, and its extention to the territories,
and the steps taken, in the non-slavehold
ing States, to suppress or neutralize undue
agitation in regard to it, would be alike in
structive and honorable to the actors in
them*. But it will be readily perceived,
that this could not be given within the ne
cessary limits of a communication like the
present. It must therefore suffice to say,
that, from 1787, the date of the ordinance
for the prevention of slavery in the north
western territory’, down to and including
1838, at least eleven acts of Congress have
been passed, organizing territories which
hare since become States, in all of which
the costitutional power of Congress to in
terdict the introduction of slavery into the
territories of the United States, is either
directly exercised, or clearly asserted by
enactments, which, as matters of authority,
are tantamount to its exercise; and that at
the only’ period when the peace of the slave
holding States was supposed to be serious
ly endangered by abolition agitation, there
was a spontaneous uprising of the people
of the North, of both parties, by which ag
itation was paralyzed, and the South re-as
sured of our fidelity to the compromises of
the constitution.
In the laws for the organization of the
territories which now constitute the States
of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, W is
consin and lowa.—Slavery was expressly
prohibited. The laws forthe organization
of the territories of Mississippi, Orleans,
Arkansas, Alabama and Florida, contained
enactments fully equivalent in regard to
the extent of power in Congress over the
subject cf slavery in territories to the ex
press exercise of it in other cases. These
acts were approved Jby Presidents Wash
ington, the elder Adams, Jefferson, Madi
son, Monrce, Jackson and myself, all bound
by our oaths of office to withhold our res
pective approvals from laws which we be
lieved unconstitutional. If, in the passage
of these laws during the period ol half a
century’, and under the administration of so
many Presidents, there was anything like
sectional divisions, or a greater or less par
ticipation iu their enactment on the part of
the representatives of the slave-holding, or
of the non-slaveholding States, I am not ap
prised of it. I believe the plan devised
by the founders of the government, inclu
ding the fathers of our political Church,
for the treatment of this great subject, and
which has hitherto been so faithfully sus
tained and which has proved so successful
in preserving the Union of these States, to
be not only the wisest which the wit of
man could have devised, hut the only’ one
consistent with the safety and prosperity
of the whole country’. Ido therefore desire
to see it continued so long as slavery exists
in the United States. The extent to which
I have sustained it in the various public
stations 1 have ocupied is known to the
country’. 1 was at the time well aware that
I went further in this respect than many
of my best friends could approve.—But
deeply penetrated hy the conviction that
slavery was the only subject that could en
danger our blessed Union, I was deter
mined that no effort on my’ part, within the
pale of the constitution, should be wanting
to sustain its compromises as they were
then understood, and it is now a source of
consolation to me that I pursued the course
I then adopted.
The doctrine which the late Baltimore
Convention has presented for the sanction
of nation, is, in substance, that the laws I
have referred to were but so many viola
tions of the constitution—that this instrument
confers no power cn Congress to exclude
slavery from the territories as has so often
been done witl the assent of all. This doc
trine is set forth in the published opinion cf
the highly respectable nominee of that con
vention, who it is well known, received that
distinction because he avowed that opinion,
and who it is equally certain would not have
received it if he had not dene so. It is
proposed to give this doctrine the most sol
emn sanction known to our political system,
by the election of its declared advocate and
supporter to the Presidency. If it receiv
es the proposed sanction of the United
States, the result cannot be doubtful. The
policy in regard to the extension of slave
ry to the territories of the United States,
into which it has not yet been introduced,
which has existed since the commencement
of the government and the consequences
of which have been so salutary, must
cease, and every act of Congress designed
to carry it into effect be defeated by’ the ve
to of the Executive.
The territories now owned hy the Uni
ted States, and every’ acquistion if territory
that may hereafter be made by the United
States, whether obtained by’ annexation, by
cession for a valuable consideration, or by
conquest, must as long as this opinion is
held, and as far as the action of the nation
al legislature is concerned, be subject to the
inroads of slavery’. And this consequence
is to be submitted to, on the assumption
that the framers of the constitution, with
their attention directed to the subject, and
with a well understood desire to do so, have
failed to clothe Congress with the necessa
ry power to prevent it. I cannot, by my
vote, contribute to this sanction. I cannot
do so, because I cannot concur in the opin
ion which we are called upon to sustain.
Entertaining these views of the consti
tution, [ could not, by my vete, contribute
to the proposed sanction of this new prin
ciple in the administration of the federal
government, without, at the same time,
avowing myself to be in favor of the exten
sion of slavery in the abstract, and this I
can never do. These who agree with me
in regard to the existence of the power
and the expediency of our exercising it,
and can still bring their minds to dissent
from this conclusion, must have more light
upon the subject, or have greater powers
of discriminating than I possess. I do,
therefore, unhesitatingly approve the
course you propose to pursue,in withhold
ing your votes from Governor Cass, and
I shall do to myself. If no cthe” candidates
than those now before the country are
presented, I shall not vote for President.
The manner in which our political breth
ren in other non-slave-holding States shall
dispose of their suffrages, is for them to
determine, and with it we have nothing to
do. But that they accord with us in opin
ion as to the existence of the power in
question, and the expediency of exercising
it whenever the occasion for so doing arriv
es, we have the best reasons to know.
The power, the existence of which is,
at this late day, denied, is in my opinion,
fully’ granted to Congress by- the Constitu
tion. Its language, the circumstaances
under which it was adopted, the recorded
explanations which accompanied its forma
tion—the construction it has received from
our highest judicial tribunals, and the very’
solemn and repeated confirmations it has
derived from the measures of the govern
ment —leave not the shadow of a doubt in
my mind in regard to the authority of Con
gress to exercise the power in question.
This is net anew opinion on my’ part, nor
the first occasion on which it has been
avowed. Whilst the candidate of my
friends for the Presidency, I distinctly an
nounced my - opinion in favor of the power
of Congress to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, although I was, for rea
sons which were then, and are still satis
factory’ to my mind, very decidedly oppo
sed to its exercise there. The question
of power is certainly as clear in respect to
the Territories as it is in regard to that Dis
trict ; and as to territories my opinion was
also made known in a still more solemn
form, by giving the executive approval re
quired by the Constitution, to the Bill for
the organization of the Territorial Govern
ment cf lowa, and which prohibited the
introduction of slavery into that Territory’.
The opinion from which we dissent was
given in the face of, and directly contrary’
to the views expressed, in forms the most
solemn and explicit, all or nearly all the
ncn-slave-holding States, and we are net
at liberty to suspect the sincerity of these
expressions. Honest and well meaning
men, as we know the masses of our politi
cal friends in these States to be, are incap
able of trifling with so grave a subject.
Our ancestors signalized the commence
ment of this glorious government of ours,
by rescuing from subjection to slavery, a
territory which is now covered by five
great States and peopled by more than
four millions of freemen, in the full enjoy’-
ment of every blessing, which industry’
and good institutions can confer. They’
did this when the opiuions’and conduct ot
the world in regard to the institution of
slavery, were very different from what it
is now. They’ did so before Great Britain
had even commenced those gigantic efforts
for the suppression of slavery, by which she
has so greatly’ distinguished herself- Af
ter seventy-four years enjoyment of the sa
cred and invaluable right of self-govern
ment, obtained for us by’ the valor and dis
cretion of our ancestors, we their descend
ants are called upon to doom, cr if that is
too strong a word, to expose to the inroads
of slavery a territory capable of sustaining
an equal number of new States to be ad
mitted to our confederacy - —a territory in a
great part of which slavery’ has never exis
ted, in fact, and from the residue c.f which
it has been expressly abolished by the ex
isting government. We are called upon
to do this at a period when the minds cf
nearly’ all mankind have been penetrated
by a conviction of the evils of slavery, and
are united in efforts for its suppression—at
a moment, too, when the spirit of freedom
and reform is everywhere far more preval
ent than it has ever been, and when your
republic stands proudly forth as the great
examplar of the world in the science of free
government.
Who can believe that a population like
that which inhabits non-slaveholding States,
probably amounting to twelve millions,
who, by their own act, or by the foresight
of others, have been exempted from the
evils of slavery, can, at, such a moment, be
induced, by considerations of any descrip
tion, to make a retrograde movement of a
character so extraordinary and so painful?
Such a movement would, in my view of
the matter, and I say it with unfeigned de
ference to the conflicting opinions of others,
bring a reproach upon the influence of free
institutions, which would delight the
hearts and excite the hopes of the advo
cates of arbitrary- power throughout the
world.
Holding these opinions, you have duties
to perform as important as they are deli
cate. In the first place you should adhere
inflexibly’ to your opinions, as long as you
believe them to be right, and no longer.
This you will do. In thenext place you
should present your views in regard to them,
calmly and distinctly but firmly to your
political brethren of the slave-holding States
with a full statement of the reasons on
which they are founded, that these reasons
may be centra verted if they are not sound.
This you have dene. In other important
respects y r our positions are unassailable.
The movement to advance the principle
you desire to promote, was commenced in
the right place, though, perhaps, not at the
most desirable moment, and was not accom
panied by partizan measures or founded on
political designs of any description, as far
as I know or believe. If I understand
your course, y’our delegates went to the
Convention prepared to accept the nomi
nation of any sound Democrat, who had
not actually submitted to a test which im
plicated the well known and repeatedly ex
pressed opinion of your State, without in
terrogating him in regard to his opinion
on this particular question. In taking
this ground, you pursued the only course
by which the democratic party cf the U
nion as hitherto organized, can be perpetu
ated ; and just and fair minded men of the
party’ every’ where will, when the present
excitement has passed away, approve your
conduct. One thing more, and your whole
action will, in the end, attract the attention
and enlist the good feeling of all just and
generous minds. Let your further pro
ceedings in this whole matter, be distin
guished by moderation and forbearance.
Injustice must be resisted—indignities
repelled; and all this can be done, with de
cency’ and without impeachment ot the mo
tives of whole communities, on account of
the conduct of individuals. The situation of
your political brethren in the slave-holding
States, is not as favorable to calm discussion
and dispassionate consideration as yours,
and more will therefore, in this respect, be
expected at your hands. If your differences
must continue, do you at least sustain ycur
views without vituperation or unnessary
excitements of any drscription, Exemplify
your firmness and your confidence in the
justice of your cause, by the best of all tests
—the dignity and moderation with which
you uphold it. When the election is over,
and reason resumes her empire, the ground
which has been taken by your southern
brethren will be reviewed with calmness,
and if found to be untenable, you are bound
to believe that it will be abandoned. If in
this you are disappointed, it will still be a
consolation to know that you have done
nothing unnecessarily, which could serve
to exasperate alienations which may then
become incurable.
Accept, gentlemen, my warmest ac
knowledgements for the obliging expres
sions contained in your letter, and believe
me to be Your friend,
M. VAN BUREN.
To Messrs. Samuel Waterbury, David
Dudley Field, and others, New York.
The Rough and Ready. —Our old
friend, H. S. McFarland, has taken down
the Taylor flag and proposes to turn the
Rough and Ready, of Iberville, one of the
first Taylor papers established in the coun
try, into a Cass and Butler paper. In his
number of June 21, he gives at length his
reasons for his change—which are simply
that he had supported Gen. Taylor as an
independent candidate, disconnected from
party —that he was willing to lose sight
of his party predilections and feelings, in
order to elevate to the Presidency a man
who would administer the Government as
the General expressed it, “ untrammled
with party obligations or interests of any
kind,” but that now, as he is the whig candi
date and the General has tacitly acquiesced
in that nomination, he thinks he is no longer
bound to support him, but will return to
his first love and raise the banner of C*ass
and Butler, in anew paper, to be called
the Southern Democrat.—-{jA 7 . O. Delta.
The Three Millions —Advices from
Washington, according to the New York
Tribune, state that the three millions
which are to be paid to Mexico have al
ready been remitted, and Mr. Walker has
stated to several persons that no further
loan will be needed. It is also stated, on
the authority of Washington letters, that
the disbursing officers of the army have in
their possession $2,500,000 of specie,
most of which will be returned to the
United States, now that peace is made.—-
f Baltimore Sun.
From 1813 to 1831 Gen. Cass held the
office of Governor of the territory of Mich
igan, and he was seven times nominated
to this office by four sucessive Presidents,
and seven times confirmed unanimously
by the Senate of the United States, and
during this whole period there was not
a single representation made against him
by the people of the territory.—f Nashville
Union.
| NUMBER 29.
[From the Baltimore Sun June 23.]
GEN. PILLOW’S DEFENCE.
We have received a copy of Gen. Pil-
I low’s summary of the testimony, and his
defence, as laid before the Court Martial at
Frederick on Wednesday. A similar do
cument has also been prepared and laid
before the Court by General Scott, but has
not yet come to hand. The defence of
Gen. Pillow covers sixty four printed pag
es, and is most ably drawn up, being a
thorough analysis of the testimony. We
have only space for the following gum
ma rv of his defence:
“slaving thus considered the charges, and
examined the proof in the case, I will glance
rapidly at the results evolved.
As to the first charge, the proof shows
that the paymaster Burns wrote the letter
which is its subject matter, without my
knowledge, and of course without my pro
curement. It explains the analogy between
the paper No. 1 and this letter, in a man
ner perfectly consistent with my inno
cence.
The ] aper No. 1 (containing interlinea
tions in my handwritting) is shown to be
a copy of my original report, so tar as its
statement of facts is concerned—Paymas
ter Burns having, without my knowledge,
takenacopy of the same report, from it
wrote the Leonidas letter. Hence the
analogy of these two papers to each other,
and of both, to my official report.
As the first specification under second
charge is based upon the assumptiion that
the Leonidas letter was written by me, or
by my procurement, the charge falls to
the ground when this assumption is prov
en to be false.
The second specification, second charge,
alleges that the Freaner paper is false in
certain particulars. I have shown that all
the controverted parts of that paper are true.
Those parts cf it not controverted are of
course admitted to be true.
The third specification assumes that I
claim to have given precise orders for the
particular plan of attack carried into suc
cessful execution on the morning of the
20th August, atContreras—and that claim
is false, and is a “deliberate invention and
after thought. I have shown that my report
does not authorize the construction placed
upon it in the specification. But I do
claim to have given the orders under which
the battle was fought upon the 10th, and
that the positions securred that day deter
mined the victory of the 10th, as proved by
the prosecutor himself. I claim that the
successful assault next morning was in
conformity with my original plan of bat
tle. I have never claimed anything more
—conceding to Gen.Cadwallader the high
credit due to his sagacity, gallantry, and
generalship, in promptly seizing and hold
ing the village of Ansalda, and confronting
Santa Anna with a force of 12,000 men;
and to Gen. Smith the distinguished honor
of having disposed the forces across the pe
drigal at daylight next morning, and direc
ting the assaulting forces with judgement,
prudence, gallantry and skill: to Cos 1. Ri
ley the honor due to his distinguished dar
ing in directing and commanding in per
son the advanced assaulting forces on the
entrenched camp.
I have proven this original report of
mine to be true in all its parts. I have pro
ve!* my orders for battle and the disposi
tion of the forces by many witnessses.
As to the fourth specification, I have ad
mitted that I said 1 thought Gen. Scott
seemed paralysed in his energies, by his
fatal error, in granting the armistice, and
the unexpected and disastrous less of the
Bth September—that I entertained that
opinion, and thought then, and still think
it was well founded; but I did net say that,
“but for interposition, General Scctt would
net have assaulted Chapultepec; nor was
lin favor of taking a position and waiting
for reinforcements. There is no proof to
sustain this part of the specification,except
that of Mr. Trist, which the testimony of
the prosecutor himself (by proving that I
was not at his quarters between the Bth
and 11th of September,at Tacubava,) shows,
Avas false.
In regard to the fifth specification, I have
shown by a comparison of the language of
my official report, with that of the charges,
that my report is entirely misconstrued,
and does not authorize the construction
placed upon it by this charge. I have shown
that ray division, and the storming party
under my command, were the only troops
who actually participated in stciming and
carrying that work, and are entitled to the
credit of it, and that I was in advance cf
my command in the assault until I was
wounded. I have proved by the official
reports and letters of Gen. Scott, as well as
by many witnesses, that my official report
is true, and I have disproved the motives
attributed tome in this specification.
As to the sixth specification, charging
that I tvas in fa\ r orofthe armistice until af
ter it was entered into, I have shown it to
be false, and that General Scctt knew it
when he wrote the charge. That he had
in his possession beth oral and written
evidence cf rr.y decided opposition to this
unfortunate measure, and that by my op
position to the infatuation under which he
then chased the phanten of peace, I incur
red his displeasure, (and that of Mr. Trist,)
which was the true cause of cur rupture.
In regard to the se\’enth and eighth spe
cifications, I have sho\A’n that the language
attributed to me, (if ever made) was harm
less, and does not admit of the construction
placed upon it by the prosecutor. That,
if true, it imports no offence, and I ha\'e
actually disproved the charge in the eighth
specification, of trying to control the paper
there referred to by improper means.
Having thus met these charges of the
prosecutcr, and shewn myself innocent cf
every accusation brought against me, it re
mains forme to take a glance at the conduct
and motives cf my accuser.
That Gen. Scctt was once kindly dispo
sed in his feelings towards me, I entertain
no doubt. I believe I possessed his entire
confidence, and certainly did to seme ex
tent—possibly, too, in a greater than Avas
warranted by my zeal and fidelity.
He placed me in positions cf great res
ponsibility, and devolved upon me high
and important duties, which I spared no ef
fort to drecharge faithfully; and for a time
I enjoyed the proud satisfaction of believing
1 had* fulfilled every reasonable expecta
tion.
For these acts of kindness, evincing so
much consideration, it was natural and pro
per thatl shouldfeel grateful to Gen. Scott,
and such were sincerly my feelings. Hence
the great concessions I made in altering
my official reports against my conviction
ot the facts, to gratify and conciliate him.
I knew that, owing to the high military
reputation and great weight of character
which Gen. Scott enjoyed, any controver
sy between him and myself must be very
unequal, that,however much I might be in
the right, l had nothing to gain and every
thing to lose; hence my anxiety to avoid a
ruptuie with him, shown in my effort* to
secure the interposition of General duit
man, in whose high sense of honor and chi
valric bearing I placed much confidence.
At the end cf the correspondence betAveen
Gen. Scott and ‘myself, it was manifest
that his friendly feelings towards me had
undergone a change. Being confined to
my bed by a recent Avound, and Gen. Scott
having failed to do me the honor to call on
me as I requsted, I could not obtain a per
sonal interview with him, and not knowing
or suspecting the influence which was at
work, I sent to Mr. Trist, [whose high
official position, and as I then believed*
friendly relations both Avith Gen. Scott and
myself, pointed him out as the most suita
ble person to bring about a reconciliation
betAveen us,3 and desired his mediation*
The res alt proved that 1 was very unfortu
nate in the selection of a mediator, for what
ever “ability” he may have for diplomacy
in national affairs, he certainly has shown
very little in social; at least his art is not
in “pouring oil upon the troubk-d waters,**
for the deA'elopments of this investigation
have, according to his oAvn showing, exhi
bited cn his part a degree of perfidy, de
praA-ity, and AA’ickedness, almost without a
parallel.
In justification of these remarks, I need
only refer to the misrcpscsentations of the
object of that intervieAv—to his agency in
the use made of the private note accom
panying the package of letters, in bringing
about this pnsecution—to his agency in
procuring the Freaner paper and the use
he made of it, and of his pliant # tool Frea
ne r—to his infamously false and abusive let
ter to the Secretary, to destroy me Avith the
Government—to Senator Dix, to defeat, as
he says my nomination before the Senate
—and his unblushing falsehoods, volunta
rily put forth, and disclosing pretended
private conversations, Avhich I have shown
to be, in point of fact, pure fabrications of
the basest character; all of which are sworn .
to Avith a degree of coolness almost com
manding admiration.
While I do not hesitate in believing that
this honest “lagn” is at the bottom of this
conspiracy against me, and by his false
hood and intrigues, has exercised an influ
ence over Gen. Scott, which by poisoning
his feelings and blinding his judgment, pre
cipitated him into a series of Avrongs, op
pression and injustice against me; yet I
cannot hold him guiltless who suffered the
power and influence of his exalted station
to be used and abused. This series of
wrongs began by the abrupt termination of
a correspondence introduced by Gen. Scott,
desiring alteration in my official reports,
thirty-nine days after one of those had
been filed in his office, and long after ha
had made up his own. To gratify him, I
made all the alterations desired, except one,
[which in no way related to himself,] not-
Avithstanding which he took oflence, and
said he Avculd send the whole correspon
dence to the Secretary of War.
But a feAV days had elapsed before I was
informed that in presence of a number
of officers of rank and character, ho
grossly reflected upon me about the re
moval of two small howitzers, (from Cha
pultepec,) Avhich I had never seen and
never heard of, until I was informed that
they had been removed from their carria
ges, when I ordered them to be restored to
the garrison. I placed in his possession
the proofs of my innocence, and of the in
justice he had done me, but he refused to re
lieve me of the censure. I demanded the
court of inquiry. The record of that court
exhibited the facts upon which my inno
cence was clear and manifest; but the court
committed an obvious error in reporting
them, AA'hich resulted in an unjust reflec
tion upon my character.
I pointed out the error to Gen. Scott,
and asked him to refer the case back for
its correction. He refused to do so. I ap
pealed from his decision to my government
as I had a right by law to do. For this
he arrested me, and held me suspended
from command, a prisoner within the lim
its of the city of Mexico for nearly three
months, while he suppressed entirely my
appeal, in violation of law and regulations
and gave the government no official infor
mation of the cause of my arrest.
In the meantime, he issued general or
der No. 210, in which he denounced me
as the author of the Leonidas letter, with
puffing myself, and malignantly excluding
others, and invoked upon me the indignation
of all officers “who loved their country and
the truth of history;” thus condemning
me unheard and without a trial, and using
the poAver and influence of his official sta
tion and high command, to degrade and
disgrace me. He preferred charges against
me—grossly false and calumnious—ap
plied to the government for a court martial
tor my trial; and when a court was order
ed to investigate the facts, and had reached
the city of Mexico, he withdrew from the
prosecution while in the very act of with
drawal, he, in effect, reiterated the truth of
his charges, and sought to fix more indel
ibly the stain Avhich his false charges had
inflicted, and at the same time to deprive
me of all opportunity to investigate the facts.
And it was not until I applied to the pourt
to order him to prosecute his charges, that
he consented to do so.
He has prosecuted this case as if I were
a murderer, and a fit subject for the gal
loavs, seeking, by his tyrannical and over
bearing manner, to intimidate my witnes
ses, and to crush me by the weight of his
character.
For nearly ten months my official and
prreate character has been assailed, with
rncst relentless ferocity, from one end of
the Union to the other. During the whole
of this time I avo* in the presence of the
enemy, fighting the battles of my country,
far from my native land, whence poisoned
shafts have been directed. Nor is this
all. Whilst I was held a prisoner in the
enemy’s capital, aAvaiting trial on charges
preferred against me by the prosecutor,
there issues from his camp, nay, from bis
very office, not only Avith his knowledge,
but with his own sanction and approbation
a false calumnious and savage article, writ
ten by the chief of his own staff, and
sent for the very purpese of prejudicing
the public mind, already much abused, still
further against me, and causing it to pre
judge the merits of these very issues. All
this have I borne in silence ; and if not with
the meekness and resignation of a Christian,
at least with the ‘subordination which bo
comes a soldier.
I will net trust myself to remark upon
the foregoing recital, nor dees it require
that I should. I submit the naked facte
to this court, and the consideration of all
truthful and candid minds, without too
word cf comment. Had the prosecutor
read history to advantage, he would have
learned that the remembrance cf the recent
achievements of our gallant army will fee
associated with his name long after tho
fnemory of all nther names have pessed
away, and even his own fault and fulfil a
are forgotten.
Had history taught him this— or had he
profited by its instructions —this court might
have been spared the labor of this investi
gation ; I might haA-e been spared the un
pleasant task cf exhibiting the wrongs and
injustice he has heaped upon me; his coun
trymen might have been spared thb con
templation of the picture, and might hare ’•
been spared the consequences.
I have now done— this case gees out of
my hands into those of the court, and before
a just, and, I trust, impartial public. In
the decision ot both I shall be compelled to
acquiesce. To the one and the other I
will say — “ Speak of me as I am, nothing
extenuate, ncr set doAvn aught in malice.
Let this just rule be observed, and sd strong
is my faith in the omnipotence cf truth, that
I submit my case with the utmost confi
dence.
“Whenever 1 wanted anythin a well
hone, 1 oot a Butler so no it.”
[ Lafayette .
Our soldiers were so overjoyed cn re
turning from Mexico, that they all went
into (ransvorts.