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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR.
J. FORSYTH. J. T. M!.F> & K. ELLIS,
Prsprirton and Poblishrn.
Xu* Timks is published every Tuesday Morning
ia the budding known as “ Winter’s Exchange,”
f.w tide of Broad street, above Randolph, up
Mans, immediately in the rear of the Post-Office.
TliKß’i —Three Dollars per annum, payable
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\ paper will be discontinued while any arrear
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aa d Three Dollars and a Half, will in all cates
he exacted where payment is not made before the
expiration of the subscription year.
tdiertisements conspicuously inserted atOne
Dollar per square, for the first insertion, and
piftt'd rab for every subsequent continuance.
All kdvertiseroents sent to us without specify
ing the number of insertions desired, will be con
tinued until ordered out, and charged accordingly.
Legal tdvertiueiucnts published at the usual
rates, mad with strict attention to the requisitions of
the law.
wherllP* under regular executions, must
he advertised Thirty Days; under mortgage fi fas,
wivty-Davs before the day of sale.
<nal.st of I.and and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
•ait.'tratora or Guardians, for £ixt)-Days before
the dav of sale.
>al . f personal property (except negroes) For
ty I> •
t Italians by Clerks of Court* of Ordinary,upon
an - cil >■ for letters of administration are to be
-Se<i tor Thirty I lay*'.
til i>.uu upon application for dismission, by
K Administrators, or Guardians, monthly
! r w:x Months.
> !-n of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied
. - .>py of the Hoad, or agreement) to make
■ . iad, mast be published Three Months.
\ by Executorsor Administrators orGuar
ii.as, of application to the Court of Ordinary for
>ur to sell the Land or Negroes of an estate, Four
Months.
\ itire* by Executors or Administrators, to the
D> atoru and Creditors of an estate, for Six IVceks
$y Letters to the proprietors on business must
be pul paid, to entitle them to attention.
MERCANTILE.
JUST RECEIVED.
A FEW Drmn White Embroidered Swiss
Marlin, Silk Mitts, and Grass Cloths.
July I* 30 ts J. fc J. KYLE.
m\ DRI-liWIS,
BHOXAW&CLEIOHS,
Ark now receiving a desirable assortment of
LADIES DRESS GOODS,
eonvisting of French, Jaconet, Organdie, and
scotch Nivlins Grenadine and Tissue Silks,
Plata Glass* Foulards. Fancy color’d. Silk
Harege. Embroidered Muslins, Sup. French
nad sw-i.tch Ginghams, l.inen and Silk do;
cotton Grenadines, dec.
Together with a lot of MOURNING Silk and
worsted Raregeo, Tissue Silks, plain and figured
Freach Lawns and Muslins, Dress Hdkfs., Grena
dine, sad Crape Shawls, fcc.
BROKAW & CLEMONS.
May 8, 1543 20—St
PANAMA AND LEGHORN HATS.
A Large lot, just received, by
BROKAW & CLEMOXB.
May 9, ISIS. 20—8 t
” JUST RECEIVED.
1 TRENCH Cl dhs anil Cashmeres, Silk and
* Satin; Vestings; plain anJ Ri"’l l.inen Dril
lings; sdk Worp Italian Cloths; Cashmarctts,
A*. Ac. BROKAW & CLEMONS.
May 9, IMS 20—8 t
srjiW
GEORGE A. NORRIS,
HIS Just rrceived his entire purchase of
Spring and summer goods, making a very
large Stock, embracing every variety of Fancy
nad Staple Dry Goods, please call and see, our
price* and then decide where the cheap goods are.
April 25, 1848.
NEW BONNETS.
JI’ST received,* large assortment, for sale by
_ A,ril 25 GEORGE A. NORRIS.
SI MMF.It H ATS.
JUST received a large Stork of Pananea Leg
horn PedalanJ P. Leaf Hats for sale bv
April 25 GEORGE A. NORRIS.
DRESS GOODS.
OCR Madina, Ginghams, Barregea, Lawns &c.
are worthy of all consideration.
April 25 GEORGE A. NORRIS.
Woodruff a weittelsey,
1-lUB jikt received on additional supply of
J A SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS, ,
nmoag which can be found Shawls, bonnets and
••Met Ribbons, Ginghams, Muslins, Calicoes, &c.
A !*o a good assortment of PANAMA and LEG—
HORN HATS, all of which they will sell very
low for cash or approved credit.
W. It W. have a few patterns of very fine Bareg
es, which they will sell lor about Half Price, rath
er than keep them over. LADIES call and see.
April 25, IS4B. IS—ts
BOOTS, SHOES LEATHER, &C.
At Prime Cost.
fWJHE Subscriber haring determined to discon
tinue bis present business in Columbus, will
mtttyf bis stork on band, consisting of all articles
usually found in a Shoe Store,
AT I’B.IME COST.
Tbestc ek is new, haring been mostly purchased
tritbin the hut six months, and is welt worth the
attention of merchants and others, wishing to pur
chase by the quantity.
I bore a good assortment of LASTS, PEGS,
mmd Other Shoemaker's Findings, to which the at
tention of those engaged in the manufacture of
shoes is particularly incited.
ERABTUB REED.
June 20, 1848 • 26—ts
“ATTENTION VOLUNTEERS.
( r pK claims of Discharged Yohiutrcrs to|
A bounty land or scrip will be promptly rs
attended to by application to the undersigned fl
free vttie expense of Magistrates affidavit and clerks
certificate.
ISAAC MITCHELL.
ROSWELL ELLIS.
Co'stnbiw, July 1848. 30 —.i
” TO RETURNED VOLUNTEERS.
t r PHE undrbsisnrd.iiavine established
1 an agency in Washington City, is
prepared M attend to the prosecution,
thouguthcjproper Department of all claims
aca.nst the Government, for Bounty
t *st> on Tbeasuby scrip, and for horses
L'vr tv ntr. Mexican War.
JOrOffi.-e over brokaw & Clemmons,
Uit Broad street Columbus.
A. G. FOSTER,
o as'.si. July IS, 1543. 30—ts
PIANOS! I’IANOS!J
firff at
CH IRI.ES RF.P’i’ MUSIC WARKROONI,
street, over Pond k Willcos-s Drug Store.
r FBE fsllswins Piano Fortes with lhc French
I t.RVNI) ACTION, are offered for sale at this
pi see.
5 R ns. wood r.ano's of six Octavos from the Mau
atrfaclary of. H. WORCESTER.
1 Mahogany do. do. H. WORCESTER.
2 Rosewood Piano's, six Octaves, from the Man
ufactory of. BACON & RAVEN.
I Mskocany do. do. do. BACON & RAN EX.
J Mettle Oik Tiano Forte of 6| Octaves (Gothic
stale’ H. WORCESTER.
2 Rosewood Piano's ,seres Octaves) from the
ManafxcMtry of BACON & RAVEN.
2 Rosewood .Eolian Piano Fortes, manufactured
by T. GILBERT & Cos., Boston.
: .iso v.io!s and Covers of fancy and elegant pat
ti-nsto match any of the above instruments.
A ‘so. new and fashionable Music—FERRETT'S
CHE VP MUSIC —Ringing Books and Instruction
Ren,,, and a great varieiv of Musical Instruments.
March 2ft. I<4B.
PIANO FORTES.
MUSK, Ar t,,
BRUNO V IRGINS,
HiVI my oi kud, nml offer for sale at their
Stores at
under the Bank of St. Mary's.
Maeo. Ca., opposite the Washington Bail.’
‘I atgomrry, Ala,, under the Madison House.
A large assortment of Piauo Fortes, from the
celebrated Manufactories of
J. (IIK KEKIM. NUNNS i C LARK.
IJ.Ht I’.L (iII.BIIKT. and ethers.
Pmxen witbCo eman’siwprorrd .Eol’an Attachment.
New and Fashionable Music ;
U<nsct on Books for the Piano, Guitar, Violin, Ac.
Kr - i ‘ loliaa. Bass Viols, Guitars. Flutes, Clarinets,
r agewlets. fifes. Drums. Mail Ilotns. Hunting
Horn* ; l**mnsenu for Brass Bands ; Violin Bow s ;
na, I. snail and French Accordi ons ; Seraphines ;
Wst Itabaa. English A French Violin Strings, and
ad other article* usually kept in a Music Store.
LX Also, a splendid assortment of fine
GU Mi Silver WATCHES,
‘.l\ Jewelry ud Silver \V are ; Silver Pla
ted Candlesticks and Castors; Lamps, G iron
dri**, Fancy Goods, Spectacles, Mathematical In
*''amenta, Razors, Knives, Scissors; PISTOLS,
I*l N, and Walker's Percuxxioa Caps.
ty Watehc*. Clocks. Jewelry and Musical
***. UIXAIKU) and VVARRANTEIX—
“TS*!?** neatly executed.
, IS4S 10—ts
. LARD.
\\ IHUILE u 4 rrttil. bv
W 3m 'i lb LLLIS & GRAY.
VOLUME VIII. j
THE SOLDIER’S REPLY
TO TIIE WHIG APPEAL FOR HIS VOTE.
BY F. k.DURIVAGE.
Give you my vote ! No! not to save
This shattered body from the grave.
Your perjured party I disclaim—
Treason in nature, whig in name.
To those who would my reason know—
’Tis this—l’ve fought in Mexico.
While thro’ our ranks swept grape and shell
And yielded none—though hundreds fell—
While each who sank in the advance
Was spitted by a brigand’s lance.
While we our country’s colors bore
Triumphant through the battle’s roar,
You gave the murderous foeman aid,
You whetted each assassin’s blade;
Yes; to the cowards courage gave,
Heaped curses on your country’s brave
And now you change at once your note; —
And ask a soldier for his vote !
Think you your voices could not reach
To Vera Cruz’s conquered beach,
Or that your curses died away
Before the walls of Monterey 1
Not so! in every conquered town
The language quoted was your own ;
In every printed Aztec sheet.
Your speeches we were sure to meet.
I vote your fraudful ticket! No!
For I have fought in Mexico.
You say that Taylor leads you on;
My vote for Taylor must be thrown ;
He wears the soldier’s laurel leaf,
He is the soldier’s honored chief,
’Tis true. His honors are his own
lie won them liy the sword alone.
But where the honor to command
Os traitor whigs a ravenous band,
Who heaped dishonor on the cause
In which he won the world’s applause 1
To bring him from his proud estate,
Elect him as your candidate,
But do not ask a soldier’s hand
To stamp him with the foul whig brand.
Against his fame I strike no blow—
I fought with him in Mexico.
Give me tho men who true and bold
Their country and its flag uphold,
Whatever force our shores assail,
Whatever war-cry fill the gale,
Stoop not to wrong from high or low,
An insult answer by a blow,
Who make our flag on shores and seas
The proudest flag that floats the breeze:
Give me the democratic creed,
Bold men in word and brave in deed,
No traitors, sycophants and knaves,
None who dishonor soldiers’ graves,
None who when evil days betide
Are over on the foemau’s side,
Who gallant hearts heap insults on,
But cheer them when the victory’s won.
[Nay—shrink not, friend—l mean no barm—
In Mexico I left an arm—
Peace has been ratified, you know,
And Mexicans are all sale now.]
Seek some deserter, would you win
A vote to help your party in;
Or better still, for voters go
To Riley’s men in Mexico.
POLITICAL.
From the N. 0. Delta, June 10.
SPEECH OF THE HON. S. A. DOUGLASS,
U. S. SENATOR,
Delivered at the Democratic Ratification
Meeting, in the St. Louis Ball Room,
Thursday, June 8.
It is indeed, fellow-citizens, an unexpec
ted honor to be called upon to address you
on this occasion, for which I tender you my
warmest thanks and gratitude. Chance
threw me on your great city. Private af
fairs of an urgent nature, compelled me to
visit the south-west; and on my return to
the capital, an interruption of the commu
nication has enabled me to enjoy the very
great pleasure of meeting my fellow-demo
crats of New Orleans on this interesting oc
casion. I fear, from the severe fatigue
which 1 labor under at present, that I will
not realize the expectations in which your
zeal and enthusiasm have led you to in
dulge.
To say that I cordially approve the nom
inations which you have met together to
ratify, is to express very feebly the full
extent of my ardent and cordial co-opera
tion in that most excellent choice. Il may
not be with many as it is with me, that both
of the gentlemen selected were my first
choice for the offices for which they have
been put in nomination. I know them
both personally. I know them ns men, as
citizens, ns public officers, as statesmen ;
and in every relation and position in
which I have seen them, they have always
proved to be inflexibly honest, ardently pa
triotic,and conspicuously efficient public of
ficers and citizens. They have been tried
in war and in peace. They possess every
attribute of the truly great men—every
quality which could adorn the highest pub
lic station.
But, fellow-citizens, the personal merits
of our candidates, great as they are acknow
ledged to be even by our opponents, are of
but small importance compared with the
great principles and measures involved in
this contest. The great question is be
tween two sets of principles of an opposite
character—principles which deeply con
cern the future progress of our govern
ment and the welfare of our country. It
is as the embodiment of these principles
that Cass and Butler are now presented
for your support. The question will not be
so much whether you will support the in
dividuals, Cass and Butler, as whether you
will recognize and support the principles
which they embody and represent. Will
you ? We will! we will!!” was the
loud cry of the assembly.]] Yes, I echo
your cry, “We will!” The whole demo
cracy will gather as one man around their
banner, and boar it in glory and triumph
through the coming struggle.
We must avoid fighting this battle on
mere personal issues. We must compel
our opponents to declare their principles,
their measures,and objects,so that we may
array against them the powerful weapons
of truth and facts—so, too, that the issue
between the two parties may be clearly
understood, and the verdict of the people
distinctly proclaimed. It is the present
policy of the Whigs to discard the old is
sues, or rather to keep tk&m in the back
ground until the contest is over,and to fight
the battle entirely upon the personal quali
ties of the candidates. In short, they de
sire to play over the same acts which were
so successfully performed in 1840. Then
Harrison and Tyler were brought forward,
anti-bank, anti-tariff, and anti-distribution
—anti-every thing which whiggery had once
advocated ; and, by doing so, had been de
feated. Thus, we find the Virginia conven
tion in 1810 proclaiming them as distinct
ly committed against these obnoxious mea
sures. So, too, in North Carolina, an ad
dress was prepared by Mr. Badger— who
was subsequently rewarded for his exer
tions in that behalf with an office in the cab
inet of General Harrison, in which address
it was treated as a “locofoco fabrication”
that either Harrison cr Tyler was in favor
of a bank, of a tariff, or the repeal of the
compromise act. By these pretences they
succeeded. But just as soon as they got
warm in their seats, they threw off their
no-party guise, and came out full-blooded
bank, tariff, distribution, bankrupt-law
men. And because John Tyler remem
bered these pledges and assurances, ami had
(H§f)£ S§Hiw#o@
the honesty to stand by them, and veto
their grand bank, he was denounced as a
traitor, and the St. Giles and Billingsgate
of whiggery were exhausted in abusing
and defaming him. But, thank God, if for
once deception and imposition did suc
ceed, the triumph was a brief and profitless
one !
The honesty of John Tyler saved us
from a bank, and the returning good sense
of the people soon relieved our country
and our statute-book of every vestige of the
disgraceful legislation of that era of the ill
gotten power of whiggery. Their fiscali
ty exploded ; their high tariff has been con
signed to the “tomb of the Capulets their
bankrupt law has been repealed amid the
hisses and hooting of an offended people ;
and now there lives ofthe campaign of 1840,
only the remembrance of the disgraceful
scenes and pernicious measures which it in
flicted upon the But from that re
membrance the people may dratv much pro
fit and instruction. It will teach them that
our high offices are not merely “spoils,” to
be scrambled for, but great and important
trusts, to be discharged according to cer
tain definite principles. Let us then bat
ter down their no-party screen at once. Let
us call upon our fellow-citizens to require
their candidates to answer distinctly these
questions: Are you in favor of a national
bank—of a high tariff—of distribution of
the proceeds ofthe sales of public lands—
of the bankrupt law ? No man who is not
clearly understood on these points can ever
get my vote, though he were in intellect the
proudest, in patriotism the noblest, and in
moral virtue the greatest of his race. Nay,
more, I would not stop here : I would re
quire him to say whether or not he was in
favor of the Wilmot Proviso. (Immense
applause.) Yes, fellow-citizens, Isay to
you what I have ever said to my own con
stituents in Illinois; I will vote for no man
who is in favor of the Wilmot Proviso.
When I am required by my constituents
to support that measure, as much as I val
ue their confidence, as highly as I appre
ciate the distinctions they have conferred
on me, I will not hesitate to resign my post
and retire to a private station.
On the merits or demerits of slavery, I
have nothing to say. That is a question
exclusively of State regulation, and the
burdens or advantages of slavery belong to
those who choose to retain it, and who alone
have the right to determine when they
will dispense with it. We tried slavery
once in Illinois. It did not suit ourcircuni
stances or habits, and we turned philan
thropic, and abolished it. So it will be
found, after all, with our loud-mouthed abo
litionists—our Hales, Giddingses, and oth
ers—who would, no doubt, had they a su
gar or cotton plantation, be as furious for
the spread of slavery as they now are for
its abolition. I hold that the control of
this subject belongs entirely with the State
or Territory which is called upon to deter
mine upon what system or basis its institu
tions and society shall be organized. The
general government cannot touch the sub
ject without a flagrant usurpation. If
the people of California desire to have
slaves, and find it to their interest to have
them, I would consider it a palpable inva
sion of their rights for the general govern
ment to interfere to prevent their accom
plishing their desire. If the people of Ore
gon do not desire slavery, what power in
the Federal government can impose it up
on them? Such are my sentiments.
Such is the democratic creed. The cele
brated letter of Gen. Cass presents this
subject in a light which leaves no doubt
about his views.
Have we not a right to know what are
the opinions of our opponents upon this
deeply interesting topic ? Will the south
ern people rest content in ignorance of the
views entertained by their candidates for
the chief magistracy of this republic on
this, to them, most delicate and momentous
question.
Let me warn yen, my fellow citizens of
Louisiana, that it will be no security for
you to elect a southern President Your
danger then will be greater than if your
choice fell on a northern man. If a south
ern man is chosen, you will he lulled into
a fatal security, whilst the north will re
main silent, knowing that, when elected,
the President will be under their control;
but if a northern man, the south will be all
alive to know clearly his views, and very
exacting of pledges in reference to slavery.
Thus you may get the man, and they the
measure. Thus it is, I predict, that if the
Wilmot Proviso ever becomes a law, it will
be by the signature of a southern Presi
dent. Hence the importance of our know
ing, clearly and fully, what are the senti
ments of the candidates. Let them not
have six months to make up their opinions,
and then proclaim them after they are elec
ted. We care not for the offices, whilst
we have the principles.
The Democratic party openly and loud
ly proclaims its principles and records its
pledges. More—it faithfully keeps and re
deems them. What they promised in
1844, the}’ have fully redeemed. And
what the Whigs prophecied would be the
result of these measures, has been most
signally falsified. We promised to reduce
the tariff, and by placing it upon the ad
valorem basis, to give great relief to the
industry of the country, and at the same
time to augment the revenue to meet the
heavy demands for the Mexican war.—
This measure, we were told, would ruin
the country. I t would prostrate our manu
factures and beggar our treasury. I heard
the great whig financier, Senator Evans,
demonstrate these woful declarations, to
the entire conviction of all the whigs. He
proved, most incontestibly, that the tariff of
1846 would product but thirteen millions,
leaving a large deficit to meet the current
expenses of the government. But see how
these whigs. miscalculated! Already has
this tariff produced thirty millions a year
though we only promised twenty-six mil
lions. Thus do the Democrats more than
redeem their pledges. So of the indepen
dent treasury. That, too, was to ruin the
nation, to embarrass our finaflcial operations,
to disturb the exchanges, and produce
many other serious evils. But, alas! for
whig sagacity and prescience ! the inde-*
pendent treasury has fulfilled, admirably
fulfilled, all its purposes, and realized all
our anticipations. Soof all the other meas
ures advocated by the Democrats. They
have all succeeded, just as we expected,
and the very reverse of the predictions of
the whigs.
If, then, the Democratic party has never
deceived you—if it has faithfully and gal
lantly adhered to its principles through
good and through ill fortune—it it has ever
proved the same in victory and defeat—
will you not trust to its principles, its prom
ises, its pledges, rather than wander astray
after false gods and false principles ?
But there is another point to which I
must, in this connection, briefly allude. It
is the Mexican war. This, too, will be an
issue in this contest—not here in Louisiana
—not here, in this chivalrous and renowned
city Orleans ; but elsewhere this
“ iniquitous war” will he made a fruitful
theme of Whig declamation. And yet
<THK UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY Os THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1848-
with what wonderful consistency do these
gentlemen advocate the claims of a gallant
soldier who has been made known to the
civilized world by his valorous deeds in
“this unholy, this accursed war.” The
war is unjust, and all engaged in it are
murderers ; but still they are willing to
take for their President the very “chief
murderer”—the man who has gained im
mortal renown by his firmness and gal
lantry in this terrible and “infamous” war.
But the Democrats hold that the war is a
just one; that it was brought on by the
provocations of a conceited foe, and that it
was the duty of every patriotic American
to sustain it with ardor and v?gor. They
are, too, ever ready to testify their profound
gratitude to all those who have aided to
produce the glorious results which have
made this war so brilliant an era in our
country’s history. But they are not ready
to give up all their measures—to surrender
their cherished principles—to abandon
their time-honored doctrines, in order tr
manifest their admiration of, and gratitude
for, the most distinguished services of our
illustrious commanders.
Nor is it gratitude or admiration that
prompts the Whigs to support Gen. Tay
lor so ardently. Taylorism is the mere
pretence ; the reality is Whiggery. All
the Taylor men say they prefer Clay; he
is their first choice. Why don’t they sup
port him ? Is he not a good Whig ? Is he
not eminently qualified for the office—
morally, politically, and intellectually quali
fied ?
Oh yes ! But oh ! lie cannot be elected
because he believes in Whig principles—
because he is identified with Whig meas
ures. Those, therefore, who prefer Clay
must go for Taylor, because his principles
are unknown ; and, being unknown, he
may catch some Democrats and all the
Whigs. If he succeeds, he may, they
hope, cheat the Democrats and serve the
Whigs. This is a precious confession that
Whig principles are so odious to the peo
ple, that there is no hope of ever electing
as a President one who is identified with
them ; and that the only resource of the
party is to smuggle them into power
through a nc-party candidate. They tried
this system in 1840, and they were Tyler
ized then ; let them beware lest, if they
succeed in this contest, they may too be
Taylorized. Tyler proved an honest man,
contrary to the calculations of the Whigs,
and carried out literally what they merely
put forth to mislead and deceive the people.
For this he was denounced as a traitor.
Taylor will, no doubt, if elected, prove
equally honest, and will meet with a like
fate at the hands of his Whig supporters.
He has written a letter in which he avows
his determination to leave all questions of
domestic policy to the representatives of
the people. This is a large and conven
ient admission. It will cover almost every
political principle and measure. At the
north slavery is considered a question of
domestic policy, and the Taylor men there
contend that this declaration of Gen. Tay
lor shows that he will sign the Wilmot
proviso. Such vague professions as these
will not and ought not to satisfy the Ameri
can people. They must have something
more to rely upon than the personal virtues
and merits of their candidates. For my
self, I freely declare that, much as I love
Gen. Cass, I would not fatigue myself as I
have done to night to elevate him—the
man—to the presidency. But as the em
bodiment of our principles, there is no fa
tigue, no labor, no sacrifices, which I
would not be willing to make *to promote
his election. And much as I honor and
venerate Generals Taylor and Scott—the
one who led 4000 and the other 2000 of
the gallant sons of my own State to glorious
victory—willing as I should be to unite in
the most distinguished testimonials of ad
miration and gratitude to these distinguish
ed public servants, yet I am free to con
fess that, if they were brought out as can
didates, or upon no principles alone, I would
canvass the whole Union to defeat them.
It is not sufficient, it will not content the
people, for the candidates to say that they
are devoted to the constitution. Daniel
Webster says he is the expounder of the
constitution ; and yet, if his mode of ex
pounding it were carried out, there would
soon be very little left of it. Nor is it suffi
cient to say that your candidate is an hon
est man. If a man’s views are erroneous,
he is the more dangerous for being honest.
He will see that his erroneous views are
carried out with the vigor inspired by an
honest heart.
We present you candidates equally hon
est, and with sound principles and correct
minds. Need I dwell upon the personal
merits and services of these distinguished
men ? Need I remind you that Lewis Cass
was the first man to shed his blood in the
war of 1812—that he was the first to cap
ture a stand of colors on the soil of Canada?
Need I remind you of the distinguished
services he rendered in the War Depart
ment, to which he was called by that true
and sagacious patriot, the immortal Jack
son ?—of his powerful exertions and dig
nified firmness in resist! lg the intrigues of
the quintuple alliance, and securing the
freedom of American commerce ?—of his
eloquence, his vigor, his untiring patriot
ism in the Senate, in defence of the policy
of the democratic party, and especially in
aiding, by his great experience, the suc
cessful prosecution of the war with Mexi
co ? Shall I tell you that he is, too, a man
of the purest private character—-of warm
and devoted friendship, of true philan
thropy, and high toned patriotism?
As for the gallant Butler, who does not
know him ? There is no braver or better
mat) than General Butler. General Butlei,
did Isay? Ask in Old Kentucky, and alla
long the Ohio, whoGcn.Butleris.and they
will tell you that they don’t know svfth a
man. But speak of Billy Butler, the barn
burner, and every Western man will shout
his name aloud. How did he get this
soubriquet ? It was in one of the severest
battles with the British and Indians on the
northwestern frontier, that a large number
of the savages had found their way into a
bam, from which they poured a deadly
fire upon the American troops. The Amer
ican commander said, “ that barn must be
burnt,” and inquired “who would volunteer
to perform the perilous task ?” After a
short pause, the youthful Butler gallantly
stepped forward, and providing himself
with a torch, proceeded to the tern, amid
a shower of bullets from the rifles of the In
dians, and soon fired it so completely as
to envelope it in flames, and returned un
harmed to the American lines, when every
spectator considered his death inevitable.
The firing of that bam deprived the enemy
of his strongest position, and soon gave the
victory to the Americans.
The gallant deed conferred upon Gen.
Butler the honorable title of barnburner—
not a New York barnburner, but one who
burns barns in the service of his country,
and in the cause of humanity. The name
of Butler is gloriously associated with the
great deeds which have rendered the neigh
borhood of .your city classic ground. He
had just been released from captivity, and
had returned home, when, hearing that
Jackson was rallying his troops for the de
fence of New Orleans, he proceeded, after
a single night’s rest, to join his regiment in
this city. In the bloody battle of the 23d
December, he led his company against the
enemy with such desperate valor, that for
a long time it was feared that he had been
cut off and captured by the enemy. But
he returned, and, as the aid of the heroic
general, he bore a distinguished part in the
ever glorious victory which saved this
beautiful city from rapine and destruction.
Elected to Congress, he displayed in civil
station qualities no less brilliant and useful
than those he had evinced in military life.
Os his services in the Mexican war I need
not speak. They are as familiar to you
as household words. He is the soul of
honor and the pink of chivalry; the bland
ness of his temper, the warmth of his as-,
sections, the witchery of his manner, nver
fail to endear him to all who come within
his influence.
Such, fellow Democrats, are the candi
dates who are now presented to you as
the embodiment of your principles. Will
you not support them ? Will you not rally
at the polls next November, and sustain
your time-honored and cherished princi
ples, by depositing your votes for those
patriot soldiers, those experienced states
men, those honest citizens and inflexible
democrats, Lewis Cass and William O.
Butler ?
HILLARD FILLMORE—THE WHIG
CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE PRESI
DENCY.
We have the pleasure of a personal ac
quaintance with Mr. Fillmore, and respect
him highly as a gentleman from an agreea
ble intercourse of a few years at the seat
of the federal government. We are above
misrepresenting him. On the contrary
we think it would be an insult to represent
him in the State of New York to be op
posed to the Wilmot Proviso. He is, as
we have said before, “ a first rate speci
men of a genuine NORTHERN WHIG:’
He prides himself in the doctrines of the
Northern Whigs— not one of whom, we
repeat, has been known to vote or speak
against the Proviso in any previous assem
bly of the people, State convention, or in
Congress. All — all of them are Proviso
men? Therefore, we repeat that “Wilmot
Provisoism sticks to him like the poisoned
shirt ofNessus, until he denies it.” But,
this, we think, he will never do—because
it would kill him with his party.
We believe he was nominated for the
very reason that he is a Provisoist, in or
der to carry his party, North, for Gen. Tay
lor ! Taylor, a slave holder, for the South,
and Fillmore, a Provisoist, for the North—
the Northern Whigs representing Gen.
Taylor as opposed to the further extension
of slavery—the Southern Whigs represent
ing Mr. Fillmore as not being in favor ofthe
Proviso restriction—and all this under the
game of HIDE and SEEK— lie LOW
AND KEEP DARK— that's the game,
gentlemen—the people understand you,
as they do every one who refuses to make
known his political opinions. Mystery—
concealment is always evidence of the rank
est FRAUD. Gen. CASS and his PAR
TY are out boldly with their opinions—
Gen. BUTLER, when he returns from
Mexico, like a true democrat and a soldier,
will never dodge or keep dark. Come out!
Come out! And let the people judge !
[Athens Banner.
THE MAK(|fIM)F INTELLECT.
From the of a Whig meet
ing held in Boston on Friday night, June
16th, we clip (says the Baltimore Argus)
the following evidence of the “march of
mind :”
“Major John P. Gaines, of Kentucky,
then addressed the meeting. He knew
Gen. Taylor intimately, and related many
interesting reminiscences of his life—his
decision, firmness, sagacity on the field of
battle. ‘ One word,’ says he, ‘in conclu
sion, as to General Taylor;—he being a
Whig, he walks like a Whig, he looks like
a Whig, and he talks more like a Whig,
than a pig can squeal like a pig. lam
considered at home the high priest of Whig
principles and Gen. Taylo: is as I am.’”
A great man is this Major Gaines, truly,
to be considered at home the “high priest
of Whig principles;” but he must set a
poor estimate upon the public intelligence,
if he thinks his remarks about Gen. Tay
lor are likely to gain him supporters. We
wonder if the Major recollects that letter
which he and others addressed to General
Worth, on their release from their long
imprisonment in Mexico. In that letter,
he leads the public to infer, that he and
the other American prisoners were inhu
manly treated by Gen. Taylor —that he
never once interested himself in their be
half—and that the only comfort and conso
lation they received in their dreary dun
geon, was from Gen. Worth. We have that
letter, and if the Major isn’t careful how
he talks nonsense, we will publish it some
of these days.
Correspondence ol the Savannah Georgian.
Syracuse, N. Y., June 24, 1848.
My Dear Sir;—You must look upon
the singular political developements of the
democracy of this State with rather a curi
ous eye. How they appear to those re
moved so far I cannot now realize ; per
haps as tragedy, perhaps as farce—dis
tance may “lend enchantment to the view.”
But to us here on the spot who have been
knowing to these things from the begin
ning, it presents all the pleasing and varied
scenes of a serio-comic Bombastic Furioso.
We have chalked their backs and they
amount to just a corporal’s guard, the old
stagers, viz: John Van Barnburner, Fath
er Cambreleng, D. D. Field, Smith, &c.,
&c. We laugh at it here—to you it may
appear serious ; but you see only the open
stage, while we look behind the scenes
and see the paltry disguise in which they
play their characters. The Van Burens
are now acting openly with the Whigs ;
unnatural, ungenerous and revengeful as
Benedict Arnolds, they will leave a like
memory behind them among the democra
cy, which has lavished upon them honors
and places, the highest in their gift.
Don’t be frightened, the world is full of
vagaries, and politicians are subject to the
epidemic. Give us a little time and we
will show you a different state of aflairs.
Yours, very truly.
The Wilmot Proviso.— The difference
between Gen. Cass and General Taylor.
Gen. Cass is pledged to veto the Wilmot
Proviso.
Gen. Taylor is pledged not to veto it.
Let Southern men, who are appealed to
by every consideration of justice, and of self
preservation, and who look upon the Wil
mot Proviso as a paramount question of
right and of safety’, choose between the two
candidates, after reflecting upon this differ
ence between them.
Who’s Be-“Wictimized?”— -Horace
Greeley, the great editor of the Tribune,
says u that Gen. Taylor's concealment of
his opinions argues that somebody is to be
cheated, and that he [the said Greeley ]
does not care to be ranked either among
the swindlers or the dupes.”
From the Baltimore Sun, Jnly Bth.
THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE,
ANNOUNCING TO CONGRESS THE END OF THE
WAR WITH MEXICO.
To the Senate and House of Representa
tives of the United States:
I lay before Congress copies of a treaty
of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement,
between the United States and the Mexi
can republic, the ratifications of which were
duly exchanged at the city of Queretaro,
in Mexico, on the 30th day of May, 1848.
The war in which our country was re
luctantly involved, in the necessary vindi
cation of the national rights and honor, has
been thus terminated; and I congratulate
Congress, and our common constituents,
upon the restoration of an honorable peace.
The extensive and valuable territories
ceded by Mexico to the United States con
stitute indemnity for the past, and the bril
liant achievements and signal successes of
our arms will be a guaranty of security for
the future, by convincing all nations that
our rights must be respected. The results
of the war with Mexico have given to the
United States a national character abroad
which our country never before enjoyed.
Our power and our resources have become
known, and are respected throughout the
world; and we shall probably be saved
from the necessity of engaging in another
foreign war for a long series of years. It
is a subject of congratulation that we have
passed through a war of more than two
years’ duration, with the business of the
country uninterrupted, with our resources
unexhausted, and the public credit unim
paired.
I communicate for the information of
Congress the accompanying documents and
correspondence relating to the negotiation
and ratification of the treaty.
Before the treaty can be fully executed
on the part of the United States, legislation
will be required. It will be proper to make
the necessary appropriations for the pay
ment of the twelve millions of dollars, stip
ulated by the twelfth article to be paid to
Mexico m four equal annual installments.
Three millions of dollars werg appropria
ted by the act of March 3d, 1847, and that
sum was paid to the Mexican Government
after the exchange of the ratification of the
treaty.
The fifth article of the treaty provides,
that “in order to designate the boundary
line with due precision upon authoritative
maps, and to establish upon the ground
land-marks which shall show the limits of
botli republics, as described in the present
article, the two governments shall each
appoint a commissioner and a surveyor,
who before the expiration of one year from
the date of the exchange of ratifications of
this treaty, shall meet at the port of San
Diego, and proceed to run and mark the
said boundary in its whole course to the
mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte.” It
will be necessary that provision should he
made by law for the appointment of a com
missioner and surveyor on the part of the
United States, to act in conjunction with a
commissioner and surveyor appointed by
Mexico, in executingtlxe stipulations of this
article.
It will be proper also to provide by law
for the appointment of a “board of commis
sioners” to adjudicate and decide upon all
claims of our citizens against the Mexican
government, which, by the treaty, have
been assumed by the United States.
New Mexico and Upper California have
been ceded by Mexico to the United States,
and now constitute a part of our country.
Embracing nearly ten degrees of latitude,
lying adjacent to the Oregon Territory, and
extending from the Pacific ocean to the
Rio Grande, a mean distance of nearly a
thousand miles, it would be difficult to
estimate the value of these possessions to
the United States. They constitute of
themselves a country large enough for a
great empire, and their acquisition is sec
ond only in importance to Louisiana, in
1803. Rich in mineral and agricultural
resources, with a climate of great salubri
ty, they embrace the most important ports
on the whole Pacific coast of North Amer
ica. The possession of the porta of San
Diego, Monterey and the bay of San Fran
ciso, will enable the United States to com
mand the already valuable and rapidly in
creasing commerce of the Pacific. The
number of our whale-ships alone, now em
ployed in that sea, exceeds seven hundred,
requiring more than twenty thousand sea
men to navigate them; while the capital
invested in this particular branch of com
merce is not less than forty millions of dol
lars. The excellent harbors of Upper Cal
ifornia will, under our flag, afford security
and repose to our commercial marine; and
American mechanics will soon furnish ready
means of ship-building and repair, which
are now so much wanted in that distant
sea.
By the acquisition of these possessions
we are brought into immediate proximity
with the west coast of America, from Cape
Horn to the Russian possessions north of
Oregon; with the islands of the Pacific
ocean; and by a direct voyage in steamers,
we will be in less than thirty days of Can
ton and other ports of China.
In this vast region, whose rich resources
are soor to be developed by American en
ergy and enterprise, great must be the aug
mentation of our commerce, and with it,
new and profitable demands for mechanic
labor in all its branches, and new and valu
able markets for our manufactures and ag
ricultural products.
While the war has been conducted with
great humanity and forbearance, and with
complete success on our part, the peace has
been concluded on terms the most liberal
and magnanimous to Mexico. In her
hands, the territories now ceded had re
mained, and, it is believed, would have con
tinued to remain almost unoccupied, and of
little value to her or any other nation;
whilst as a part of our Union, they will be
productive of vast benefits to the U. States,
to the commercial world, and to the general
interests of mankind.
The immediate establishment of Terri
torial governments, and the extension of our
laws over these valuable possessions, are
deemed to be not only important, but in
dispensable to preserve order and the due
administration of justice within their limits,
to afford protection to the inhabitants, and
to facilitate the development of the vast re
sources and wealth which their acquisition
has added to our country.
The war with Mexico having termina
ted, the power of the Executive to estab
lish or to continue temporary civil govern
ments over these Territories, which exis
ted under the laws of nations whilst they
were regarded as conquered provinces in
our military occupation, has ceased. By
their cession to the United States, Mexico
has no longer any power over them; and,
until-Congress shall act, the inhabitants
will be without any organized government.
Should they be left in this condition, con
fusion and anarchy will lje likely to pre
vail.
Foreign commerce to a considerable
amount is now carried on in the ports of
Upper California, which will require to be
regulated by our laws. Ac soon as our
| NUMBER 31.
system shall be extended over this com
merce, a revenue of considerable amount
will be annually increased. For these and
other obvious reasons, I deem it to be my
duty earnestly to reccommend the action
of Congress on the subject at the present
session,
In organizing governments over these
Territories, fraught with such vast advan
tages to every portion of our Union, I in
voke that spirit of concession, conciliation,
and compromise in your deliberations, in
which the constitution was framed, in which
it should be administered, and which is so
indispensable to preserve and perpetuate
the harmony and union of the States. We
should never forget that this Union of con
federate States was established and cemen
ted by kindred blood, and by the common
toils, sufferings, dangers, and triumphs of
all its parts, and has been the ever augmen
ting source of our national greatness and of
all our blessings.
There has, perhaps, been no period since
the warning so impressively given to his
countrymen by Washington, to guard
against geographical divisions and sectional
parties, which appeals with greater force
than the present, to the patriotic, sober
minded, and reflecting of all parties and of
all sections of our country. Who can cal
culate the value of our glorious Union !
It is a model and example of free govern
ment to all the world, and is the star cf
hope and the haven of rest; to the oppress
ed of every clime. By its preservation,
we have been rapidly advancing as a nation
to a height of strength, power, and happi
ness, without a parallel in the history of
the world. As we extend its blessings over
new regions, shall we be so unwise as to
endanger its existence by geographical di
visions and dissensions?
With a view to encourage the early set
tlement of these distant possessions, I re
commend that liberal grants of the public
lands be secured to all our citizens who
have settled, or may in a limited period,
settle within their limits.
In execution of the provisions of the trea
ty, orders have been issued to our military
and naval forces to evacuate, without delay,
the Mexican provinces, cities, towns, and
fortified places in our military occupation,
and which are not embraced in the territo
ries„ceded to the United States. The army
is already on its way to the United States.
That portion of it, as well regulars as vol
unteers, who engaged to serve during the
war with Mexico, will be discharged as
soon as they can be transported or march
ed to convenient points in the vicinity of
their homes. A part of the regular army
will be employed in New Mexico and Upper
California, to afford protection to the inhab
itants, and to guard our interests in these
territories.
The old army, as it existed before the
commencement of the war with Mexico—
especially if authority be given to fill up
the rank and file of the several corps to the
maximum number authorized during the
war—it is believed, will be a sufficient force
to be retained in service during a period
of peace. A few additional officers in the
line and stall of the army have been au
thorized ; and these, it is believed, will be
necessary in the peace and
should be retained in service. The num
ber of the general officers may be reduced,
as vacancies occur by the casualties of the
servico, to what it was before the war.
While the people of other countries, who
live under forms of government less free
than our own, have been for ages oppress
ed by taxation to support large standing
armies at periods of peace, our experience
has shown that such establishments are
unnecessary in a republic. Our standing
army is to be found in the bosom of society.
It is composed of free citizens, who are ever
ready to take up arms in the service of their
country, when an emergency requires it.
Our experience in the war just closed, ful
ly confirms the opinion, that such an army
may be raised upon a few weeks’ notice
and that our citizen-soldiers are equal to any
troops in the world. No reason, there
fore, is perceived, why we should enlarge
our land forces, and thereby subject the
treasury to an annual increased charge.
Sound policy requires that we should
avoid the creation of a large standing army
in a period of peace. No public exigency
requires it. Such armies are not only ex
pensive and unnecessary, but may become
dangerous to liberty.
Besides making the necessary legislative
provisions for the execution of the treaty,
and the establishment of territorial govern
ments in the ceded country, we have,, upon
the restoration of peace, other important
duties to perform. Among these, I regard
none as more important than the adoption
of proper measures for the speedy extin
guishmentofthe national debt. Itisagainst
sound policy and the genius of our institu
tions, that a public debt should be permitted
to exist a day longer than the means of the
treasury will enable the government to pay
it off.
We should adhere to the wise policy laid
down by President Washington, of “avoid
ing the accumulation of debt, not only by
shunning occasions of expense, but by vig
orous exertions in time of peace to discharge
the debts which unavoidable wars have oc
casioned, not ungenerously throwing upon
posterity the burden we ourselves ought to
bear.”
At the commencement of the present ad
ministration, the public debt amounted to
817,788,798 02. In consequence of the
war with Mexico, it has been necessarily
increased, and now amounts to 865,778,-
450 41, including the stock and treasury
notes which may yet be issued under the
act of January 28, 1847, and the sixteen
million lean recently negotiated under the
act of March 31, 1848.
In addition to the amount of the debt, the
treaty stipulates that twelve millions of dol
lars shall be paid to Mexico in four equal
annual installments of three millions each;
the first of which will fall due on the 30th
of May, 1840. The treaty also stipulates
that the United States shall “assume and
pay” to our own citizens “the claims al
ready liquidated and decided against the
Mexican republic,” and “all claims not
heretofore decided against the Mexican
government, to an amount not exceeding
three and one auarter millions of dollars.”
The “liquidated” claims of citizens of the
United States against Mexico, as decided
by the joint board of commissioners under
the convention between the United States
and Mexico of the 11th of April, 1839,
amounted to $2,026,139,68. This sum
was payable in twenty equal annual install
ments. Three of them nave been paid to
the claimants by the Mexican government,
and two by the United States; leaving to be
paid of the principal of the liquidated a
mount assumed by the U. States the sum
of $1,519,604 76, together with the inter
est thereon. These several amounts of
“liquidated” and unliquidated claims as
sumed by the United States, it is believed,
may be paid as they fall due out of the se
curing revenue, without the issue of stock
or the creation of any additional public
debt.
I cannot too strongly recop|pend to Con
gross the importance of husbanding all otlr
national resources, of limiting the public
expenditures to necessary objects, and of
applying all the surplus at any time in the
treasury to the redemption of the debt. I
recommend that authority be vested in the
Executive by law to anticipate the period
of reimbursement of such portion of the
debt as may not be now redeemable, and
to purchase it at par, or at the premium
which it may command in the market, in
all cases in which that authority has net
already been granted. A premium has
been obtained by the government on much
the larger portion of the loans; and if, when
the government becomes a purchaser of its
own stock, it shall command a premium in
the market, it will be sound policy to pay
it, rather than to pay the semi-annual inter
est upon it. The interest upon the debt,
if the outstanding treasury notes shall bo
funded, from the end of the last fiscal yeas
until it shall fall due and be redeemable,
will be very nearly equal to the principal
which must itself be ultimately paid. .
Without changing or modifying the pres
ent tariff of duties, so great has been tho
increase of our commerce under its benign
operation, that the revenue derived from
that source and from the sales of tho pub
lic lands will, it is confidently believed, en
able the government to discharge annually
several millions of the debt, and at tlu
same time possess the means of meeting
necessary appropriations for all other prtq*-
er objects. Unless Congress shall author
ize largely increased expenditures, for ob
jects not of absolute necessity, tho whole
public debt existing before t})e Mexican
war, and that created during its continu
ance, may be paid off, without any increase
of taxation on the people, long before it will
fall due.
Upon the restoration of peace we should
adopt a policy suited to a state of peace.—
In doing this, the earliest practicable pay
ment of the public debt should be a cardi
nal principle of action. Profiting by the
experience of the past, we dhould avoid
tho errors into which the country wes be
trayed shortly after the close of the war
with Great Britain in 1815. In a few
years after that period, a brood and latitu
dinous construction of the powers of the
federal government unfortunately received
but too much countenance. Though the
country’ was burdened with a heavy public
debt, large and in some instances unnee
essary and extravagant expendkmea-were
authorized by Congress. The conse
quence was, that the payment of the debt
was postponed for more than twenty years*
and even then, it was only accomplished
by the stern will and unbending policy of
President Jackson, who made its payment
a leading measure of bis administration.
He resisted the attempts which were made
to divert the public money from that great
object, and apply it in wasteful and extrav
agant expenditures for other objects,, some
of them of more than doubtful constitution
al authority and expediency.
If the government of the United States
shall observe a proper economy in its ex
penditures, and be confined in its action to
the conduct of our foreign relations and to
the few general objects of its care, enume
rated in the constitution, leaving all muni
cipal and local legislation to the States, our
greatness as a nation in moral and physi
cal power, and in wealth and
cannot be calculated.
By pursuing this pobey, oppressive
measures, operating unequally and unjust
ly upon sections and classes, will beaveided;
and the people, having no cause Os com
plaint, will pursue their own interests* un
der the blessings of equal laws and the pree
lection of a just and paternal government.
By abstaining from the exercise of all
powers not.clearly conferred, the cement
of our glorious Union, now numbering thir
ty States, will be strengthened as we grow
in age and increase in population, and our
future destiny will be without a parallel or.
example in the history of nations.
JAMES K. POLK,
Washington, July 0, 1848.
Hi* faithful blade be ahivered there—
Remonstrance would not bear;
He would not atrike his country's flag—-
Thk bhave old yolustssb!
We copy the following from the Zanes
ville (Ohio) Aurora, it being the testimony
of a brave man who was present and wit
nessed the heroic conduct of Gen, Cass qt
the time of Hull’s surrender:
Let federalism repeat her foolish false
hoods against Lewis Cass ! Her most silly
one is, that he did not break bis sword oil
hearing of Hull’s surrender. Below we
have a letter from ’Squire Willis, an old
and highly-esteemed citizen of this coun
ty, on the subject. We can get letters
from others, we think, who were eye-wit
nesses of the transaction. This abuse of
Gen. Cass is not at all detrimental to hia
prospects for the election to the presidency.
The enthusiasm and support of old com
panions in arms is called out by these cow
ardly attacks.
Murat loved Bonaparte with supreme
devotion, and bore with his impatience and
irascibility, and even dissipated them by
his good humor. Once, however, Bona
parte irritated him beyrnd endurance. Mu
rat foresaw the result of a march to Mos
cow, and expostulated with his brother-in
law on the perilous undertaking. The dis
pute ran high, and Murat pointed to tho
lateness of the season, and the inevitably
ruin in which the winter, so close at hand,
would involve the army. Bonaparte, more*
passionate than usual, because Murat had
the right of it, as he had a few days before,
when he besought him not to attack Smo
lensko, because the Russians would evac
uate it of their own accord; made a reply,
which was heard only by the latter, but
which stung him so to the quick that he
simply replied—“A march to Moscow will
be the destruction of the army,” and spur
red his horse straight into the fire of a Rus
sian battery. Bonaparte had touched him
in some sceret spot, and he determined to
wipe out the disgrace, by his death. He
ordered all his guard to leave him, and dis
mounting from his magnificent steed, with
his piercing eye turned fully on the batte
ry, stood calmly waiting the ball that should
shatter him. A more striking subject for
a picture was scarce ever furnished than
he exhibited in that attitude. There stood
his high mettled and richly caparisoned
charger, with arching neck ana dilated
e ye, giving ever and anon a slight shiver at
each explosion of the artillery that ploughed
up the turf at his feet, while Murat, in his
splendid attire, stood beside him with his
ample breast turned full on the fire, and his
proud lip curled in defiance, and his tall
white plume waving to and fro in the air
as the bullets whistled by it—the
sonation of calm courage and heroic daring.
At length casting his eye round, he saw
General Belliau still by his side. He ask
ed him why he did net withdraw. “Eve*
ry man,” he replied, “is master of his own
life, and as your majesty seems determin
ed to dispose of your own, I must be allow
ed to fall beside you.”
This fidelity and love struck the gen
erous heart of Murat, and be turn
ed his horse and galloped out of the fire.
The affection of a single man could conquer
him at any time, whom the enemy seemed
unable to overcome. His own life was
nothing, but the life of a friend waa sur
passingly dear to him.
[JV. T. Courier 4* Enq.
” Gen. Taylor ic, at we believe, ri# on every
point except pottibly the slave question, and eve*
on that, *is vrawa vaaCTi'ALrr a* o ni
to* vs.”— Springfield (Mast.) Gazette.
“On the queetion of Blavery he, Gen. Tayloy,
stands on the mine ground es Henry Clay.”
[Rotten Journal .
i v t L
*As Congress is to be He Government, oil.
der Gea. Taylor, to securing thi* ail our
aflocto must be bent.”— tf. Y. Express.