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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR.
4. FORSYTH, H. KLLIS, & CO.
Proprietors and Publishers.
Twe Time* is published every Tuekday Morning
is the baildmj known as Winter's Exchange,”
East *;<le •’ Broad street, above Randolph, up
•dir*, immediately in the rear of the Post-Office.
n ;KM'—Three Dollars per annum, payable
in frM(r for n*w suhscr’plions.
No paper will ->e discontinued while any arrear
age* are due, unless at the option of the proprietors,
a . 1 Three Dollars and a Half, will in all cases
be evicted where payment is not made before the
eipirntsoa of the subscription year.
IdvcrtKonacuti conspicuously inserted at Oik
D ‘liar per square, for the first insertion, and
l-'itlyl outs for every subsequent continuance.
\ll Advertisement* sent to us withoutspecifv
lagtlie number of insertions desired, will be con
tinued until ordered out, and charged accordingly.
I.cgat Advertisements published at the usnal
and with strict attcution to the requisitions of
tbc Uv,
*:crilP* Sales under regular executions, must
be advertised Thirty Days; under mortgage ii fas, |
!<l\tyllain before the day of sale.
Sales of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
ministrator* or Guardiaus, for Sixty-Days before
ssaies of personal property (except negroes) For
ty Days.
C tat i*as by Clerks of Courts of Ordinary, upon
application for letters of administration arc to be
pas shed for Thirty Dljs,
Citation* upon application for dismission, by
Executors, Administrators, or Guardians, monthly
for si\ Month*.
Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied
with a copy of the bond, or agreement) to make
title to land, must be published Three Month*.
Notice* by Executors or Administrators or Guar
dian*, of app’ication to the Court of Ordinary for
• ■ in to sell the Land or Negroes of an estate, Four
Mowth*.
\•♦flees by Executors or Administrators, to the
1* ‘ior and Creditors ofan estate, foi Six Weeks,
17 letters to the proprietors on business must
bo fast p aid, to entitle them to attention.
MERCANTILE.
wflraiiFFXwHiTmiiY,
I K HE just rtttivtd an additional supply of
SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS,
among which can be found Shawls, Bonnet, and
li"s*t Ribbons, Ginghams. Muslins, Calicoes, &c.
Also a good assortment of PANAMA and LEG**
HORN II %Tw, all of which they will sell very
low fr cash or approved credit.
‘V- k W. have a few patterns of very fine Bareg
en. which they will sell (or about Half Price, rath
er r.an keep them over. LADIES call and see.
’ 2 ■ 1848. 18—ts
BOOTS, SHOES LEATHER, &C.
At Prime Cost.
r K*HE Subscriber havin'* determined to discon
* tinue hi* nrcsrnt business in Columbus will
sell off hisxln-k on hand, consisting of all articles
usually found in a Shoe Store.
AT PEITMIE COST.
7 hr i-'ris new. tun .ng It.ca Mostly purchased
•c ihi • the last six month*, and is well worth the
tti nti■■ of merchant* and others, wishing topur
■ tty.
iw< Hood assortment of LASTS, PEGS,
ami other Shoemaker's Findings, to which the at
tention of those engaged in the manufacture of
shot s is particularly JniitciJ.
ERASTUS REED.
June 20, ISIB 26—if
LIFE GAN BE PROLONGED!!
OLD A';E PUT OFF!
AND MAN’S DAYS IN HEALTH EX
TENDED TO ONE HUNDRED YEARS!
NEW AND VALUABLE WORK.
SIX Ifttnrfs on ihc uses of the Lnnjrs; rnm
e, preveftioa, and cure of PULMONARY
( ONSUMPTIOX, ASTHMA, (or Phthisic,) and dis
eases of the Heart; on the laws of Longevity ; and
on the mode of preserving Male anti Female health
to an hundred years.—2B Engravings—324 pages.
IS) KAMI El, BULDON FITCII, A. M.,.t1.D.
Just received and for sale by
TARBOX k MARBLE.
May 16, 1848.
EVERY MAN READ THIS!
SPLENDID “PROPERTY
VGREEIBLY to an order from the Honorable
Orphan’s Court of Chambers county, Ala
bama will be solu at public outcry, in the town of
La Fayette, Chambers county, Ala,, on the First
Monday in September next, the following valuable
property, to-wit:
The well known and extensive Mill Establish
ment aud lands attached, known as
DOUGHERTY’S MILLS,
On the Oscuapipie in Chambers
County, A abama.
We cannot describe the real value of this proper
tv, but believing that it is (as it has proved itself to
tin the most valuable property in Eastern Alabama
or Western Georgia, we anxiously invite persons
to come and see it. It is worth i visit of some dis
tjuc>’ to examine (he splendid machinery of the
establishment even if you have no disposition to
purchase. There is a splendid
building, three stories running numerous hoppers
(welt supplied with business) and Machinery of
Cast Iron—a large
SAW MILL running 2 Saws, and
a line Wool Factory.
The Dam* £twoj are built of walled rock, and
wnl outlast many generations of men. There is
not only water power sufficient to run the above
work* during the whole year, but it affords one of
the finest locations in the whole Soutli for exten-
COTTON FACTORIES.
Come and sec, and believe not our report. The
following lands are attached to this property, and
wi.l he s<dd with it. Section twenty-five, (25) South
half of Section twenty-four, (24) and the East half
oi Section twenty-six,*(26) in Township twenty-one,
;21) and Range twenty-eight, (2S) also Section thir
tv,(3o) l ownship twenty-one, (21) and Range tw en
tv-n ne, ,29) east in the Tallapoosa Land District,
(•outlining in the aggregate, nineteen hundred and
.;xtv acres ol* wel I timbered land, and much ofit
fertile and well adapted to cultivation, aud in every
view of the case, one of the finest locations in the
South.
The propertv is situated about 8 miles trora West
P-eat, Georgia, and within a short distance ol the
surveyed route ofthe RAIL-ROAD, from Montgom
civ to West Point. The completion of which road,
w ill, ol course, enhance its value, though its pres
ent patronage is sufficient to satisfy the desires o(
almost any man.
The terms are liberal and suited to the times—
the first pavmont being one third, will be due twelve
months front the day of sale ; the second payment
hc.uc oae-third, two years: and the last payment
three year* from the sale. The last two payment*
to bear interest from the time the first falls due.—
In company with the above property will also he
so and a Coe lot of stock Hogs belonging to the Mills.
Considering the value of the property, and the
It airfi of the credit, the securities are to be per
sonal. and Mortgage on the premises.
Persons visiting the Mills, will find a conductor
totS- beauties ofthe property, in Mr. Thomasßur
vnar, at the place, and those wishing information
o the subject, can get it by addressing Benjamin
Tarver. Taiiapoosa county, Alabama, or Benja
min U. Hill, La Grange, Troup countv. Georgia.
The above is sold as the property of the Estates
of Thomas C. Brown and Joseph D. McFarland, de-
BEN'JAMIN’ S. TARVER Administrator.
LUCRE TIA BROWN Administratrix, and
of Thomas C. Brown. Deceased.
If \NCY McFARLAND, Administratrix, of
Joseph D. McFarland deceased.
June 27, ISIS.
DENTISTS’ GOLD FOII,!
Y TURPHY’S superior Hold Foil, just received |
i\jL by J. F. WINTER & CO.
August 15. IMS.
chloroform.
A Supply received bv
July i- To\l* & willcox.
VOL. VIII.
ADVERTISEMENTS.
LAND POR SALE.
I WILL sell my plantation lying 9 miles above
Columbus, on the Harris Line, near Stephen
Pace’s consisting of 350 acres, 150 cleared, and in
good order lor making a fine crop the next year. I
will sell low for cash, or 1 will sell for neg'ro pro
perty. Come and see, for lam determined to move
west. My place is situated on what is called the
10 mile Creek. TIMOTHY G. McCRARY.
July 2a, 1848. 31—ts
PRICES REDUCED.
VARIETYWDRKS.
HALING procured the best of Mechanics and
Workman offer at very low prices.
Window hashes,
Rolling Venetian Shutter Blinds,
Panncl Doors, dfcc. Ac.
Flooring Plank dressed, tongued and grooved at
prices, which must reuder it the interest of all to
give .them their patronage.
All orders promptly executed and warranted un
surpassed in materials and workmanship.
Lathes in any quantities kept constantly on hand
and (or sale.
Columbus Ga. June 20, 1848. 26—ly
SOUTHERN MUTUAL INSURANCE CO.
THIS Inslitntian, riinrtrred at the last session
of the Georgia Legislature, is now in suc
cessful operation, and affords an opportunity for
ail who desire it, to obtain insurance at she
LOWEST POSSIBLE RATE,
as it is merely a fraternal union of a large number
j of men, who agree to share each other's losses ; and
no dividend is to be accumulated upon stock.
The principal office is located in Griffin, but
agencies are established in various places. Insur
ance can be effected on Fire or Marine risks, and
on the Life of Servants.
J. G. HILL, President.
J. U. Parsons, Secretary.
POND & WILLCOX, Agt’s. Columbus.
SIDNEY ROOT, Ag’t. Lumpkin.
Full information can be obtained of the Aeents.
May 9, 1848. 20—ts
IRON WORK.
THE “Variety AVorks” arc prepared to execute
Iron Work for Mills and Factories, in the
most complete manner.
They have Forgers and Finishers who thorough
ly understand their business and have an Engine
Lathe purchased at great expense, which is large
enough to turn and bore Iron 12 feet long and 42
’ inches in diameter.
Orders will be promptly executed on terms lower
than usual for cash aud the work, warranted equal
to any turned oat of the best shops in New En
gland.
Columbus Ga. June 20, 1848 26 —ly
TO BISGHAK6ED VOLUNTEERS.
*| undersigned have associated
JL themselves together for the purpose
fa of establishing claims of Discharged Sol
orvjinX diers, who are entitled to Land or Scrip
from Government. Having each been
separately engaged in the same business,
jff during the past year, their past success
1f 7 will be a sure guarantee for those who
may hereafter have occasion to employ
them. Arrangements have been made in
Washington by which the earliest and
most efficient attention will be given to all applica
tions entrusted to their management. Since the
act was first passed allowing Volunteers a Bounty,
independent of monthly pay, several amendments
and modifications have been made, by which many
claims that have hitherto been rejected, will now
be allowed. To all such wc solicit a t'iaJ, and if
we do not succeed, we will charge nothing for our
services. All persons interested will probably find
this the most sure and speedy method of having
their claims adjusted. The best references given
if required. All communications to ensure atten
tion must be post-paid. V. H. CADY,
11. G. MITCHELL.
June 27. 1848. 27—ts
~s3o REWARD.
I f IINAWAY or stolen from lie subscri
boron the 10th inst., a Negro Man
about 35 ‘years old, six feet high, black con -
and weighs about 150 pounds, has
™“™ ’ an impediment in his speech, has a rough face,
and bears marks of the Small Pnx ; his proper name
is CULLIN, but calls himself Squire; he can reed
tolerably well and had with him some books—alto
3 or 4 suits of Clothes.
ALSO
► A Negro Woman,black complexion, about
•AjN 24 years old, low statue, weighing about
125 or 30 pounds, about 7 months advanced
[ gftff in pregnancy, and carried with her several
suits of clothes and blankets.
I will pay the above reward for the delivery of
the above negroes, and sufficient proof to convict
the thief, (if stolen,) or a liberal reward for the re
covery of the negroes alone, or their lodgment in
some safe jail, or delivery to Aver & Harrison, Co
lumbus. JOHN A. WALKER,
Five miles East of Columbus, on the
Talbotton Road.
Aitgust 15,1545. 31—ts
NOTICE. “
TnE HOWARD lAXrFACTVRIXG COMPANY,
of the city of Columbus, Ga., designing to
put its machinery into operation, during the month
of July, desire to employ sixty female operatives,
none of whom must be under the age of twelve
years.
‘Fhe Company have erected a large and commo
dious four story brick building, in which the opera
tives will be boarded and lodged. The House will
be managed by Matrons of good standing and re
spectability. and under the supervision of the
Board of Directors, and will be supplied with all
necessary articles of furniture. Persons wishing
employment can apply personally or by letter to B.
Beasley, Secretary of the Company, and state
whether or not they have ever been employed in a
Factory.
Bv order of the Board of Directors.
June 27, 1945. 27—ts
$->5 REWARD.
til AM WAY from the plantation
of P. J. Lucius, in Greene co.,
I Ala., near Buck Creek P. 0., a negro
boy, bright mulatto, named PETER,
freckled-face, and bushy head, about
24 years old, stout built, weighing
a | about ISO lbs., and has a few small
* . scars about his eyes. He is supposed
to be making his way to South Carolina. I will
give $25 reward to any person who will secure and
coniine him in any jaii so as I can get him.
P. J. LUCIUS.
July 11. IS4S. 29—ts
st*!-
MABBE3T& ADAIHS,
HAVE removed their Marble Works to Ike
East side of Broad-st. near the Market-House,
w here they will keep constantly on hand a choice
sclectiou of
ITALIAN AND AMERICAN MARBLE,
FOR
Grave Stones, Monuments, Tab
lets, Tombs, &c.,
And solicit a continuance of public patronage.
They are determined to sell at a small advance on
New York prices, and lower than any establishment
in this part of the country. ALL ORDERS trom
the Country attended to, the same as ts ordered in
person. . V ,
S3’ ENGRAVING and CARVING done in the
best manner. PLASTER of PARIS and AO ALIA
CEMENT, always on hand, for sale.
April 11, 1843. 16 ~ t] i
GEORGIA AND ALABAMA BLANKS,
FOR BALi; AT SIIIX office.
©I)C ‘Columbus SitncQ.
POETRY.
From tlie Boston Daily Times.
THE WAR CRY OF THE DEMOCRATS.
BY F. A. DUHIVAGE.
1.
Once more unfurl that standard,
That has cheered our hearts of old;
The glorious flag of victory
Again—again unfold !
Our steadfast hills reverberate
The rolling of the drum ;
And springing to the battle-call
The sons of triumph come.
With Cass and Bcjtler at our head
And every omen lucky—
With Michigan we’ll form our van
And charge with old Kentucky.
11.
The North has heard the summons
And routes in her might,
Where falls upon its giant hills
The earliest rays of light;
And all along the northern lakes,
The arms of freemen shine,
While far amid the mighty West,
Extends the banner’d line.
Then arm, for Cass and Butler arm !
With every omen lucky—
For Michigan leads on our van,
Backed up by old Kentucky.
111.
The fair and gallant Soufh responds-
The warm lands of the sun—
Her ancient glories fire her heart
For laurels to be won ;
Along the Mississippi flood,
Where dark Mississippi pours,
Where frowns the Alleghany ridge,
The soul and strength are ours.
With Cass and Butler at our head,
And every omen lucky—
With Michigan we’ll form our van
And charge with old Kentucky.
IV.
Oh ! vainly would the foetnan
Assume our flag and brand,
His borrowed plumage shall be shorn
With unrelenting hand.
The mocking bird will cease to pour
Its stimulated cry,
When the fierce eagle spreads his wing
In triumpli o:i the sky.
With Cass and Butler at our head,
Aud every omen lucky—
With Michigan we’ll form our van
And charge with old Kentucky.
V.
Then rally round our leader,
Our flag fling to the breeze —
’Tvvas he who swore the stars and stripes
Unstained should rule the seas;
In every sea behold that flag
Defy the ocean blast,
Remember, it was Lewis Cass
That nailed it to the mast !
His name upon the banner read,
And deem the omen lucky—
With Michigan close up the van
And charge with old Kentucky.
VI.
Low kneel the foreign foeman,
And surely rue the day,
That Butler lead, in fire and steel,
The storm at Monterey ;
And surely as he crushed the foe,
Upon that day of fame —
Their base allies at home shall oivn
The terror of his name,
With Cass and Butler for our chiefs,
And every omen lucky—
With Michigan wo’ll form the van
And charge with old Kentucky.
VII.
Then spread once more the standard
To lhe battle and the breeze—
Strike fir our country’s honor
.And the freedom of the seas.
Strike! for the glorious destinies
That wait our race of fame,
And write the death-doom of the foe,
In words of withering flame.
With Cass and Bctler loading on,
Our star is bright and lucky—
With Michigan close up the van
And charge with old Kentucky.
FRANCE.
THE GREAT SPEECH OF
M. Dk LAMARTINE,
ON THE FOREIGN POLICY OF FRANCE.
The annexed is a full report of the speech ofM.
Lamartine, delivered in the Committee of Foieign
Affairs, of the French National Assembly, on the
11th ult. The report is understood to be supplied
by M. Lamarliue himself:—
Gentlemen: —There is nothing more agreea
ble, and at the same time more difficult, than to re
ply to aspeceh of M.Manguin on foreign affairs. He
possesses the elegancies of controversy; he elevates
and extends his discussion to the height of his in
telligence and the limits of the glolie; but at the
same time he has some points of view so eccentric
and so personal, and sometimes hazards such as
sertions, that one Lars, in rejecting an eiror, at the
same time to oppose a truth. He borrows (to use
his iwn expression,) a little ol my poetry lor his
policy. I would borrow of him a little good sense,
science and eloquence to refute it. lie accuses
frankly the position taken by French diplomacy,
and my manifest of February. It is said he, a con
tradictory policy, assuring and menacing at the
same time for foreign powers. lIM. Manguin will
agaiu read this political declaring of February, he
will perhaps acknowledge his error. Does not this
manifest, said he, pledge France to blow the lire of
republicanism, and support all the democratic in
surrections in the world? Quite otherwise—it
adopts directly contrary views. It says that liberty,
to be durable, should be indigenous to the soil;
that before it is proclaimed in the institutions which
are only the emanations ofthe principles of the peo
ple, it should exist in their character; that France
would not adopt any propaganda incendiary, agita
tive, much less perfidious; that she acknowledged
the compatibility ol all the governments, progres
sive or retarded; that she would not impel any one
before its due time. It added only, that when dem
ocratic or popular institutions shonld be created, re
conquered, or organized round France, and within
reach of her aid, if these democratic or popular par
ties called on her support, in virtue of a conformity
of principles, she would tecl obliged to lend her as
si->tancc. This is what is said ofthe manifest, and
this is what the minister has done for four months
past. I contend that the manifest could not say,
and the government could not do, otherwise for the
republic. In brief, was the republic a republic of
disorganization or conquest ? Os disorganization ?
No, but of order, peace and fraternity with the na
tions. What did it require ! Time to allow Eu
rope to understand its character, for the purpose of
avoiding, in its weakness and its cradle, the display
of those irritations and misunderstandings by all the
cabinets, who would immediately have coalesced
against it from an apprehension of the terror that
the league of IS 13 inspired. Is it true, as M. Man
guin pretends—faithful in tLat to his souvenirs of
1831; that this policy could have been as deceptive
for France, that an armed propaganda could have
been more sure, and that we are now menaced with
coalition than immediately after the 24th of Feb
ruaiy ? I will run with him from kingdom to king
dom, over the mnpof the ocean aud the continent,
and will prove to him by evidence that this policy
ii3 borne its liuits, |re vented universal war, aud
“THE UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, AUGUST 22, 1543.
placed t!:e republic in one of the freest and finest
diplomatic jmsitidn* that France has ever held. I
Ido not in this render honor to any on 3 intelligence,
but where it is due, to events; and I repeat, wliat
I stated yesterday, that it is Providence, who, fr
four months, has c inducted the foreign affiirs of the
republic. Let us begin with England, the power
ful motive—source ol alt the wars, the bond of all
the coalitions of he continent. What should be de
sired by a republic governed by well-imformed and
enlightened men? A good understanding with
England, since on this depends, in a great moasure,
the peace ofthe continent. France and England,
being divided, draw the wh Dwor!J inevitably into
their quarrels. Now, allow me, gentlemen, to ob
serve by what means an intelligent and honest
French diplomacy may maintain, spite of national
prejudices, concord between Eng'and and France.
Thus, when it is necessary to make a treaty with
England, or to conduct any transactions in common
with her, it is not only, it is not principally, the
government which must be negotiated with; there
is something in England more powerful than gov
ernments and ministers—is is public opinion. Now
there are in England two organic and traditional
parties--the wings and the lories—lae lut’o inclu
ding ali holding aristocralic opinions, tlie former
democrat, at least as far as the institutions and char
acter of England admit of such a development.
Each ol thisc parties is a counterpoise to the other,
and as one rises and the other descends in public
influence, the reins of government are beld by the
wliigs and tories respectively. Now one g cat aJvan
tage ol the revolution of Feb. was tofind a whig or
I beral administration in England; for the party in
public opinion that this ministry represents could
not have allowed if, without abandoning its prin
ciples, to declare itself hostile, ipso facto, to the
French republic, no more than in !792, when Eng
land did not opp ‘se our first republic. The ex
cesses of the republic, after ’92, drove Eng
land to a coalition agaii.s’ Fiance; hut I hope,
and am confident, that the moiler itio.i, wisdom,
aid loyalty if the republic of 1848, will not
biing about a similar dissension between the two
great nations. This inoffensive, and ever; amica
ble attitude of England towards the republic of 24th
February, prevented ato;:ceail possibility ot a coal
ition ofthe continent against us. ‘Phis gave time
lor reflection to Europe—time for reflection to
France herself. Let us see how this time has
been employed. Let us s.:c if it he true, as M.
Manguin at and M. Napoleon Bonaparte have said,
that we are surrouded by a coalition—that we
have no appreciable policy—and that time our
augments our dangers. I will say nothing o
Russia—our new relations with her aie not sulli
ciently defined, hut nothing indicates the necessi
ty of a collision with that power. What was the
power which could alarm us the more immediate
ly after the 24th Feburary, and serve as an advan
ced guard to Russia and as an expeditionary body
from Germany ? It was Prussia. With her im
mense military fine’ always ready, she might have
invaded us, and attacked our left flank, whilst Aus
trica would have invaded our right. Her 400 Oi O
men, augmented by auxiliary Russian troops,
would have been a terrible load to support in th.
eventualiiies of a war. The generosity of the
King ol Prussia did not allow us long to drear
this; our relations with him, through the inu
venlion of M. de Circourt, reassured us at once.
The events of Berlin, the fi>*t connected with the
policy ot 24th February, added to our confidence in
this quarter. V. hat co.ld a Pru-s:an intervention
now do against us ! Let M. Manguin himself, ii
he can, extricate himself from toe dilemma in
which I shall place hun. The King of Prussia, al
most obliged to exile himsell from his capital at
Potsdam in the midst of his troops, is in truth
hut the King ofthe army. Well, then, of two
courses, either the King of Prussia must throw
himselfinto life arms of his people and make an
alliance with the most liberal, the most democrat!,
and the most enlightened people of Germany, or he
must separafe himself from his people, remain sur
rounded byhis faithful army, and ally himself with
Russia. If the King of Prussia unites withhia peo
ple, their democratic sympathies will lead them forci
bly towards us, and our natural alliance is consuma
ted ; or the King of Prussia will remain in the midst oi
his army, and will make an alliance with Russia
to reconquer his own country, and then whal
could a sovereign do, obliged to take Russia as
auxiliary , and reconquer his throne and nation by
the aid of foreigners ! Wc have,- then, in cither
case, nothing to fear Iroin Prussia. ‘The twelve
or fifteen democratic revolutions which have taken
place >n the centre and north of Germany, after
that of Berlin, have always produced tlie same
result. Every where, by rmtual attraction and ol
which the pacific atiitude of Fiance has been the
signal the people have detached themselves from the
absolutist principles of their governments, to approach
with ali the influence of this attraction the French
people, and that the necessity alliance with France.
Af. Guizot adopted as a maxim, ‘’Peace at any
price.” I have adopted and would give my coun
try another maxim, *'The union of Ffance and
Germany at any price.” But this is not all.
Look into that citadel of o and absolutism at Vienna
as to what we have to hope or fear relative to the
Rhine, Laly,and the court of Austtica; what can
a court ifo at this moment whose sovereign has
been oboliged to fly his captai and seek an asylum
at Innspruck in the passes of the Tyrol ? What
can a court do which Italy is now separating it
self and driving from Milan, from Venice, and ali
the Italian territory the Austrian army ! What
can a court do whose nominal sovereignty is barely
recognized by Hungary, which has levied lor it
self a separate army and oppointed its own Minu
ter of Foreign Affairs, to protect its own inieiesi
apart from those of Au-tria, which at this mo
ment has ordered a fresh it vy of 200,G00 men,
not to [dace them at the mercy of Austria, but to
create a bulwark for its own independence, which,
as I have this morning learned, has declared that
not one Hungarian soldier shall cross the fiontiei
to fight against the Italians? What, in fine, can
this court do when Bohemia divides itself into the
Bcalvie and Teutonic races, and a general of the
empire is obliged to bombard Prague, one of the
capitals of (he empire? But I will go still fur
ther, and ask what can a court do from the brow
of whose empetor the diet of Frankfort has
torn the Imperial crown of Germany to place
it on the head of the Archduke John ? Is it
a court thus circum-tanceu that can mcnnc
France, either in a coalition on the Rhine or a re
sistance. ‘ery prolonged and very triumphant,
to the independence ot Itaiy ? No, evidently tint.
This naturally brings me to the question of Italy
itself, part eularly dwelt upon by M. Napoleo
Bonapart. Before, however, I enter on this, I
would notice two observations ol M. Mangium
for I should not leave any point obscure or unan
swered. M. Manguin has said, “ Before you oc
cupy yourself with Italy, have you thought of
two menacing powers at y, ur flanks, and which
you must first arrange with or defeat, to leave
you at liberty in case o? intervention in Italy ?”
They are, according to M. Manguim, Belgium
and Spain. I will say, in two words, for every
one knows it, and I would not conceal it even from
Belgium, that if at the revolution of February we
had marched our army of the North, of 30,000
men, into Belgium, in one month Belgium would
have been in our hands or effaced for the time
from the map. We would not do it; J would
not do it; and 1 congra’ulate myseff that I would
not, and it is on that account that the govern
ment wou.d have nothing to do with it. Let me
impress this on you. altogether it has been charged
with it in the attempt, doubiy culpable towards
Belgium and towards Fr_nce, which the Belgian
and French democrats endeavored to car.y into
effect, in 6pite of us, in that unfortunate expedi
tion which was just now spoken of on the Bel
gian frontier. We would not that Belgium >huuld
be revolutionized at the same moment as France
was, in revolution and peace problematical; and
we did well. We reasoned ss men of prudence
and foresight: If Belgium be revolutionized, two
parlies will immediately be m presence; oi> 6
who could remain independent, the other who
would desire a junction w ith Fiance. Wbal shall
France do ? It she oppose her own party in Bel
gium, ami refuse to incorporate herself with a
country who would give itself to her, she will in
cur the reproach amongst French republicans,
of cowar-lice or treason to the democratic princi
ple in Belgium ; if sho incorporate herself
with Bel;ium, she will do an act ol anibilim
and conquest, will immediately er;tuil a wm
with England and Holland, ami through these
with Russia, Prussia, and the whole continent.—
‘This is why we could not do this—wc say it frank
ly to friei.ds and foes—we need not boast, nor
need we blush for our prudence. As to Spain, I
differ completely both in fact and in principle with
the policy proposed by M. Manguin as to that
country. From the time of Louis XVI. to Napo
leon, and down to L uis Phi.ippe. all the attempts
of France on Spain have brought luin ou our di
pl rnacy. Our lieaties, our alliances, our armies,
have always c me back to us in tatters, or cut to
pieces. Spain is not the road to the grandeur of
France; she car give us no aid ou the seas, since
sic has only port* that are empty, deserted arse
nals, and some dismasted frigate* ut Carlhngena ;
she can furnish us no auxiharies by land, for it is
never on the side of the Pyrenees that the exist
ence of France can be threatened. Speaking in
a diplomatic sence, we cannot, and we ought not,
to see in her but one sole action—the action or a
fr enrlly country ; but we ought n>>t to mix our
selves up with her government or her internal fac
tions Every other diplomacy in Spain is a decep
tion, where much may be lost aud nothing gained;
an J a useless anil dangerous occasion of coolness
and rival influence with England. Would you
have the proof that this diplomacy is the best !or
an influence ! If you would, look at what has
•;assed. I instructed our agents in Spain to pur
sue the poli.y I have adverted to. I recconimend
e l them not to mix themselves up with any in
t igues in Spain, and to abandon affairs to them
-elves. What has been tin* result? Why, that
at the end of three months England has lost there
ail the ground she thought she had gained, and
that, spite the dynastic sympathies which declar
ed themselves at first against the republic, the
favor of the government a-.d the nation lias re
turned of itself, as a matter of justice, to confi
dence and good illations with us. I now come to
It ly. fitly w.ts, alter the 24th of February, a
question for us, not solely of theoretic diplomacy ;
i. was an urgent question, an immediate question
>f decision and action. If you do not give us
credit for the skill of ou* conduct of affairs during
the provisional government, do justice at least to
too power of the revolution of February. L’o not
ioiget that after the revolution ot February all
Italy was enslaved or occupied, and Ilia’ now,
thanks to its efforts and your attitude, which was
an act of good sense, almost all Italy is free; that
is, twenty six ..million of men are now allied with
you. Ought wc, on the morrow of the revelation,
to have prematurely crossed the Alps, aid in
our own name have attacked the Austrians in
Laly ? Do not forget that the base ofall our policy
was respect and friendship for Germany, and that
an aggression so personal and uncalled lbr on Aus
tria, would have been construed as gratuitous ag
gression on all Germany bordering the Rhine, and
would have driven into the Russian alliance all
northern Germany, wuic;i ur policy and the policy
of peace would have kept asunder. No, we did not
thus consider the question; we did not induce Chas.
Albert to make war on Austria; the enthusiasm of
his subjects, the cry of Italy, his situation, the am
bition of his councils, the personal ambition ol glo
ry perhaps sufficiently incited him w ithout us. His
inveterate personal affiance with Austrian a taolu
i.'sin could not prevail against the impulsion of ali
Italy, lie declared war. From the Jay wh- n lie
advanced, we said boldly—we said at the tribute—
what you yourselves have sail!—ltaly shall be free.
Vv e said of two things, one: either Charles Albert
shall triumph alone, with the support of other Ital
i ms, over Radetski, and then Itaiy will owe to her
self her liberty, or Charles Albert will submit, and
the independ nee of his provinces in Northern Italy
will be seriously menaced by the Austrians, and
then we will interfere, as of right, lor the safety of
Franee, and the existirg nationalities. And it was
n that accountthat the Minister of Foreign Affairs
of the Provisional Government required, as the first
act of his peaceful diplomacy, the formation of a
‘division of 52,000 men at the foot of the Alps.—
You will not require that I should enter into details
on our actual position, any indiscretion as to which
might compromise the country. Italy shall be free,
or France will herself partake the dangers ; that is
a!! I can be permitted to say at this moment. One
word, however, in reply to a teproach which cut
me to the heart in tlie speech of M. Napoleon Bo
naparte. He said, “The republic has no policy—
no foreign diplomacy. I prelcr my bad policy to
no policy at all. There are political follies which
are glorious, which sometiima save the pcop.c, or,
at least, do honor to the people whom they destroy.”
He referred, to justify his declaration, to tlie four
tern armies ofthe convention, and tlie great wars
of that heroic epoch of crisis and of glory. But
he has.forgotten one thing—that in the midst ofits
energies, the convention was full of w sdom and
moderation towards those Nationsand Governments
width did ii -t attack France; that it had and pre
sr-rved allies, not only amongst the republics but
absolute sovereigns; that it did Rat tarry war into
countries gratuitously which had offered it peace ;
that its policy of fourteen armies was not a policy
of choice, but of necessity and despair; and that
in this despair and necessity alone, did t* e conven
tion find, relying on the nation, the energy to raise
these tuurteen armies, and to bring about the tri
umph of the republic and French nationality. It
was not the diplomacy of the convention, it was
its heroism, it was the desperate heroism of the
country. YVc are net in the same circumstances,
thanks to the wisdom of that very policy you ac
cuse, and if we should he we should Cud the same
energy and the same support from the nation. As
to the diplomacy < f Napoleon, I am an admirer ol
all connected with him but two things—his idea ol
legislat ve organization at home, and his diplomacy
abroad. As to his legislative idea, it was oniy a
sublime but unintelligent reaction, in my opinion,
against the democr-'tic party, that ho would regutete
and restrain, but not destroy. All these institu
tions were opposed to revolution —the age, and lib
er “v. As to his diplomacy, it was only the diplo
macy of the cannon. He tore the mup- of the world
without one attempt to restore it; he mutilated with
the sword all the nationalities aud all the natural
alliances of France without thinking ofthe morrow.
After so much blood, was spidta, and so much glo
ry acquired, what remained to us ? Only his
name J As to France, when she looked around
her, she found herself abandoned, suspected by a!!
governments, odious to all nations; with Poland,
whose liberties she held in her hand, more enslaved
than ever; with Italy, which she had occupied for
ten years, without having done more than accus
toming her to change of servitude, and vnthouthav
ing implanted a single vital germ of independence.
With Spain, animated with remembrances against
us of an atrocious war; with Germany violated and
usurped in all its tenitories; wilh Russia incensed
even to her deserts; with Europe, in short, charg
ing a-1 her griefs, ail her defeats, and all her resent
ments to the account of France. This may be cal
led glory, I admit, but if it be called diplomacy, t
is at least a diplomacy that the republic shall not j
imitate wilh my consent, so long as I shall have
a vo'cc in its counci s. The republic of the 24th 1
of February boasts of another di; lomaoy than that
of the Convention and the Empire—than that of
despair or conquest. The influence acquired in
four months by France, the impossibility of seeing
again formed against her a coalition, unless she
herself renew it with her hands, attest*, whatever
M. Napoleon Bonapar.e may say, that there is a
policy as democratic as national; a policy as firm
as moderate. It is this policy that the government
of February has inaugurated, and of which I have
no doubt the present government will follow she
grraf outline and the auspicious tiaditicu*.
NUMBER 35.
POLITICAL.
From the Washington Union.
ANOTHER CUN SPIKED.
We hasten to lay before cur readers
the following- manly and eloquent letter of
Mr. W iso. It refutes the charge against
Gen. Cass which some of the whigs have
drawn from that gentleman’s former im
pressions. We recommend the communi
cation, for various reasons, to the attention
of our readers:
Oxlt. (Near Onancock.)
Aecomac county, (Vn.) August 3. 1843.
To the Editor of the Union
Dkak Sin : I was in the act of writing to the
editors of the Richmond Enquirer upon the subject
ofmv oath before the Committee of Investigation
in 1836-’37, when your* ofthe 27th clt. was placed
in my ha da, enclosing to me a copy of Mr. (jog
gin’s speech. • I had seen that speech the day be
fore. We have hut two mails n week on this pen
insula, ami I received the Intelligencer of the 27ih
July on Wednesday last, the 2d instant. By the
same mail, south, came the Richmond. Enquirer of
the 27th ult. I never sec, or rather never read the
“Whig” when I do not see it. Private letters, how
ever, hy the mail before on Sunday last, warned me
that there was to be a “thunderbolt,”as the Enqui
rer says, hurled ut my devoted head, from the re
port which I had made in the 2dsession of the 24th
Congress, on the condition of the various Execu
tive departments; and it was not until yesterday
that I was informed of the Jupiter Tonans from
whom it would come. But Mr. Goggin has not
angrily thrown it; he has only let it gently fall
from his high Olympus in the hull ol Representa
tives! The craven i-cullions of party would rake
up and print-this thing anonymously, a id never be
seen, nor be responsible. But Mr. (Juggins hew
ed himself tome; I saw him in the clouds, and saw
him smile, too, when he let tho “thunderbolt” tall.
Eh was not malicious in sending down the missile,
and he is worthy of a reply from one standing down
here among the people upon earth. The “ bolt ”
hit, but it does not hurt; and as soon as I can get
tl.e 3d volume of Repot ts of Committees for the
session referred to—(l have written to Washington
city for it) —I will redeem the pledge, which I
thank the Richmond Enquirer for volunteering in
my behalf, that I will reply. I shall do so by ad
dressing the Hon. William L. Goggin himself,
whom I have regarded warmly as a personal lriend
for many years, and whom I regard, further, as
having a right to an explanation of a part of my
conduct in life, which, if he does not really under
stand it, perhaps appears to him strange how I could
have taken the oath which he has quoted, and now
hi a nominated elector, with my own consent, on
the democratic ticket of Gen. Lewis Cass.
Without waiting lor the volume of Reports of
Committees referred to, I will venture to give some
explanation now for recollection.
It will be remembered that General Jackson, in
his lastannual message, (December, 1836,) thought
fit to speak ofthe mode in which the various exe
cutive departments under him had been administer
ed, in the highest terms of praise, and he tendered to
the heads, chiefs, and subordinates of the depart
ments a compliment for integrity, intelligence, in
dustry, and efficiency the most exalted
I, a representative of the people in the House,
deemed that truth, and the duty which I owed
to the coentry, requited that an issue should be
joined with the President on this part of his mes
sage, and I moved and obtained a committee to
investigate the condition of the various executive
departments. It was composed ol six of the ad
ministration and three of the opposition members
of the House, and was appointed late in a short
session, there being, according to my memory, not
more than six weeks to conduct its inquiries.
The mode of proceeding which I contemplated
on the part of the committee was to take up the
most important subjects of executive administra
tion, such as those of the public lands, Indian af
fairs, revenue, receipts and disbursements, extra
allowances, public contracts, the Seminole war, the
application of moneys appropriated, &t\, and to
send for persons and papers, or to go by sub
committees to the departments and bureaux, and
to investigate their true condition, and to report
upon whatever was found to be corrupt, or wrong,
or mal-udministered.
This course of proceeding General Jackson
deemed to be “ inquisitorial .” I differed from
him widely in that, and claimed the executive
offices to be public, and the official conduct of their
officers to be properly subject to inquiry, not in
quisition, by the representatives of the people. He,
however, insisted that before inv stigation should
commence, specific charges of malversation, and
corruption, and violation of duly by officers nam
ed, should be made, verified by affidavit to a be
lief merely in the truth of those charges, by way
ol pointing ii.\csligation to those deemed guilty,
and of laying a proper foundation for inquiry.
The majority adopted this view of the President,
expressed hy him in a letter addressed to me, as
chairman of the committee.
Whi n, therefore, I submitted resolutions of in
quiry in die form which I proposed, the majority of
the committee called upon me, as upon others, for
specifications of names and charges, and to verify
the same on my belief in the truth of the same, on
oath. Thus I came to he sworn. The proposition
I regarded as extremely insulting and offensive to
a representative, and it was certainly very exciting
in its effect upon the committee. But I determined
that investigation and inquiry should proceed, and
I submitted to lake the oath, and 1 believed there
was good ground jor both investigation and in
quiry.
Many and serious charges were brought by per
sons of alf descriptions against executive officers,
and among the rest against Gen. Ca<s. The na
ture of those brought against him may he seen by
the declaration which I made undsr oath. I was
chairman of the committee, and an opposition mem
ber ; ot course most ol the charges olicged again-t
the officers of the Executive were submitted by
staternentsto me. Some of t ose st itemeut* made
an impression on my mind, and induced a sincere
belief in the truth of some of the charges. But
the real intention and true effect of my oath was,
as the journal of the committee will show, to lai/
only a foundation for proceeding, on my responsibil
ity. to inquire into and investigate the truth or false
hood of the charges named mmy oath. That oath
itse’f did not and does not purport to verify the
truth or falsehood of those charges. I knew, of my
own knowledge,nothing about their truth or falsehood.
I spoke ot my belief *>.dy, on the information oj
others, and the oath which I took vouched only that
which belief and in'onnation would justify, and
called upon the committee to inquire into the mat
ters alleged, and to report thereon, Such was the
sole intent and effect of the oath.
The committee did not deem the specifications
and verifications of charges sufficient to proceed
upon, and they never were but very partially and
meagerly inquired into at all. The main and
most serious charges against Gen. Cass, as Secreta
ry of War, were never touched, and the truth or
falsehood of them was never tested.
So far, tnen, as Gen. Cass was concerned, my
oath did not and could not convict or even affect
him. It was hearsay only, and an affidavit founded
on information from others, who themselves were
never sw-.m. except as to some of the minor cases
specified, and implies in its very form and nature,
that its intent was not to verify the truth of charges,
but the mere fact of the existence of charges.
But it is urged that /, nevertheless, swore that I
believed in the truth oi these charges. I did at the
time, most sincerely; and the whig party now
would have it supposed that I continue in that be
lief. If I do, in what a category of degradation
most they suppose the whig party itself to be
placed, in my bumble estimation, when they tee
me supporting with zeal a man tkas con.icmnsd by
\me for the Presidency, rather than unite with thrr
‘party in bringing into power Hs morc-to-be-abhorr td.
! principles and practices ! I confess that candi
date would have to be fully a* bad as I once thought
Gen. Cass to be, before I could be driven from tfn*
democratic party at thisday, or to take even a neu
tral stand in the coining contest for the presidency ! -
My support of Gen. Cass at present, with inv
convictions of the past as. to his character, affects
my own propriety of conduct, not his, and, nt tho
worst, convicts me only of being driven to a choice
of evils. It would pioveat most, that I prefer
the democratic party, with Gen. Cass at its head,
to the dire alternative of electing the whig* a nil
their principles of this day to power.
But the truth is. that nothing eould be a more in
umphant vindication of Gen. Cass against the effect
of my sworn belief in the sufficiency of charges pre
ferred by others against his official conduct in 1836-
’37, than that 1, who did so oelieve, and did so swear,
then, am now a nominated elector on his. ticket, and
am ready and anxious to vote for him to be the Presi
dent of the United States. What better evidence
could I give the world that my convictions cf his
character have been changed! And thero is no
| inconsistency in such a change! When you have
been made to believe, persuaded by others, that u
man's character, official nr individual, is bad, and
have been caused to arraign it before the public,
and have afterwards become better informed, or
have been given reason to doubt your former con
victions respecting him, or have never had the op
portunity of testing the evil report ot others, and
have seen good men of a!! parties and cla*se.*, for
a long period of time, who have tried him, trusting
him and honoring him, you ara bound not only tv>
allow your convictions of his character to bo
changed, but to avow the change before the world.
To atone to a fellow-man, who has been injured in.
your esteem, by the error or malice of others, U
according to my school and code, the very leauly
of consistency with honor, with truth, with sound
morality, and with justice from man to man !
But why has this change not been avowed be
fore! The answer is this:
r I hat the Richmond convention ofthe democratic
party, without consulting me, and without my
knowledge or consent, no umated me on their elec
toral ticket for this State. I accepted the nomina
tiou urn onuitionally; and it was not until after
wards, when the Baltimore Democratic Convention’
nominated General Cass for the presidency, that I
was led to inquire, in the course of my own self-ex.-
animation, as to the line of my duty; whether there
was anything in the past conduct of Gen. Cass,
public or private, which forbade my support of him
and the continuance of my name on the ticket of
democratic electors for Virginia. This was a seif
examination which I endeavored to conduct free
from all past personal and political prejudices, ami
with a solemn and conscientious sense of what was
due to my own political faith, and to the best in
terests of our country, according to its tenets.
Politically, I it as well assured that G.n. Cass is
in favor of free t. a k
That he is opposed to a protective tariff;
That he is opposed to breaking up the great lend
system of 1787, and to squandering the proceeds of
the sale of our rich inheritance of national real es
tate for mere local and party purposes of election
eering;
That ho is opposed to a public debt, and to crea
ting any necessity for it;
That he is opposed to the banking system of
finance, and for separating the public credit from
private, and the public money from all private cor
porations and speculations in trade;
That he is opposed to making the federal govern
ment a splendid power, centralising and absorbing
all domestic afiairs, and sinking into insignificauce
the rights, powers, and authorities of the States;
That he had sustained the vetoes of President
Polk, in opposition to the renewal ofea grand and
unconstitutional system of internal improvements,
partial in its application, and wasteful of the pub
lic money;
That he sustains the constitutional power of the
veto as well as everv other | art of th constitution,
as binding and in full force until the constitution
shall be changed in the mode prescribed by itself :
and makes no party pledges to suspend the exercise
of any one of the constitutional powers for the time
he might be elected, and especially not to suspend
the exercise of that power, (tho veto,) which, at
this crisis, is so essential to protect a minority against
a majority, and to preserve our national Union;
That he is pledged to exercise the constitutional
power ot tho veto against the odious measure cal
led the W ilmot Proviso, and against all measures
of that class, and that he has voted against that pro
viso in his place in the Senate of the United
S’a'es;
That he is for leaving the subject of slavery where
it was left by the ema iluii .li, not to-be 1 interfered
with in any of its domestic relations by (he federal
government, and has been ever for securing tho
best and safest compromises and guarantees on that
subject;
That on questions of the northeastern bounda
ry, of the southwestern boundary, of the an
nexation of Texas, and of acquiring justly, lawful
ly, and constitutionally, more territoiy from Mexi
co, he has gone for the spreading and strengthen
ing of our republican institutions on this conti
nent, and for extending their influence over tho
world;
That he has ably supported the Mexican war hy
arguments to show its constitutionality, its justite,
its humanity ; has voted for its supplies, promoted
its glory and success by timely and efficient mea
sures; and aided in its honorable termination bv
satisfactory peace, without looking to ivhat section<
the war or the peace added territury
That, in connexion with foreign affairs, he-struck
a timely and efficient blow abroad at the arrogant
foreign assumption ofthe right of search upon tho
high seas; is, if you please, anti-Britsh, anti-
French, anti-every foreign influence os power as
opposed to American rights and interests, and is
himself pure'y American in his habits of: thought
| and action on our foreign relations;.
That a debt of gratitude is due to him as a sol
dier in the last war with Great-Britain; be broko
his sword at the surrender ofH-ull, and used’ another
blade, which was “ not surrendered” at the battlu
of the Thames; hut that he is not a mere soldier ?
his chief merits and qualifications are civil.. Ho
has had long experiened n civil life—cxe utive, di
plomatic, legislative ; and his civic wreath- entitles
him much mote to be the President of the United
States than can the mere laurels of war entitie any
man whohas had no civil xqierience, and professes
to have had none. Thus, politically, lie iaa. uian
of “my” principles ; and,
Lastly. The party which- nominated him is
pledged to these principles, an I guaranties his sup
port of then: if eiectcd ; and tins is proved, not by
party professions merely, but is realized already by
the acting, being of Mr. Polk’s ad min ist ration, which
I have approved out and out: the question being now
whether this present administrative policy shall he
continued by the sot, e party with Mr. Cass at its
head, or be changed an* destroyed by an entirely oppo
site party with opposite principles and measures , with
a man at its head whs professes to have “formed no
opinions ” on public policy ; and if he has any politi
cal opinions, no one knows what they are. Tho
democratic party had been itselflchastened by defeat
in 1840, and, through Mr. Tyler and his “corpor
al’s guard,” it was restored in the election of Mr.
Polk in 1844, purified and reformed; and tho very
nominations of Mr. Polk and Mr. Cass had slough
ed off the Van Buren faction— the really deceased
limb of democracy in 1336.
Then, if there was no insuperable ner'onal ob
jection to Gen. Cass, he. political y, and his party of
this day, commended themselves to my support up
on every consideration of public policy and of pa
triotic duty.
Upon an honest and calm review of the past, I
c u!d find no such objection to him personally.—
That the administration of t. o government was
corrupt in 1836—’37, and afterwards, I have no
more doubt now than I had then. This corrup
tion was owing principally to the design and effort
to make Martin Van Buren President of the Uni
ted States; scondarily. to the surplus in the trea
sury, the inflated State of the currency up to 1837,
the known want of morality and of public virtue
among Mr. Van Bureu’ssubordinate partisan*, and
to the universally prevalent idea that General Jack
son’s power and popularity could protect and shield
any and every abuse of public trust. Lewis Cass
belonged to the administrations of Jackson and
Van Buren, and he cam* in for his share of the ob
loquy of this state of corruption. Whether he de
served this or not. has never. I was obliged to coo
fess, been duly investigated. Facts very strong,
compel! me to doubt and to acquit.
Buch men as Edward Hannegan (now a senator
from Indiana) and Gorham Parks (now cousul of
the United States at Rio do Janei o) were on the
same committee with me in 1836 and 1837. The*
arehonorable men, an 1 ! they have cv rysiir’siaej.