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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR,
4. I'OK.-iY Til, R. |.;ij,is, & CO.
Proprietor* and Publishers.
Twc Tnir.s is published every Tuesday Mornmr
iu tbe butldtag known as “ Winter’s Exchargc ”
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du, unless at the option of the proprietors,
- 1 three ltotlar* and a Half, will in oil ro*„
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expiration ol the subscription year,
w Adar.*rliKCU | ;*nt*i coii3pienoM , -'l v inserted at One
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ttlilsi lr every subsequent continuance.
-hH A4vrrtl*emeiK sent to ns without specify
injthe number of insertions desired, will |, c cn j,_
tinned until ordered out, aaid charged according v
L);al Advertisements published at the usual
rate*, and wth strict attention to the requisitions of
the law.
!*lierl(Ps Sales under regular executions, must
H advertise 1 Thirty lays; under mortgage fi fas
Mxty-Davs before the day of sale.
Sales ol Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad
ministrators or Guardians, for Si\t\-|)ays before
the day of sale.
Salsa of ‘-cr.onal property (except negroes) For
ty Oat*. * 1 ° ;
* ,I***. ****** FlerVs of Courts of Ordinary,upon
app'icjtion lor letters of administration arc to be
paldisScd for Thirty l)ay>.
_ it^tions upon application for dismission, by
Lierstors, Administrators, or Guardians, inoutblv
for Si* M.iuttw.
Order* of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied
with a copy of the bond, or agreement) to make
title to land, must be published Three Months.
Satires by Executors or Administrators or Guar
dians, of application to Court of Ordinary for
!•**• t° the Land or Negroes of an estate. Four
Month*.
Notice* by Executors or Ad•rinistrators, to the
Debtors and Creditors of an estate, foi Six Weeks.
Letter* to the proprietors on business must
pn'd, to entitle them to attention.
MERCANTILE.
WOODRUFF 4 WHITTELSEY,
IT AYE jail rttrivril au additional auppiy of
SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS,
among winch can be found Shawls, lloniiets and
Itoanet Ribbons, Ginghams, Muslins, Calicoes, 8:e.
AJso a good assortment of PANAMA and LEG—
HOKN’ HATS, all of which they will cell very
low for cash or approved credit.
W. fc W. have a few patterns of very fine Tlarog
#*, which they will sell tor about Half Price , rath
er than keep them over. I,A DIFS call and see.
April 25. 1848. 18—ts
BOOTS, SHOES LEATHER, &C.
At Prime Cost*
PWVIE Subseriber having determine!f to discon
-*• tinue hi* pretent business in Columbus will
cell off hisstixk on hand, consisting of ull articles
usually found in a Shoe Store,
xM&xmiß cas‘j?.
Tbe stock is new, boring been mostly purchased
tciihru the last six months, and is well worth the
attention of merchants and others, wishing to pur
chase by the quantity.
1 bare a good assortment of LASTS, PE(IS,
anil other Shoemaker s Findings, to which the at
tention of those engaged in the manujudure of
shoes is particularly invited.
ERABTUB REED.
June 20. DM3 2fi—tf
LIFE CAH BE PROLONGED!!
OLD AGE PUT OFF!
AND MAN’S DAYS IX HEALTH E\-
TENDED TO ONF HUNDRED YEARS!
HEW AND VALUABLE WORK.
SIX Lrrtam on Ike uses of Ike tones; eons
es, prevention, and cure of PULMONARY
CONSUMPTION, ASTHMA, (or Phthisic,) and dis
ease* of the Heart; on the laws of Longevity ; and
ea th* mode of preserving Male and Female health
tea* hundred years.—2B Engravings—324 pages.
B) &AMI7KI. SFI.DON FITCH, A. M., M. D.
Just received and for sale by
TARBOX & MARBLE.
May 16, IS4S. .
EVERY MAN READ THIS!
SPLENDID PROPERTY
A GIEEIBIT to an ordrr from the Honorable
J:\_ Orphan's Court of Chambers county, Ala
bama wil! I e snlii :it public outcry, in the town of
I.i Fayette, Chambers county, Ala,, on the First
M*.i:.iav in September next, the following valuable
lo-wit:
5 he we!! known and extensive Mill Establish
mea , and lands attached, known as
DOUGHERTY’S MILLS,
Oil the Oscuapipie in Chambers
County, Alabama.
We cannot do-rribe ilie real value of this proper
ty • ut believing that it is (as it has proved itself to
ik* iovt valuable property in Eastern Alabama
-r Western Georgia, we anxiously invite persons
i. -ume and ;re it. it is worth a visit of some dis
tance to examine the splendid machinery of the
itihslaiii'-bl even if you have no disposition to
• aichaae. There is a splendid
1 r. three stories running numerous hoppers
(wli ed with business) and Machinery ol
€ ••1 iron—i largo
SAW MILL running 2 Saws, and
a tine Wool Factory.
The Dams [two] are built of walled rock, and
will outlast many generations of men. There is
■ol only water power sufficient to run the above
works during the whole year, but it affords one ol
Ilia finest locations iu the whole South lor exten
lift
COTTON FACTORIES.
Come and see, and believe not our report. The
following lands are attached to this property, and
w ill He sold with it. Section twenty-five, (25) South
half of Section twenty-four, (24) and the East half
~! Section twe.itv-six, (26) in Township twenty-one,
( siv , n d lUnge twenty-eight, (2S) also Section thir
ty Township twenty-one, (21) and Range twen
tv'nine, (29) east in the Tallapoosa Land District,
contcinn s in the aggregate, nineteen hundred and
s.xtv acr. s uTwell timbered lar.d, and much of it
fe-ti.e asd well adapted to cultivation, and in every
view of the case, one of the finest locations in the
South. ...
The property i* situated about 8 nines from \\ est
I\*ii* Gcc’gia, and within a short distance ol the
•e-veled route of the RAIL-ROAD, from Montgom
sr to YVevt Point. The completion of which road,
will, ot course, enhance its value, though its pres
ent rtronago is si.lficient to satisfy the desires ol
aim >st any man.
The terms are liberal and suited to the times—
the a rat pavmeot being on® third, will be due tw cl \ c
Ri-.tSs from the day of sale; the second payment
lemg one-third, two years; and the last payment
three v.rs from the sale. The last two payments
to bear interest ‘:om the time the first tails due.
In compnr with the above property will also bo
•old a tine lot of stock Hogs belonging to the Mills.
Cuuswienng the value of the property, and the j
length wf the credit, the securities are to be per
sonal, and Mortgage on the premises.
Tenons visiting the Mills, will find a conductor
to the bosuties of the property, in Mr. 1 homas l’ur
vear, at the place, and those wishing information
ou the select, can get it by addressing Benjamin
8. Tarver. Tallapoosa county, Alabama, or benja
min H. Hill, La Grange, Troup county. Georgia.
The above is sold as the property ot the Estates
of Thomas C. Brown and Joseph D. McFarland, de
ccased. RE?fJAMIX s TAR yeR Administrator.
LITRKTIA BROWN Administratrix, and
of Thomas C. Brown. Deceased.
NANCY McFARLAND, Administratrix, of
Joseph D. McFarland deceased.
June 27, ISAS. 21—it
DENTISTS’ GOLD POIV.I
MURPHY'S superior Gold Foil, just received
by J. F. WINTER A CO.
August 15, 1948.
CHLOROFORM.
4Snnp!v received by
Juh !! POND & WILLCOX.
VOL. VIII.
AD V E RTISE M E NTS.
LAND FOR SALE.
T Will sell my planlntion Ivins n milfs above
Columbus, on tbe Harris Line, near Stephen
Pace’s consisting of 350 acres, 150 cleared, and in
■.mod order for making a fine crop the next vear. I
will sell low for cash, or I will sell for nero pro
perty. ( ome and see, for lam determined to move
west. My place is situated on what is called the
10 mile Creek. TIMOTHY G. McCRARY.
July 25, 1848. 3;
PRICES REDUCED.
varietYworks.
HAYING prornrrd tlin bfst of Mrclinuirs and
Workman offer at very low prices.
Window* Navhss
Kolliitje Venetian Shutter Illinds,
Patmel Doors. &c. &c.
Flooring Plank dressed, tongued and grooved at
prices, which must render it the interest of all to
give them their patronage.
All orders promptly executed and warranted un
surpassed iu materials and workmanship.
Lathes in any quantities kept constantly on hand
and tor sale.
Columbus Oa. June 20. IR4S. 26 1y
CARRIAGE FACTORY,
COLUMBUS, GA.
T B. JAQEES & BROTHER, rrspcctfully in
•-F • form the public that they have a large as
sortment of CAKKIAGFS aiul HAHNFSS, ol
all descriptions, which they will sell at prime cost
to close their stock. Persons in want of Carriages
would do well to make early application for bar
gains.
Aug. 22, 1843. 35—3 m
CARRIAGE WAREHOUSE,
COLUMBUS, GA.
-jorgr/rNE undcmgnrd rrsprctfully in-
I forms the public that lie has
ZJ still on hand, a large assortment of
CAIIItIAGIIS, of all descriptions, which he will
sell very low, and on such terms as will suit pur
chasers.
JCrMany of these Carriages wirtpbe sold at Cost,
and persons w ishing bargains would do well to ap
ply early. H. C. McKEE.
-August 22, ISIS. 35 —3in
SOUTHERN MUTUAL INSURANCE CO.
THIS Institution, cliartcrrdat (lit last srssion
of the Georgia Legislature, is now in suc
cessful operation, and affords an opportunity for
all who desire it, to obtain insurance at the
LOWEST POSSIBLE KATE,
as it is merely a fraternal union of a large number
of men, who agree to share each other's losses ; and
no dividend is to be accumulated upon stock.
The principal office is located in Griffin, but
agencies are established in various places. Insur
ance can be effected on Fire or Marine risks, and
on tkc Life of Servants.
J. G. HILL, President.
J. U. Parsons, Secretary.
POND & WILLCOX, Agt’s. Columbus.
SIDNEY ROOT, Ag’t. Lumpkin.
Full information can be obtained of the Agents.
May 9, 1848. 20—ts
IRON WORK.
THE “Variety Works” are prepared to execute
Iron Work for Mills and Factories, in the
most complete manner.
They have Forgers and Finishers who thorough
ly understand their business and have an Engine
Lathe purchased at great expense, which is large
enough to turn and bore Iron 12 feet long and 42
inches in diameter.
Orders will he promptly executed on terms lower
than usual for cash and the work, warranted equal
to any turned out of the best shops in New En
gland.
Columbus Ga. June 20, IS4B 26—ly
TO HISGHM&ESJTOLUNTEERS.
trpnE undersigned Rave associated
1 themselves together for the purpose
of establishing claims of Discharged Sol
diers, who are entitled to Land or Scrip
from Government. Having each been
separately engaged in the same business,
during the past year, their past success
will be a sure guarantee for those who
may hereafter have occasion to employ
them. Arrangements have been made in
Washington by which the earliest and
most efficient attention will be given to all applica
tions entrusted to their management. Since the
act was first passed allowing Volunteers a Bounty,
independent of monthly pay, several amendments
and modifications have been made, by which many
claims that have hitherto been rejected, will now
be allowed. To all such we solicit a trial, and if
we do not succeed, we will charge nothing for our
services. All persons interested will probably find
this the most sure and speedy method of having
their claims adjusted. The best references given
if required. All communications to ensure atten
tion must be post-paid. V. 11. CADY,
11. G. MITCHELL.
Jun* 27, IS4B. 27—ts
$25 REWARD.
f*D ANAWAY from the plantation
JLU of P. J. Lucius, in Greene co.,
Ala., near Buck Creek P. 0., a negro
boy. bright mulatto, named PETER,
freckled-face, and bushy head, about
24 years old, stout built, weighing
about ISO lbs., and has a few small
scars about his eyes. He is supposed j
to be making bis way to South Carolina. 1 will
give $25 reward to any person who will secure and
confine him in any jail so as I can get him.
P. J. LUCIUS.
July 11, IS4B. 29—ts
MADDEN* ADAMS,
HAVE rcmoiPd their marble Work* to the
East side of Broad-st. near the Market-House,
where they will keep constantly on hand a choice
selection of
ITALIAN AND AMERICAN MARBLE,
FOR
Grave Stones, Monuments, Tab
let?, Tombs, &c.,
And solicit a continuance of public patronage.
They are determined to sell at a small advance on
j,* cu * York prices, and lower than any establishment
i.i this part of the country. ALL ORDERS from
the Country attended to, the same as if ordered in
“ENGRAVING and CARVING done in the
best manner. PLASTER of PARIS and ROMAS
CEMEST, always on hand, for sale.
April 11, IS-*?- 16 ~ tl -l
IT'LOI'K, Bacon, Beef, Pork, Mackerel,
’ Shad and Salmon. For sale by
’ GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Ang S, IS4S. 33 ~ tf
PICKLES, Olives, Capers, Preserves,
Nuts, Raisins, Gelatine, Citron and Spices, of
everv description. Korsaleby „_ Tn
every aes j GREENWOOD & MORRIS.
Aug. 8, IS4B 33 ~ tf
ICE ! ICE ! !
HAVING obtained onr usual quantity for tlir
season, the house has now opened.— Being
desirous of serving our customers at the lowest pos
sible rates, in older to place it within the reach of
every farnilv, until farther notice we shall sell at
rts oer lb.* For the accommodation of Families
who have to trust to servants, Tickets can be ob
tained. V. 11. CADY, for Proprietors
March 28. ISIS. 14
el)e Columbus Suites.
POLITICAL.
SPEECH OF
ALFRED IVERSON,
OF GEORGIA,
On the Oregon Territorial Bill, and the
Presidential Election.—Delivered in the
House of Representatives, duly 20, 1818.
The position which I occupy, as a member of
Congress, was conferred 011 ine, not only without
solicitation upon mv part, hut in opposition to my
deflated wishes. At the time 01 my nomination,
I had no desire to engage in public life, hut circum
stances which I could not control, placed it out of
my power to decline the nomination of iny political
friends, which resulted in my election to this House.
Having long since determined to retire to private
life again, at the close of iny present term—having
no personal ol>j ct to accomplish, no private inter
est to subserve, and no political ambition to gratify.
I hare, heretofore, with a brief exception, abstained
from participation in the discussions in this Hall,
and left them to be conducted by those who
were more aide and more willing to engage in them
than myself. And if the ordinary subjects of Con
gressional legislation had alone occupied our atten
tion, I should not have departed from the silence
which I had imposed u on myself, and which I
much preler to have preserved.
But, sir, a subject has sprung up in our midst, of
no ordinary character—a question in which my
own immediate constituents, in common with the
whole South, have a vital and absorbing it terest.
Nay, sir, it is a question affecting, not only tho con
s’itutional rights, and most valuable pecuniary in*
te.ests of the South, but is one upon which the
fate of this Union depends.
The slave properly of the Southern States can
not he estimated at a less value than twelve hundred
millions of dollars. The whole of this vast prop
erly, the political power which it confers, the consti
tutional rights by u hit It it is guarantied, are, in my
opinion, in imminent peri!; leuiotc, it may be, but
still in imminent peril.
It’is in vain that gentlemen from the North tell
us they do not intend to disturb the compromises
of the Const tution, or interfere with slavery in the
States. When, sir, has the Noith observed, in
good fiiitli, any compromite which it has made with
the South! The constitutional provision prohibit
ing the importation of slaves from abroad, after
1808, was founded upon a reciprocal clause provi
ding for the restoration of slaves escaping from the
slave into the free States. And how has this com
promise been observed by the North ! By the pas
sage of laws, in many of them, devised with all the
ingenuity of human talents and skill, to frustrate,
and render abortive, this important and essential
right, thus guarantied to the South. In others, by
the formation of societies, in many cases, protected
by legal enactments, and countenanced and encour
aged by leading men, the avowed objects of which
arc to seduce slaves to escape from their owners,
and to prevent, by fraud or force, their capture and
restoration. In violati mos the spirit, if not the
letter of the Constitution, laws have been parsed,
giving the right of trial by jury to the slave who
has escaped from browner, and has been arrested as
a runaway ; thus subjecting the rights of the owner
to the arbitrament of a packed and prejudiced trib
unal. VS ho does not sea and know, that under
the operation of these laws, the active interference
of these societies, and the influence of public pre
judice at the North, this constitutional guarantee to
the South i a mere mockery ! And, sir, the mem
orable tariff” compromise of 1833, how has it been
observed ! A compromise growing out of tbe most
alarming convulsions at tbe South, which had their
foundation in a settled conviction of injustice and
oppression. What has been its fate! Violated,
disregarded, trampled under the foot of Northern
Whig cupidity, at the very first moment of its po
litical ascendency. And the compromise,upon which
rests the celebrated ordinance of 1787, where is it
now ? Denied, forgotten, or despised. And, sir,
the Missouri Compromise, one entered into by the
South in derogation of its rights and interests, but
agreed to that harmony might be preserved, and this
Union saved from dissolution. How long will
it stand as a monument of Northern justice and good
faith! From what quarter is its violation un
blushingly advocated and imperiously demanded !
Look, sir, at the universal voice of the great Whig
party at the North, spoken in terms not to be mis
understood from the public press, from primary
meetings and conventions, and from the halls ol
legislation. Lock to the voice and votes of that
party in Congress, all, without a solitary excep
tion, pointing to the same direction. Look to the
action of a portion of the Democratic party at the
North,especially in New York. Look to the lamen
table and ominous shrinking in the halls of Con
gress of members of that party which has heretofore
stood by the constitutional rights of the South,
upon this important, trying, momentous subject.
Can any man look at these things and say the Mis
souri Compromise could pass this Congress, or is
likely to be adopted at any subsequent time ! And,
sir, if this compromise, as well as that now under
consideration in the Senate, shall be trampled
down—if, in violation of that spirit of harmony
and brotherly love which dictated them, slavery
■hall l>e excluded, by congressional legislation, from
New Mexico and California, I ask, what security
will the South have for the faithful obsenance of
any of the Compromises of the Constitution ?
What guarantee will we have that slavery will be
left undisturbed in the States ! Sir, it is in rain
to listen to the syren song of security, when theie
is no security. We cannot rely upon the ••punica
sides ” which has been exhibited by a majority of
our Northern brethren. Ten years ago, and there
were not fifty members of Congress who advoca
ted the power of Congress over the subject of slave
ry in the Territories. Now,a decided majority from
the free States are the open advocates of the power,
and the urgent friends of its exercise. Ten years
ago, and scarcely a voice was heard against the
maintename of the Missouri Compromise. Now,
who believes that it will ever be recognised or adop
ted again ? Ten years ago, and who thought that
opposition to shvery would ever form the only test
of political qualification amongst any respcctablo
portion of the American people ? Now, what do
we behold ! Large masses of both political parties
at the North, disregarding old associations, break
ing up old political ties and party organization, led
on and headed by able and eminent men, boldly
avow ng this as the only element of the approach
ing presidential election, and the only foundation
for political preferment. The gentleman front
Virginia, (Mr. Flournoy.) who addressed the
House, some days since, with so much spirit
and energy, as well as ability, deprecated the
agitation of this subject, and wishes to exclude it
from the Presidential canvass. He apprehends
no danger to an amicable and equitable settle
ment ot the question after the election is over. Sir,
I am aware that this is the desperate game which
the Southern Whig leaders intend to play in the
contest. They wish to lull the South into security
—a security as delusive as it will lie fatal. Having
abandoned to the exactions of their Northern al
lies the interests and long settled political principles
of the South, upon all other questions of public
concern which have agitated the popular mind in
the past struggles for party ascendency .they are now
ready to fold their arms in listless,fatal indifference,
and trust to the tender mercies of those w ho, upon
this subject, have never exhibited either justice or
mercy. They would urge the South into silence
and security, in the hope that the North will hush
its agitation and do justice.
But, sir, it is in vain that the gentleman and his
coadjutors, here and elsewhere, raise their voices to
lull this storm to repose. Like the ghost of Ban
quo, “it will not down at his bidding.” Like
subterranean fires, it will continue to upbeave the
bosom of the North, unless stilled by the reproving
voice of the American people, uttcrcJ at the ballot
box in November next. No. sir, the South has no
security hi this matter, but in its own courage,
“THE UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF Till-) STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, AUGUST 21), ISIS.
firmness, and unanimity,and in the good faith, gen
e.ous friendship, and moral firmness of those Nor
thern Democrats who,in the midst of the storm which
is sweeping with such fearful violence over the free
States,have stood by the Constitution, and the spirit
of conciliation and compromise which lies at its
foundation. It is in vain, we arc told by the advo
cates of the Wil mot Proviso on this floor and else
where.thatthey never intend to interfere with the in
stitution of domestic slavery, as it exists in the
States of this Union. We have witnessed the stea
dy and rapid march .f the foul fiend of abolitionism,
until it is already in sight ot our very threshold.
Where will it stop 1 Who can say that it will
not enter! When, sir, were the foot prints of fa
naticism ever seenoll their voluntary retreat! No.
sir, it ever marches with relentless strides and accel
erated speed to the consummation of its object.—
Trampling down in its mad career tbe forms of law,
the demands of justice, and the obligations of hu
manity,its torch is only extinguished by the shed
blood of the last victim of its unrelenting and ruth-
Ivss vengeance! Like the odious reptile whose on
ly food is blood, its mi rbid and rapacious appetite
increases with the food upon which it feeds, and
though gorged and hi mted with the disgusting load,
it still cries give, give! “ Like the seas,which, not
content with what they have, would stretch their
arms to grasp in all the shore.” Sir, the final re
sult and inevitable end of this rapidly advancing
anti-slavery movement at tbe North, if unchanged
and unchecked at the outset by tbe firm resistance
of the only party in this Union which is either wil
ling or able to avert it. ia the total overthrow of
slavery in the United States, or the dissolution of
our glorious confederacy. One or tbe other is as
certain as the decrees of fate. The first step in
this great political and fanatical drama is tbe one
now demanded, the exclusion of slavery from the
newly acquired Territories of this Republic. If
the South fruhmi’a, the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia will follow in quick succes
sion—then tbe overthrow of the slave trade between
the States —then the applicat on of the public trea
sure, drained from Southern pockets by partial
laws and extravagant tariffs, to the purchase ol
Southern slaves from Southern owners—and, last
ly, universal emancipation by act of Congress.—
Shall Ibe told, as we are told even by Southern
men, “ that the Constitution of the United States
recognizes slavery, and guaranties this property in
the several States, and that there is n> danger ?”
Sir, what barrier has the constitution ever presented
to men impelled by interest, roused by pas>ion, in
flamed by prejudice, maddened by fanaticism, and
lost to the dictates of reason and justice ! No, sir,
these turbulent waves of domestic faction lashed
into fury by political demagogues, will sweep with
resistless force over every constitutional barrier
which may be in their way. Let the Southern peo
ple look to their safety now, before they have gath
ered irresistible power—wow while the remedy is
in our hands— “now is the Jay, and now the hour
of our salvution”-—now, whilst a portion ol
our Northern brethren are disposed to listen to the
voice of reason, to the calls of justice, and the re
quirements of the Constitution. Sir, the safety ot
the South rests in this very Presidential election,
and its effects upon the parties of this Union. The
election over, and it may be beyond the power of
the South to save itself from the overpowering in
fluence of public opinion at the North. If this
ques’ion be yielded to Congress with no check but
the popular will, who docs not see that the South
must lie sacrificed to the unscrupulous demands of
apr judiced majority. If the South, lulled to se
curity by the exhortations of Whig leaders, shall
shut their eyes to the effects and results of the
Presidential election upon this all-important subject,
the day of safety and settlement will have forever
passed. Let Southern members call th n upon our
Northern friends for justice, for conciliation, and
compromise. The same fatal and solemn response
will be heard, which in sepulchral tones lately
sounded the death knell of monarchy in France—
“lt is too late ! too late!” The gentleman from
Virginia invokes the South to be still, and
nothing. Let Whiggery succeed and all will be
well; that patriotic men at the North and South
will come together and settle this distracting ques
tion upon just and honorable terms. Rely upon it,
sir, this is “ a promiso to the ear,” which will be
“ broken to the hope.” What is the South to ex
pect from the Whigs of the Noith after the elec
tion, favorable to its rights and interests upon the
subject of slavery ! Let the future be judged by
the past. What support, what sympathy, what
“ aid and comfort” have wc ever received from the
hands of Northern Whigs! What voice has been
raised from out its numerous rank- 1 , to cheer the
South and give it assurance of safety ! In primary
assemblies of the people, in State Conventions and
State Legislatures, and in the Halls of Congress,
what Northern Whig has ever given his vote in
support of Southern rights! XVlicre is the man
of that party in any free State who has had the
will or the independence to stand up for the South,
and resist the storm of popular prejudice which has
characterized that party! And is it so, sir, that
out of fifteen States in this Union, stretching from
the Atlantic, along the great lakes, across the Ohio,
to the far regions of the mighty West, there has
not been one *oicc raised, or one vote given in be
half of Southern rights and interests, from out the
swelling ranks of the great Whig party! Are
all, all who bear the name or practice the principles
of Whig, united in open and hostile array against
the South, upon a question involving such vital
consequences to her interests, her rights, her exis
tence ! And is it to be believed that a “chang
will come over the spirit of their dream” after the
Presidential election ! No, sir, the gentleman from
Virginia deceives himself, if he supposes that there
is one Northern Whig on the floor of Congress
who will vote with him or me for a fair and just
arrangement of this vexed question any more alter
the election than before it, for any settlement of it
which c-n or ought to be acceptable to his constit
uents or mine. Is there one Northern XVhig in
this Hall, or in the Senate, who is prepared to vote
against the Wiliuot Proviso! If there be, let him
be named. There ia not one. Is there one who
will vote for the Missouri Compromise ! Is there
one who will vote to leave the matter in the hands
of the people ol the Territories themselves! And
are these men, or those who may come after them,
likely to change front after the election, and give
up long-settled, and deatly cherished opinions,upon
a subject in which their opinions meet the univer
sal approval of their constituents! Do the Whig
members from the South, on this floor, apply such
a flattering unction to their souls! If they do,
they are grossly deceived ; and if they are deceived
themselves, believe me, sir, their constituents will
not be, by any such delusive hope. 1 hey know
that opposition to slavery, and its total exclusion
from the Territories of the Union, s a deep-seated,
abiding, absorbing, cardinal feature in the creed of
Northern Whiggery.
What then, is the South to gain by excluding
the question from the canvass, or postponing its
decision beyond the Presidential election ! Sir,
the future safety of the South, I verily believe,
depends upon the fate of the Presidential election,
and the vote which the South gives in view of the
danger which threatens it from the North. Deri
ving neither “aid nor comfort” from the Whig party
of the fret States, from wbat source is the South to
look for sympathy and support ! If the question
becomes a sectional one, the South is in a minority
in both Houses of Congress, and who does not see
that, so far as the Northern Whigs are coucemed,
it is already a sectional question! At present our
safety depends in part upon the friendship and
firmness of a portion of the Northern Democracy.—
Thanks to a spirit of justice and independence, de
serving all praise, there are some on this side of the
House in this Hall, who, though reviled and desert
ed by Southern Whigs, and threatened with popu
lar vengeance at home by Northern Whigs, are yet
breasting the storm which has been raised to destroy
them, and 6tand here to day, as they have ever
stood, the firm, undaunted defenders of the saered
compromises of tbe Constitution. And if tbe daik,
angry current of Northern abolitionism, swelling
and sweeping with the accumulated mass ol the
whole Whig party at the North,and gaining force
and strength by deserters from the ranks of Democ
racy, shall liecome too powerful for resistance; if,
consulting their self preservation, tbe first great ru
ling law of our nature, some of our Northern friends
here should falter iu the hour of trial, and the rights
of the South be trodden down iu this Hail, wc have
another source of safety in those Northern Demo
cratic Senators wito stand out in bold relief as the
friends of the constitutional rights of the South.—
Sir, let every Southern man look at this thing as
it really stands. Let him not close bis eyes to tbe
fact, that it the Wilmot Proviso is rejected by this
or any other Congress, if the just rights of the South
shall be preserved and protected, it must be alone
by the aid of Democratic members from the non
slaveholding States. But if, contrary to our confi
dent expectation, our Democratic allies in Congress
shall give way upon this subject, the South has yet
another and a higher source of security, in the con
servative power of the Executive veto. Whilst
the present incumbent of the Executive chair shall -
remain in office, neither the saered compromises of
the Constitution nor the ju-t rights of the South are
in danger. Sir, however much James K. Polk has
been ridiculed and abused by those whose greatest
pleasure and most grateful avocation is to detract
front the well-earned fame of honest men, he has
the wisdom to understand and the firmness to main
tain the great principles which lie at the founda
tion ol our Republican institutions—equality of
rights, equality of privileges, and equality of bur
dens. How fortunate for tbe South, how fortunate
for the Union, that in this cvcuttul crisis of its fate,
the Executive power of the nation has been confer
red upon one who received the Republican mantle
from tbe dying bands of that stern old man, who
once lived in the house, who yet lives in the hearts,
and who will forever live in the grateful memory
of the American people ! But, sir, ‘•Tempura mu
tantur, et mufamur cum i/lis.” A few months
only will pass away before the people will be called
upon to elect their Representatives to another Con
gress. If this slavery question shall not be settled
at this session of Congress, that dark, angry current
of abolitionism, which is now sweeping with such
fearful and increasing violence and velocity over all
the free Etatesuf this Union, ntay overwhelm those
Democratic members in this Hall, and strike down
that small, but gallant squad of Democratic Sena
tors who have thus fur breasted the storm, and giv
en tbe only “aid and comfort” to the South which
it has ever derived, or ever will derive, from the
Northern portion of this Confederacy, in that ven
erable and venerated body. And if the people of
the South shall be deceived and deluded by those
acts of deception and fraud which ItaVt* marked the
conduct and procured the success of tho Wh g par
ty upon another memorable occasion in the history
of the country, and which Irom present appearan
ces are to be the main weajioiis used uy the same
party, in the approaching contest, the Executive
power of this nation itseß, tbe last, best hope of safe
ty to the South, may be placed in the hands ol cue
who, whatever may be his identity of interest and
policy with the South, cannot, will not, dure not,
consistently with his solemn pledges, protect it, by
tho arm of the Executive veto from the unfriendly
enactments of a Congressional majority* Sir. let
the South look to it—let every man who has ils
interests, its rights, and its honor at heart, sec to it,
that so far as his vote and voice are concerned, this
great conservative power of tbe Constitution, upon
which alone wc may have to rely for safety, shall
not be placed in the hands of one who will bp but
“clay in the hands ofjhe potter”—one who, what
ever may be his claims upon tbe admiration end
gratitude of his country for deeds of noble daring,
stands pledged, if elected President, to yield his
own opinions to the will of Congress. Will it be
said, sir, that General Taylor has reserved to him
self the exercise of the veto power against clear un
constitutional infraction, or precipitate and hasty
legislation! What security to the South is there
in this reservation ! Let it be examined with all
fairness and candor. Can it be alleged that any
bill passed by Congress excluding slavery from the
Territories olthe United States could be considered
the result of hasty legislation! That a bill to abol
ish slavery in the District ol Columbia would be
precipitate legislation; or that any other Congres
sional action upon tbe subject of slavery, however
much it might affect the rights and interests of the
South, would be off’—baud <Sc unadvised legislation !
A subject which has been, and will continue to be,
the theme of constant, long continued and anxious
agitation in every section of the Union. Will any
body pretend that this subject can i vernssumo the
sudden and hasty form ot law, in whatever shape
it may be adopted by Congress! No, Eir, If ever
a fatal blow bhali be struck ugainst tho .South, it
wiil be a premeditated, deliberate actol iniquity and
injury. How then could General Taylor interpose
the Executive veto to save the country from the
fatal effects of such a blow, upon tbe pretence that
it was the result of hasty Congressional legislation!
Will it be said again that all such action of Con
gress would be clearly unconstitutional, and that,
therefore,General Taylor would veto it I Sir, wbat
do we know of the constitutional opinions of Gen
eral Taylor upon this or any other subject! Has
he ever formed or avowed one! And is the South
ready and willing to trust this most important and
vital subject to the bands of one who has no avow
ed principles or opinions upon which it can repose
in safety !
But, sir, so far as General Taylor has expressed
anv opinion upon the subject, is it not against the
South ! Li his celebrated “Signal” letter he gave
his sanction and approval to the ordinance of 1757,
bv which slavery was excluded from the Northwes
tern Territory, embracing the States of Ohio, Indi
ana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan, the baneful
cause and foundation of all the fearful agitation
which now threatens us. Besides, sir, is not this
power of Congress oier the subject of slavery iu
the Territories and in the District of Columbia a
mooted question! Do we not know that the whole
Whig party at the North, and a large portion ol
the Democrats, claim tho constitutional power of
Congress over the whole subject! And is it not
even sometimes conceded by Southern politicians!
Is it so clear, as a constitutional proposition, that
there may exist no difference of opinion upon the
subject! Is its ur.constitutionality written in such
large and glaring letters “that he who runs may
read” ! How, then, in the absence ofany expres
sed or known opinion of Gen. Taylor, can we rea
sonably suppose that he would consider the Wil
mot Proviso as a clear and palpable violation of the
Constitution! And, sir, wbat point is better set
tled in political practice, than that he who is rieva
ted to power by a party, must conform, in all essen
tial and important measures, to the opinions and
principles of those who have conferred office upon
him ! And who will deny that a large majority of
that party upon whom Gen. Taylor relies for his
election, are the uncompromising advocates ol the
Wilmot Proviso !
Is it to be supposed, then, that General Taylor
would veto any measure which received the sanc
tion and suffrage of a decided majority of his po
litical friends! But, sir, I ask if it is not already
well understood by those upon whom he must
mainly depend for success, that if elected Pres
ident he will not interfere with the action of Con
gress upon this subject! Sir, tbe letters of distin
guished Northern Whigs; positive and public al
legations of members of Congress; resolutions of
Whig ratification meetings; and the almost uni
versal declarations of the Northern Whig papers,
speak out plainly upon this point. They support
General Taylor because they understand and be
lieve that upon this, as well as all other questions
of domestic policy, he will yield to the decisions
of Congress. Sir, does any man believe that Gen.
Taylor would have received the nomination of
the Philadelphia Convention, if it had been known
or believed that he would 1 veto-tbe Wilmot proviso!
Will the miserable pretence be set up, that be
cause a Wilmot proviso resolution was laid upon
the table in that Convention, that therefore a mar
NUMBER :3G.
jority of that body were opposed to that proviso ?
Sir, it has been admitted on this floor by u distinguish
ed gentleman from Massachusetts, a member of that
Convention, that a decided uiaj rrity of that Con*
veution were in favor of that proviso; and no
honorable man who is familiar with the composi
tion of that body, will contend that it intended to
condemn the Wilmot proviso by any portion of its
action. And ii any man so b.ind ns to suppose
that by the nomination and support ot General
Taylor, the majority in that Convention intended
to yield up their opposition to slavery and surren
der th principles of the Wiimat proviso 1 No,
sir. Both in that Convention and elsewhere,
the Northern Whigs support him, not only Ire
cause he is a Whig, but bccai.se they distinctly
under at and and believe that he will not oppose
their peculiar views upon the subject of slavery, or
interfere with their designs upon the rights and
interests of the South. And how is this, sir? Do
the Whigs at the North support General Tay
lor with the understanding that he is not to veto
the Wilmot proviso if passed by Congress? And
do the Southern Whigs support him with the
same understanding? If they do, they are recre
ant to their principles, regardless of their interests,
and lost to the dictates of truth and honor. No,
sir, there is not a Southern man upon this floor or
elsewhere, if, in the exercise of common charity,
we give him credit for sincerity, who believes that
Gen. Taylor is unsound upon the subject of slave
ry—that he would not veto the Wilmot proviso.
Every mail which comes from the South is freigh
ted with the most positive and unequivocal aver
ments of the Whig press, that General Taylor
is with the South on this question, and would vto
the Wilmot proviso; and, sir, if it were known,
believed, or suspected at the South that he would
sanction that measure, he would not carry a cor
poral's guard in the approaching election. And
yet this is the discreditable, I had almost said, the
dishonorable position of the Whig party and of
General Taylor, that whilst one portion ofit are
urging hi* lection upon the South as the only
ark of its political safety, another portion are press
ing his election at the North, on account of
Lis adheicneeto their own peculiar views upon this
identical subject! Is it fair in General Taylor tr
fold his arms in silence and permit his opinions and
intentions to be subjected to such opposing and
contradictory constructions? Is it honorable in him
to seek oflicc and power by a fraudulent conceal
ment of his opinions ? That a fraud will be prac
ticed upon a large portion of the public, if this
thing continues, is too palpable to be denied.
Where is that noble spirit of independence aid
manliness displayed by General Taylor in the
memorable declaration, that he “ asked no favors
and shunned no responsibility” ? Is it hushed by
the still, small voice of political ambition 1 Is
Zachary Taylor ashumed or afraid to avow his
opinions upon great political questions deeply
agitating the public interests? Sir, if he shall con
tinue to close his lips and permit any portion of
the American people lobe deceived about his opin
ions—if he Joes not act a manly part, and place
himself and his opinions, especially upon this great
sul'ject of slavery, fairly and unequivocally before
the world, he will forfeit the respect, as I trust he
will lose the support, of all honorable men, to
whatever paity they may belong. The South es
pecially owes it to its own 6clf-rcspect, as well as
the preservation of its domestic institutions, to see
that the Executive power of this Government shall
not be placed in the hands of any man whose opinions
are unknown, or whose position and course have not
been clearly defined. Sir, the South has already been
too long lulled into security on the subject oi'slavery
agitation at the North. The .Southern V/hig party
has already done too much, by the fatal course which
it has pursued, to aid in the downlall of Southern in
stitutions. What has been its course ? It has allied
itself in bonds of fraternal association with a party
ot the North that has been for years, and is now,
the open, active, violent opponent of Southern in
stitutions; that parly which has been the founda
tion and main support of all the political agitaliou
upon this delicate and dangerous subject of slavery;
that party which, by its insidious, constant, in
flammatory appeals to the religious prejudices
and passions of men, has raised a storm against
the Soutli threughtout the free States,which, like a
maelstrom, threatens to engulf all in its rapacious
and enormous bosom. Sir, when a Whig in the
Northern States, costing aside for the time the old
issues which have divided the two great political
patties of the Union, and appealing to the section
al feelings of the people, has obtained office by re
viling the South and her institutions, hare you
heard from Southern Whigs a single voice raised
in condemnation of his course? When, taking
hold of the popular prejudices of the masses against
domestic slavery, he has been enabled to beat down
a Democrat who has stood firmly by Ilia South,
maintained her just rights, and defended her
against the illiberal aspersions of his antagonist, has
such a man ever been repudiated by his South
ern allies? No, sir; on the contrary, lie has
been hailed with friendly greetings, and rejoic
ings loud and long have gone up from Southern
Whig throats for the victory won over “ a North
ern man ‘with Southern principles.” When a
renegade Democrat at the North has abandoned
his principles, deserted his party, and seized upon
the subject of slavery to make it the instrument
and the ste; ping stone of his success, he has been
hailed by Southern Whigs with smiles of joy, and
with all due form and solemnity has been admit
ted to the cordial embrace of the great whig church.
Sir, what party at the South has rejoiced over the
success of the Slades, Everetts, the Giddings’, the
Palfreys, ft id omne genus ? Who, sir, have rc
j deed at the apostacy of Hale? When that man,
fuigetting the obligations he owed to the
sterling, unflinching Democracy of the Granite
State, seized upon the Texas question as a political
hobby, placing himself in opposition to the great
body of his political associates, uttered the bitter
c*t dcnuncia'ion against the South, by what party
was lie sustained, and by whose votes has he been
elevated to power? lie was spewed out of the mouth
of the Democratic party throughout the Union, like a
poisonous drug too nauseating and disgusting to be
retained—to be received into the arms of the
Whig party, to be raised to an important and im
posing station by Whig votes, and to become the
political friend and associate of Southern Whigs
on the floor of the Senate. And, sir, this is only
one of numerous examples which might be ad
duced of the fidelity of Southern Whigs to South
ern interests and their fraternity with “Northern
men with Northirn principles.” It has bcon this
very course of the Whig party at the South, which
has given fife, and health, and strength to this dan
gerous anti slavery movement, which is now sweep
ing with terrific velocity over all the free States of
the Confederacy.
Sir, it cannot he denied, that the only party at the
North, from which the South has ever received
sympathy and support upon this question of slavery,
is the Democratic party. Ten years ago, and that
party were almost unanimous in our favor. Iu
every vote taken, as well in the State Legislatures
as in Congress, in which the question of slavery
was involved, there was scarcely a Democratic voice
raised against the constitutional rights of the Sooth
ern States. And, sir, if it had received the sympa
thy and support ot the South which were due to
friendship and fidelity, that party would, at this day,
have stood an unbroken and impassable barrier to
the encroachments of abolition. But, sir, how have
they been treated by their W hig brethren at the
South, in behalf of whose rights they have battled
against popular prejudice and fanaticism at home?
Look at the memorable scenes of 1840—Mr. Van
Buren was then the open and avowed friend of
Southern rights; he was surrounded and supported
by a powerful party at the North, that stood by
him in the bold, but dangerous position which he
then assumed. But the Southern Whig party, in
stead of rallying to his support, and the support of
those who gave us aid and comfort upon this most
important and vital subject, ran wildly and madly
into the support of one for the Presidential office
who wii£ the open and uncompromising advocate
of the Wilmot proviso, and who, u|on all other
subjects, like Gen. Taylor, “ had no political opin
ions tor the public eye.” Can we wonder, tli n,
when we eo the course which the South has pur
sued towards those who have risked-their own polit
oal sab a:ion at homo, for the 6&kc of the South,
thut they should give way. and seek safety by swim
mii g with the current under which they must other
wise have sunk ? And is the same < oursc to he pur
sued now ? Is the South still so blind to tiro dan
ger of- its situation, that it should be willing to n.-k
the destruction of its most sacred rights for tire
mere pride and gratification of party success? Am
the Southern Whigs ready to sacrifice the South
upon the altar of party devotion, that they may en
joy the fleeting pleasure to boast of victory, and
swell the shouts of personal idolatry which are to
be raised in honor of a military chieftain ? Sir, in
this dark and fearful hour of its peril, it behooves
every son of the South, to pause and look before
he leaps, lest a fatal step may plunge him and his
country into ruin. Sir, how different has been tho
couise of the Southern Democracy ! When haro
wc ever rejoiced at the success of an enemy over n
fii-nd of the South? When have tee ever Welcom
ed a renegade abolition Whig into the rank* of
Democracy, nnd given him tho hand of politkal
fellowship ? When have wc ever failed to put the
seal of our condemnation upon any man who has
made his opposition to Southern institutions the
stalking horse upon which to ride into office ? Look,
sir, at the case which is now before the eyes of tho
nation, in tho person of Martin Van Buren. If them
was one man in this Union who stood higher than
all others in the esteem and confidence of the Dem
ocrats of the South, it was Mr. Van Buren. In
the memorable contest of 1840, when he was de
serted by his Northern friends and abandoned by
his own State, the Southern Democracy stood bv
him, aud gave him two-thirds of the electoral votes
which were cast for him upon that memorable oc
casion. Sir, Martin Van Buren has been endeared
to tie Democratic parly of the Union, by the
ties of a common faith, by tit* recolLclion of
common dangers shared, of victories won, nnd
battles lost. But lie has deserted the South,
and taken his stand in the ranks of its mortal ene
mies; and with the rapidity of the electric flash,
which spread the news of his apostacy, he has
been cast out from amongst us, like a dead dog up
on a dunghill, there to fester and rot, amidst tho
corruption which surrounds him, and which ho has
so much contributed to accumulate. Yes, sir, that
man who has heretofore been looked to as a mode!
of political consistency—who was regarded or a
great exemplar of Republican principles—w ho was
the distinguished mark of his country’s honor and
the recipient of its favors, will descend to tho graxa
with the brand of “ Traitor” upon his forehead—
bearing with him the contempt and scorn of alllion
orablo men.
“ Living, he ehuis forfeit fair renown,
And doubly dying, shall go down
To the vilo dust from whence he sprung,
Unwept, unhonored, and unsung.”
Such, sir, has been, and is the difference in the
course and conduct of the two parties on this sub
ject. But, sir, if the Southern VVhiga have, bv their
course heretofore, contributed to strengthen the
hands of those who arc our enemies nt the North,
and if the nomination nnd support of Gen. Taylor
is calculated to produce like resu'ts, und his election
to aid in breaking down the only party at the North
which has been friendly to the South, what arc wo
to think of them, and how are wc to characterize
their conduct in the nomination and support of flio
present Whig candidate for Vice President ? Sir,
I charge the Southern members of the Philadelphia
Convention, whatever may have been the honesty
of their intentions, with a virtual abandonment of
Southern rights and interests, in tho nomination
and support of Millard Fillmors for Vice President-
What is his position upon this question of slavery ?
Is any Southern man upon this floor prepared to
respond to this inquiry ? When we ask, what are
the views of Gen. Taylor upon this subject, nnd
charge him with leaning against the South, wc arc
told by his Southern friends, that although he has
made no public record of his opinions, yet that lie
is a Southern man, and a slaveholder, and therefore
he may he safely trusted. But whnt answer do they
give as to Mr. Fillmore ? Upon what principle it-he
to be trusted? He is a Northern man, residing at
the North, with all his interests at the North, sur
rounded by the party which has manifested such un
compromising hostility to Southern institutions—
identified with it in position, party policy, and polit
ical power. The very office w hieh he now holds,
was conferred upon him by a convention in New
York which unanintous'y adopted the Wilmot pro
viso as one of the essential articles of its political
faith. These circumstances, without other evidcncu
of his opinions, can leave no doubt upon the minds
of candid men of his hostility to the South upon
this subject of domestic slavery. Arc Southern
men ready to go blindfold into tho support of a
man for the important office of Vice President of
tho United States, whose opinions upon this ques
tion arc either unknown or equivocal? It may be
that the decision of this momentous question will
depend upon the casting vote of the presiding offi
cer of the Senate. The slavcholding States amt
non-slavchoiding States are now equally divided.
If a geographical division shall take the place of tho
present party lines, which recent events too plainly
indicate, this whole question, upon the decision of
which this Union depends, may rest upon the single
vote of the Vice President. How important then,
to the South, and to the whole country, that the
occupant of that chair should be safe and sound
upon this dangerous and distracting subject ! But,
sir, wc are not left to conjecture or presumption as
to the opinions of Mr. Fillmore upon this question.
We have his recorded votes, not only in favor of
the principles of the Wilmot proviso, but greatly
beyond them, and in favor of principles which strike
in distinct terms, at the institution of slavery irr
the Mutes themselves. He was a member of Con
gress in 1838, when abolition petitions were pour
ing in from all quarters of the North, and when
their reception and reference was the test between
the friends and enemies of Southern rights. Ho
was the uniform advocate of the reception of these
incendiary documents. His votes upon the jour
nals attest the truth of this assertion. Nay, more,
sir, look at his votes upon the celebrated Atherton
resolutions. The third resolution is in the follow
ing words:
“ 3d. Resolved , That Congress lies no right to
il o that indirectly which it cannot do directly, aiat
that the agitation of the subject of slavery in the
District of Columbia, or the territories, as a means,
and with the view of disturbing or overthrowing
that institution in the several States, is agaii at tl c
true spirit and meaning ot the Constitution, an in
fringement of the rights of the States affected, amt
a breach of the public faith upon which they m
tcred into the confederation.”
Upon the passage of the resolution tire yeas were
164, n3ys 40. Amongst the nays was M illard Fill
more ! And here, sir, in this negative vote of Mr.
F., in company with the most notorious-abolitionist*
in the Union; wc have the cxiraordinary and start
ling opinion announced thut Cong/ess has the right
to do indirectly what it cannot do that
the agitation of the subject of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, or the Territories , as a mews
and with a view ts disturbing or overthrowing
tliat institution in the several States, is nether
against the true spirit and meaning of the Cmistii
tution, or an infringement of the rights of the States
affected, or a breach of the public faith upon whirls
they entered into the Union! The fifth resolution
is as follows:
“sth. Resolved, therafore, That all attempts on
the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the Dr*-’
trict of Col rrmbr* or the territories, or to prohibit
the removal of staves from State to State, or to dis
criminate between the institutions of one portion
of the Confederacy and another with the views
aforesaid, are in violation of the Constitution, de
structive of the fundamental prirrcplcs oft-which the
wniofl of these Slates rests, and beyond the juri.-
diction of Congress; and that every petition, me
morial, resolution, proposition, or paper, touching
or relating in any way or to any extent wl.atcvi r to
slavery as aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, wit! -
out any further action thereon, be laid upon the ta
ble without being debated, printed, or referred.”
Upon this resolution Mr. F. voted in the nega
tive. And what does he assert by this vote? That
attempts upon the part of Congress to abolish si i
very in the District of Columbia or the ’Territorii s,
or to prohibit the removal of slaves fiom S ate to
State, or to discriminate between the inst t Jtionr of
one portion of the Confederacy and another, wit It
the view of overthrowing th • institution of slavery
in the several States, are not in violation of th*
Constitution—are not destructive of the fundamen
tal principles upon wnich the Union of these States
rests, and are not beyond the jurisdiction of Con
gress ! Sir, has Gerritt Arthur Tappan,
or the most vile nnd rabid abolitionists ever gone
lu:titer than tbi- ! And can it be believed that a