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frnTV I. lir ? v hi* ►oh-mn jvote* bn** asserted these
n •tj-JriMt*- j-rmciple*. would not *actionthe Wilmot
|Vau! Nay, fir, do not the** recorded vote*
t'rt ianr in terms, not only that Congress tnay pro.
liSxt tbr introduction of slavery into the Territorirs
>l th Union, but that Congress may abolish sla
♦ety in tbr Territories where it may already exist?
Ptr, there is not a doctrine advocated by the wildest
rrthtiirrt of a?*olitt.>n in the United States which
pora one step beyond the principles sanctioned by
the esee aud rot sos Millard Fillmore. And yet
hr N* bren selected by Southern Whigs as their
. aaJidate f r tac second otflee in the gift of the
|r-<*pl.'! Bir, is prepared to sustain the
<lciu>! If o, then it deserves the curse and the
Ms of hfta tvho sold bis birth-right for a mess of
f'Ataev. Bjr, I put it to the candor and good sense
ol every man, what has the South to gain in what
’ .ost deeply eonrerns its welfare, its prosperity, its
ry rxistf-nee. by the election of General Taylor
and Millard Fillmore! And tvliat will the court-
I'v gan ht other resiiccts by their success and the
tt ph of the Whig party in the approaching
e ntel ’ V* hat is to be the policy of Gen. Tuy
l* r‘s adnirnrrfration ! What measures for Ihe pub
lic will he adopt or rrcnnimeud ! Has the
f'liladclphia Convention which nominated him
vrti any eijios.tion of the character of his ad
n:nt-tfation? Has any of his friends upon this
f <a* 01 elsewhere told us tvliat features are to lie
►•. imped upon hisfuteign oj domestic policy ! lias
be made known to the public, \\ hoac suffrages he
mltots, what are lti opinions upon any of the great
|- -laical questions which have divided the patties
t lias nation! No sir, we arc told none ol these
Jbinga. The great Whig jarty of the United
Hiatcs, numbering in its ranks nearly one-half ofj
t*.e American people, and claiming a large share of!
ti*e wealth,intelligence, and decency of the ooun-l
try —heretofore the able and ardent advocates of
c'cat fundamental measures of Government—now
r >•'. Jctily bides the light of its principles, as under
a bushel, and arraying itself under the banner of
• unitary chieftain, goo* to battle only with the
v* ar cry of Old Each and Wh*ley—Monterey and
Hui-na A
tho# presenter! to the world!
Sir, in the nomination of Gen. Taylor, the Whig
patty has grmndtd its emit upon all the great is
ues b>r which it has heretofore contender, ar.d has
a knowledge! that its principles cannot hear the
t *t of puMie scru'iny and trial. How is this, sir !
H*vo M lug principle*’ lierome so odious, and Whig
t <ea*ores so unpopular, that no man who professes
them can la* elected President of the United Slates?
Are the Wl.igs driven to the miserable expedient
•e auccewfufly practised in 1940, of availing them
wive* of the personal popularity of a man void of
political principles or experience, to foist themselves
into power ! And power to whet end—for what
object—for wensc benefit! I* it that they may di
\ le ant amosl themselves the cor temptible spoils
<4 victory, the “loaves and fishes” of Executive
patronage! Is it to establish another National
i’jnli, or to eaivanize into existence that putrescent
•'•a-* °f corruption which, though dead aud buried,
yet rtiiikv in tlic nostrils of the American people!
is it to restore a protective tariff, that fraudulent
-v -Ton of partial and unjust taxation by which the
itch are made n.dirr and the poor poorer? that sys
tem ol legalized robbery, by which millions ae
t; clw.l troin she pockets of honest men to build up
• monied aritocracy in the persons of northern
t.iv:.i.!ncturrtig lord ings ? In it to establish a waste
• i! rysKrti of public expenditure in tire shape of
internal improvements, to corrupt the people and
?:. i. r firm aulnrrvient lo ih > monied power ? Is
t to disgrace your statute book with another bunk
ruj4 law. by which honest creditors are to be ctic; -
t and act of tl.etr dues, and perjury and fraul b-5 rt.-
w a r JeJ by exemptions front pecuniary liability ?
Are these and other kindred measures, heretofore
tie favorite subjects of Whig legislation, to be the
*'*- is of ‘•■across in this play of “ hide anJ seek,”
hi< came of political trickery, of whi.h the Whig
kadrrs are becoming so expert ! May God, in his
•n* ‘ i ; e mercy, pas such a cup from tlic lips of the
people! rSir. let them look to it, that they are not
j-TaJe to drink its hitter dregs Let the memornl le
example of 1810 w .rn them of the danger of trust,
ing to this •• no-party ’’ cry of Whiggery and its
J pled leader.
AnJ now. *ir. I come to ask and to answer, what
i* tin 8 uth, what is the whole country to gain by
tbc success of the Democratic nominees ?
Sir, the opinions and position of Gen. Cass, upon
the subject of slavery, have been deliberately form
ol a:J openly avowed to the American jieople.—
H* sentiments are net left to vague conjecture,-or
contradictory construction. Whilst Gen. Taylor
** u’ :cd upon the -South, because from hi* residence
anJ interest ho is supposed and allcdged to he op
j osed to the Wilmot Proviso; and upon the North,
• .'suae he is believed to he in its favor, or pledged
tint to veto it if passed by Congress; whilst the po
r'-i *u of Gen. faylot is like the Delphic orarle, giv
ing oat its rrspomes to suit the wishes and tastes
of thorn who consult it, Gen. Cass Ins spoken in
tl vet and unequivocal language to all. He lias de
riarrJ hiro<eif. in terms, the unyielding opponent
i the juri*Jet:on ot Congress ot?r the subject o r
slavery m any form whatever. In hi** letter to Mr.
.\ictsoiaon, hi takes open, manly, derisive ground
In Lis !• tier to the Committee of the Baltimore
Convention,he gives an explicit adhesion to all the
j-• i-jci; lea adopted by that body, one of which lavs
down the D-nmcratic platform up>n the subject of
►laxrtv. Sir, it Gen. Cass should be elected Prcs
ihtitanJ Congre-s should pass any law embracing
itii’piin. spies of that odious and infamous proviso,
be ..lands piedged in sulenin form to interpose the
Karcolivc veto. He cannot, lie wiil not, he dare
not violate that pledge. He could not do so, witii
> at k ivh-mor, and without bringing down upon hi*
bead the just execration of a defrauded and insulted
constituency. But, sir, we have not only the ex-
I . ... Joel .nation of his opinions upon this subject—
we have more. We hive his recorded vote in
1 8- i.ate of the United Stales, in conformity with
the*-.’ opinion*. When the treaty with Mexico was
unicr cons-iJeralion in that body, Mr. Baldwin, of
Connecticut, a Whig Senator, moved that the trea
ty be amended by insetting the Wilmot Proviso,
and ru-ling it applicable to all the territory acquir
ed by it. The name of Lewis Cass is recorded,
along with ill die Southern Senators, against the
mourn.
ts, I know th it it has Wen charged by Southern
Whigs, that Gcu. Cassis the advocate and friend
of the Wilaiot Proviso, ar.d has given it the sup
fvtt of hi* voice and vote. I deny the charge, and
challenge the proof. Nay, sir, it i* proved to he
fslsc. Hi* voice a>:J votes have, upon all proper
ec .tsuit!*. Wen brought to bear against this unjust
and unconstitutional provision- Ho has ever 6tood,
. > ho now stands, the able and fearless champion
rs the constitutional rights of the South and of tho
Union, lias he no claims, then, upon the sympa
l!r. tie fiicnd-hip, and the support of the South?
\\ f ;!.-t every Whig leader at the North has taken
< pen ground against the South—whilst many dis
t ago. bcJ l*caiocrats hare abandoned their ancient
• si,, aud tanged themselves under the banner of
a h:J .‘u* Luaticism, which, like another Jugger
naut. threatens to crush the whole Union under
• - 1 ;,v*dv wl’.eels—whilst Gen. Cass has Wen deri
ded at the North by the whole pack of Abolition
? ’coJbouoJ*. as a “dough lace"—w hilst he has Wen
rhaij.rJ wi'h deserting vj) North and clinging lothe
w hilst he has becu abandoned by many of
hu own political friends for his manly adherence to
: -other*! constitutional rightr, he stands erect a
mi *t tho stiwm which threatens to destroy him,
* nil the pidara of (he Constitution fitttfly grasjed
witnin t>u hands. He is the bold, open, manly
tmod ol tho right*, of both North and South,#nd
the aide defender of those sacred guaranties of the
Constitution, upon which they depend. Why
should the S ?uth now, in the hour of need, desert
; whj has never deserted ha ? Sir, the support
ofUiU man by tho w hole Southern States in the
-roaching election, is alike due to gratitude, to
juu.ee. to interest, and self-preservatiou.
I* has Wcu objected, that the position assumed
by lien. Cass, and approved by the great body of
ia Democratic party in every section of the Union
ttint Congress no power over the question of
slavery, and that it belongs exclusively to the peo
ple oi the tcniiories them*. Ives, is worse for the
B*..uth than the doctrine of the Wilmot Proviso. —
We are told ihat slavery is now excluded from New
Mexim anJ California, and that the question must
W ■leckled against the South, if left to their inhab
itants. Sir, suppose this W true, how much worse
*-ff aie we than if the jurisdiction W left to Con
gr,.,? It the power be admitted to the Federal
CovnMurat, whodoys not see and know that the
, < ; :..:i of the Wilmot Provi-o is inevitable. The
onl guarantee against its adaption at the present
•*.*trHnt, is the constitutional scruples of Northern
!*■ r-t*. ar.d the exercise of the veto power.—
B n.,ve there by admitting the constitutional pow
ci, avid the M ilunrt Piovi o is fastened upon us for
all time to come. What, then, can the South lose
by leaving the question to the people of the Terri
tories, rather than to the Congress of the United
Slates ? Sir, Ido not propose to argue the quasii >n
of constitutional power, either in Congress or the
Territories, over this subject. Much difference of
opinion exists as to whether the power is in the
Federal Government, or in the hands of the people
of the Territories. These questions have been ably
argued by those who have gone before me in this
debate, and Ido not intend lo occupy the ti ne of
the Committee in their renewed discussion. It is
admitted, however, by all parties, that there is a point
of time at which this question of slavery or no sla
very may be, and must be, decided by the people
of the Territories. When they meet in convention,
in the exercise of sovereign authority, to form a
constitution preparatory to admission into this Un
ion as a State, then they may regulate this question
of slavery at pleasure. The only difference of opin
ion upon the point is, whether the peofde ntey or
may not, the Constitution, exercise this pow
er by territorial legii-lation, prior to the formation
of a Btate constitution, sir, without discussing or
deciding the question, I do not consider it a matter
of essential importance to the South, at what time
this power may be exercised by the people of the
Territories. It is, in my opinion, of infinitely more
importance, both to the South and to the Union,
that tho power be left to th i Territories instead of
the FeJeral Government. Sir, docs it follow, that
if the power be left to the people in their territorial
capacity, slavery will necessarily be excluded ? Is
it true, sir, that slavery is at this moment prohibited
in New Mexico and California? It is admitted
that Ute Constitution of Mexico declares that slavery
: shall not exist in the States of that Republic. But,
j sir, California and New Mexico are no longer por
! tions of the Mexican nation. They have been, by
treaty, transferred) as territories or provinces, to the
United States; and at the very moment of the trans
fer, co instanti, the constitutional provisions of the
Mexican Government ceased their operation, and
those of our Constitution assumed their place.—
The Constitution of the United States recognize*
b e existence of slavery, and protects its enjoyment.
These Territories are common property of all the
people of all the States. Un il, therefore, legislative
power shall be exercised by some tribunal having
jurisdiction, the whole question of slavery in these
Territories is left in abeyance, and the country open
to the emigration of all. Now, sir, whether the
people in their territorial capacity can constitu
te -nally or rightfully exclude slavery, I am willing
to leave to the decision of the Supreme Court, which
many gentlemen contend it the proper and consti
totional tribunal for its decision, or lo the considera
tion and judgment of the people themselves. It
is a principle in human nature, as powerful as uni
versal, that political action of communities will be
regulated and controlled hv the interests of the par
ties concerned. If, therefore, it shall appear that
slave labor may l>e profitably employed in these new
Territories of the Union, and the people are leftfree
to act, thev will adopt the institution of slavery. If,
on the other hand, it shall be found that the climate
and soil are not adapted to the profitable employ
ment of slave labor, no slaves will ever find their
way into the country, however wide the door tnay
be opened for their admission. All that the South,
therefore, can or ought to ask is, that the people of
the Territories be left to decide this most important
question for themselves. If their interest dictates
it, slavery will be established in spite of the preju
dices either of Mexican residents, or those who may
emigrate from the States of this Government. Ex
perience teaches that the Yankee who moves to
and settles at the South, where slave labor is profit
able, is as willing and ready to own slaves, aye,
aud to task them too, as those who have been born
and bred up in their midst. That zeal for human
freedom so patriotically cultivated and proclaimed
in their native land, like the courage of Bob Acres,
“ oozes out at their fingers’ ends,” as soon as they
come under tlic genial sun of Southern slavery.—
The promptings of ambition and .ntcrest soon over
come the prejudices of early education. If slave
ry, then, cannot be profitably introduced into the
country, it will never go there, although you may
pass laws recognizing its existence, and protecting
its enjoyment.
If it be profitable, depend upon it the people will
have it in spite of prejudice, if you do not prohibit
it by Congressional legislation. Let, therefore,
this exciting, distracting, disturbing subject be left
to the judgment and decision of those who will be
most deeply interested in it, and affected by it. —
There i. will be coolly considered and properly de
cided, and as a Southern man I am willing to trust
the decision and abide the result. Let it be kept
out of the Halls of Congress, for here and here only,
will the exercise of this dangerous and disputed
power put this experiment of a Federal Union to
the severest test. If Congress shall exercise this
power hero by the adoption of the YVilmot Proviso
in the organization of governments for the territo
ries acquired from Mexico, and it shall not be ar
rested by the Executive Yet©, my firm conviction
is that it will result in the dissolution of the Union.
Sir, I speak only for myself as a member of this
House and as a citizen of a Southern State, but I
believe I speak the sentiment of the whole South,
if the Wilmot Proviso, as applicable to territory
south of 36 deg. 30 m., shall become a law by the
will of Congress and the sanction of the President,
while I have the honor of a seat here, I shall be
ready to walk out of this Capitol with a majority of
the Southern members, and never enter it again
as a Representative of the people, until the South
ern States, in solemn convention,shall decide upon
the question of separation or union. In my opin
ion, after such an act of flagrant injustice and un
constitutional encroachment, the Southern States
could not remain in the Union without dishonor,
and the sacrifice of principles and interests too
dear ever to be surrendered whilst one voice re
mained to assert, or one arm was left to defend
them.
Sir, let not our Northern brethren deluded
with the hope or belief that Southern rights tnay be
violated or Southern pride be trampled upon with
impunity. The same spirit which animated our
sires in the days of the Revolution, and nerved
their lion hearts and stalwart arms against British
oppression and outrage, still bums in the bosoms
of their sons, and will repel, at any sacrifice, every
attempt to encroach upon their constitutional rights
and interests. Sir, the memorable words of Ed
mund Burke, uttered in the British Parliament in
1775, are no less true at the present day : “ There
is a circumstance attending these colonies (South
ern) whicn makes the spirit of liherty still more
high and haughty than in those to the northward.—
It is that in Y’irginiaand the Carolinas they have a
vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case
in any part of tlic world, those who are free are by
far the most proud and jealous of their freedom.—
Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a
kind of rauk and privilege —not seeing there, that
freedom ns in countries where it is a common bless
ing, and as broad and general as the air, may be
united with much abject toil, with great misery,
with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks a
mong them like something that is more noble and
liberal. Ido uot mean, sir, to commend the supe
rior morality of this sentiment, which has as much
pride ae virtue in it; but I cannot alter the nature
of man. The fact is so, and these people of the
Southern colonies are much more strongly, and
with a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to
liberty than thote to the Northward. Such were
k]l the ancient commonwealths; such were our
Gothic ancestors; such, in our day, were the
Pplcs; and such will be all masters of slaves who
are not slaves themselves. Iu such a people, the
haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit
of freedom, fortifies it, it invincible.”
Sir, this indomitable spirit of liberty still glows
in every Southern breast. Beware, sir, how you
attempt to insult it by the passage of laws deroga
tory to its honor, its interests, and its rights. Sir,
the law which proclaims the adoption of the YVil
mot Proviso in the Territories of New Mexico and
California, will souud the death-knell of this Re
public. A catastrophe so deplorable, so fatal to
liberty, so destructive of all the glorious associa
tions of the past, and all the bright and brilliant
hopes of the future greatness of our beloved coun
try, can alone be averted by the exercise ot that
noble spirit of compromise, conciliation, and har
mony which actuated our patriotic sires who con
structed our Constitution, that proudest of all
human fabrics for the preservation of liberty
and the happiness of a mighty people. Fir,
l invoke th** spirit now to save the Union;
but if this call upon our Northern brethren be made
in vain, I invoke the South, as she loves the Union,
as she values libei tv, as she cherishes her own hon
or, her dearest interest*, and her most sacred rights,
to unite as one man to preserve them all inviolate,
by contributing all honorable raeSAs in elevating to
power those, and those only, who Are able and wil
ling to preservethem.
The democratic ratification meeting held at Bat
on Rouge on the 17th inst. is represented by the
New Orleans papers to hare been the largest and
most enthusiastic ever held in that parish. The
orators were the Hon. Chas.Gayarro, Mr. Lacy of
Baton Rouge, and Mr. Watts of Plaquemines. The
whig ratification meeting held at the same place a
few days before, though addressed by crack feder
,al speakers from New Orleans and advertised foi
weeks previous, it will be remembered, was atten
ded by.not more than 150 persons! So mueh for
Taylor enthusiasm directly under the GencriPs
note.
(Cfre ictmeg.
COLUMBUS, GA.
TUESDAY AUGUST 1848
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS.
FOR PRESIDENT,
LEWIS CASS,
OF MICHIGAN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
WM. O. BUTLER,
OF KENTUCKY.
ELECTORS.
WALTER T. COLOUITT, of Troup.
M. HALL McALLISTER, of Chatham.
JOHN W. ANDERSON, of Chatham.
LEONIDAS B. MERCER, of Lee.
ALLEN COCHRAN, of Monroe.
JOHN D. STELL, of Fayette.
LEWIS TUMLIN, of Cass.
ROBERT E. McMILLEN, of Elbert.
WM. McKINLEY, of Oglethorpe.
JAMES GARDNER, Jr., of Richmond.
ALTERNATES.
WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
E. R. BROWN, of Sumter.
MARK WILCOX, of Telfair,
JESSE CARTER, of Talbot.
T. M. FURLOW, Esq., of Houston.
JOHN WRAY, of Coweta.
IRA R. FOSTER, of Forsyth.
JAMES JACKSON, of Walton.
JUNIUS WINGFIELD, of Putnam,
ROBT. W. FLOURNOY, of Washington.
FOR CONGRESS OF THE SECOND DISTRICT,
M. J. WELLBORN,
OF MUSCOGEE.
FOR CONGRESS OF THE FOURTH DISTRICT,
HUGH A. HARAL.SON
OF TROUP.
FOR CONGRESS IN THE THIRD DISTRICT*
JOHN J. CARET,
OF UPSON.
We are requested to state that Judge
Wellborn will address his fellow-citizens
at Lumpkin, Stewart county, on Tuesday,
Sept. slh.
BY TELEGRAPH.
Hibernia Steamer. —The following
despatch was received at 4j o’clock, P. M.
the 27th inst. from the Washington Office.
Cotton sales limited at previous rates—
N. O. and B. Georgia, 3| a sj.
Ireland —O’Gorman escaped on board
an American vessel, pursued by an English
steamer.
France quiet.
Insurgents sent to Brest—Cholera at
Brest.
SECOND DISTRICT MASS MEETING.
The Democracy of this District w ill bear
in mind that the Democratic Mass meeting,
takes place at Cuthbert, on Thursday next.
Our political brethren in that place have
made ample preparations to give a hearty
reception and generous welcome to all com
ers. Some of the most distinguished
speakers of the Republican party will be
present. We hope every county in the
District will be fully represented. What
says Muscogee? While she will be well
represented in speakers by Wellborn, Iver
son, Benning and others, wc hope to see a
full delegation of the rank and file, the
stalwart soldiers of Democracy.
NORTH CAROLINA.
The actual result not yet known. But
we do know that the preponderating Whig
majority ranging from 4 to 9,000 votes has
been annihilated by the Democracy, and
that too, under the prestige of the name of
Taylor. So completely has this majority
been beaten down and battered in this here
tofore granite Whig State, that we arc oblig
ed to wait for the official returns to deter
mine who is elected.
The last report gives the election of Gov
ernor to Manly (W.) by a few hundred in
stead of several thousand , and in the Le
gislature, either a tio, or a Democratic ma
jority of 2. Hurra for the old North State !
This is her breakfast, in November she
will make a dinner of it. We believe
Cass and Butler will carry the State.
Missouri, Indiana, Illinois and lowa.
All of these Western States have gone by
clear and decided majorities for the Demo
crats. In Illinois and Indiana, the Whigs
hoped that the Barnburner defection wuuld
break the Democratic phalanx. The re
sult puts to flight all such hopes. They
have given such votes as to assure the tri
umph of the Cass and Butler ticket in
November.
The skies are bright abroad. Let us do
our whole duty, and not only carry Geor
gia, as we will—but carry it handsomely,
as we can.
The Charleston Mercury’. —As we
predicted a few weeks ago, this paper has
ceased to “ wait and watch” and throws its
whole weight and influence into the South
ern scale of Cass and Butler. The Whig
papers will not now be so fond of quoting
from it.
In ifcis determination, the Democratic
cause has gained a powerful champion, and
one, in whom principle and duty have con
quered long standing prejudices of a per
sonal and political character. The Democ
racy South is now a unit, and invincible
in its unity.
DEMOCRATIC MEETNG.. 1
The Democracy of Muscogee county,
and all favorable to the election of Cass and
Butler, are requested to meet in this city
on Saturday evening next, at candle light.
The place of meeting will be designa
ted by handbill, during the week.
The Hon. A. Iverson, the representa
tive of this District in Congress will ad
dress the meeting.
HELP ME, CASSIUS, OR I SINK.”
Col. J. S. Calhoun has accepted the
nomination for Congress, and lias gone
forth to “assault the traducers of Geti.
Taylor,” on which knight errant excursion,
he “ hopes and expects to be accompanied
by the Hon. W. H. Crawford.”
This latter gentleman has himself twice
attempted and twice failed of an election
in the 2d District. Col. Calhoun’s call on
him to “help me Cassius, or I sink:” is
like the friends of Taylor asking Mr. Clay
to endorse him, and reminds us of Clay’s re
ply—“ What, do you come to the unavail
able to endorse the available candidate” ?
Judge Iverson’s Speech. —We spread
before our readers to-day, the able speech
of the member from this District. The
Macon Telegraph copies it, with these re
marks :
We treat our readers this morning with the able
spiecli ol Judge Iverson, delivered in the House of
Representatives, on the Oregon Territorial Bill and
the Presidential election. It is a most clear, pow
erful and unanswerable argument, and should be
treasured up by every Southern man, every one of
(them owes Judge Iverson a debt of gratitude for
this, the most lucid vindication of their rights and
institutions, which has been made during the pres
ent session of Congress.
MR. STEPHENS’ DEFENCE.
The American press has just rc-produced
“ A Pilgrimage to the Holy Land,” by
Alphonse De Lamartine, the illustrious
poet, orator, historian and statesman of
France. In a late review of the work, we
find a gem of thought, which .struck us as
so germain to the condition of this coun
try, in reference to the slavery agitation,
and to the late patriotic effort in the Ameri
can Senate, to compromise it, that wo can
not forbear to copy it.
“ Destiny gives an hour in a century to humanity
“to renew itself; thi? hour is a revolution, and men
“ venerate it by tearing each other to piecs—they
“ give to vengeance the hour assigned by God for
“ regeneration and advancement.”
When Senator Clayton rose in the Sen
ate to move the constitution of a select com
mittee to devise a plan of compromise which
was to put to rest an agitation, believed by
all to be full of peril to the Union ; Yvhen
that committee was raised, deliberated and
reported a plan ; when the Senate debated
it xvith feeling and solemnity, and brought
to bear upon it, all the treasures of its elo
quence, learning and patriotic statesman
ship, and after a sitting of 21 hours, adopt
ed it, as the “ rainbow of peace” to span
the storm-tossed country ; —the hearts of
men felt the sentiment so eloquently utter
ed by Lamartine, and believed that “ one
hour ” had been “assigned by God” from
a century of political and fanatical passion,
to calmness and patriotism. But, when
that labor of love from the Senate went to
the House, and Mr. Stephens, of Georgia,
pounced upon it, like a vulture upon his
prey—when with remorseless haste, this
child of compromise, this offspring of re
turning reason and momentary re-awa
kaning of love of country, was stabbed,
on its first step upon the threshold of the
House, many a heart groaned at the thought,
if not the words of Lamartine, that reck
less men had “given to vengeance the
hour God had assigned for regeneration
and peace.”
Such was the common sentiment of the
country. In his own State, Mr. Stephens’
motion and vote w r ere learned with wonder
and dismay. His political friends shook
their heads in serious discontent, and de
manded explanation. Mr. Stephens has
appeared with this explanation—in a set
speech to vindicate his conduct. After
the deed,, he comes forward, and like Mark
Antony with the bloody dagger in hand,
pronounces his defence over the “ dead
body of Caesar.” Like Antony, too, he
justifies the murder on the plea of superior
patriotism—aye, and superior wisdom—both
transcending in his person those qualities
in the assembled Senate, and condemning
in his self-praised sagacity, the short-sight
edness of Calhoun and Berrien, and of all
his Georgia colleagues. We propose to
examine this defence, and ive wish to do
it fairly. The occasion was one, demand
ing Mr. Stephens’ ablest efforts. .He had
a mountain of simultaneous and adverse
public judgment, Yvliich spontaneously
sprung up against him, to encounter. It
became him to place his action on the broad
est basis of rectitude and principle, and to
vindicate himself by the clearest and most
unanswerable arguments to show that his
colleagues were stupidly wrong, while he
was illuminated and inspired in the right.
Another important fact, which transpired
just in advance of his motion and vote, told
also, powerfully against him—and that was,
that the Whig party in Congress had held
a meeting and come to the conclusion that
the passage of the compromise bill would
defeat Gen. Taylor , and therefore that it
must be killed.
Such were the difficulties Mr. Stephens
had to encounter. After a careful perusal
of his defence, we are free to say he has
made an able speech. But it is a false
speech— false in its premises, false in its
principles, false in its logic, and eminently
false in its one would
. read an editorial of curs, of sufficient length j
to refute the ingenious argumentation by
which he has erected for himself a Smith*-’
era platform, sui generis , and for his ovrn
peculiar possessio pedis. No Southern
man will dispute with him the honor of
standing upon it. But, we hope whoever
opposes Mr. Stephens for Congress, will
take up this defence, unravel it and tear
its sophisms to pieces before the people of
the 7th Distrh t, and save the State of Geor
gia and the whole South from the stain of
folly and of criminal indifference to their
rights and interests and honor, which would
be involved in sending him back to Con
gress.
Mr. Stephens takes the bold ground that
the compromise Was a worse bill for the
South than the Wilmot proviso itself. As
suming that slavery was abolished by an
act of Mexico in 1829 in California and
New Mexico, he takes the ground that the
institution is prohibited by the law of the
place, and can only exist there by act of the
Congress of the U. States.
Thus yielding the power of legislating
on the question in the Territories, he de
mands that Congress shall so legislate as
to protect the South, when he knows that
Congress will as certainly legislate against
it, as his name is Stephens. He quotes
from Grotius and Yattel, from Lord Mans
field in the British Courts and from Ameri
can decisions to establish his doctrine, that
the lex loci governs in all conquered coun
tries, until the conquering Government
changes these laws—that they continue to
operate until each is so specially changed,
and that anti-slavery being the Mexican
law of these territories, the Courts of the
U. States, under the compromise bill, in
any case coming before them would have
been obliged to decide against the right of
a Southern slaveholder. Mr. Stephens, in
: short, argues and settles the constitutional
question against the South and then flouts
the compromise bill, because it proposes to
leave the question to the constitution and
the Courts established under it. But let
him speak for himself, in his recapitula
tion on this point.
2d. That the constitution of the United States
fully recognizes and amply protects the institution
of slavery where it exists by the laws of State or
place, but it does not establish it any where, where
by the laws of the place it is prohibited.
2d. That California and New Mexico being terri
tories acquired by conquest,all the laws which were
in force there at the time of the conquest not in
consistent with the constitution of the United States,
or the stipulations of the treaty of peace, or which
were purely of a political character, are, according
to well settled principles, and the adjudications of
our own courts, still in force.
Now, even if the case of slavery were
not in the exceptions which he admits to
the general rule of the law of the place ;
even if the very act—the compromise bill
itself—in forbidding the Territorial Legis
latures of California and N. Mexico to pass
any act to prohibit slavery; even it the
Missouri compromise line, solemnly adopt
ed by act of Congress ; even if the immu
table principles of justice, granting to the
use and enjoyment of the Southern States
a full share of a commonly acquired pro
perty —we say, even if all these consid
erations were not of sufficient dignity to
neutralize the Mexican statute of 1829 a
gainst slavery in one form, and to assert be
fore the enlightened tribunals of this coun
try the rights of Southern men to carry
their property into Territories, the common
and undivided property of the equal sove
reignties of the confederacy—the doctrine
of Stephens leads to absurdities which de
monstrate its utter inapplicability to Ameri
can conquests, and uncongeniality to Amer
ican institutions^
Suppose, that our troops in N. Mexico
and California had found the Spanish Inqui
sition in full and infernal blast. Gen/Kear
ney makes proclamation of the conquest
of the country, and this proclamation, says
Mr. Stephens, contains the terms of the peo
ple’s capitulation. Now, according to Mr.
Stephens, the Inquisition could not have
been disturbed by American conquest —
although a religious, the Inquisition is also
a “ political” institution, and as the Mexi
can law of the place governs, according to
Grotius, Vattel and Lord Mansfield, the fire
and faggot and the aitlo da fe, would have
full play until Congress supplanted it by
a special statute —and perhaps then, in
the passage of such an act, some Mr. Ste
phens might be found to stand up against
interfering with this favorite pastime of the
Spanish race.
But there is a more practical illustration.
The Peon law of Mexico, permits a credi
tor to enslave his debtor until he works out
his debt, which amounts to perpetual sla
very in most cases. Now’ if an American
citizen is living in theseconquered Ameri
can provinces and gets in debt, he may be
sold into perpetual bondage, because Lord
Mansfield has decided that the Peon law, is
the law of the place and governs, and our
American Courts (thinks or rather says
Mr. S ) would follow the same decision.
’ Now’ we undertake to say that an Ameri
’ can Court w’ith the book of the Constitu
’ tion open before it, and in the absence of
any act of Congress, forbidding the In
-1 quisition,the Peon system or slavery, would
not decide to permit the ravages of the one,
the unnatural cruelty of the second, or the
injustice to the Southern owner, by exclud
’ ing the third, because such was the Alexi
* can law before the conquest. Such are
‘the lawyer-like quibbles by which Mr.
’Stephens justifies himself for letting slip
the golden “hour” offered in the compro- (
‘mise bill. On such reasoning does lie
abandon the whole cause ol the South,
lands from a sea of sophisms on the shore
of Congressional power —a shore which j
ifefcn'oWs is fur more treacherous —far more j
certainly fatal in its foregone conclusions j
against us, than the waves of the natural
sea.
The “ hour destined to renovation has
been given to vengeance”- I —hatred to Mr.
Polk, a deeper hatred of Gen. Cass, and a
political animosity that hasbecome the mas
ter passion ofh s soul, are the real keys to
Mr. Stephens’conduct. €rotius and'Vat
tel and Mansfield, have been called on to
sustain his blunder and treachery—they
were not the lights that led him in the
path of duty. He has argued the whole
momentous question against the South and
landed us, if his doctrine be true, just
w’here Giddings and Fillmore and Slade
and Van Burcn and Adams rejoice to see
us—floundering like a harpooned dolphin
in the merciless and remorseless power of
a non-slaveholdingCongressional majority.
It is in vain for Mr. Stephens to defend
himself* by declaring that the compromise
bill Stirs not good enough for the South—
it was the best the South could get with
out an appeal to arms andfratricidal war.
So thought Mr. Calhoun, so thought the
majority of the Senate, so thought every
Southern Democrat iri the House and all
the Southern Whigs, but Stephens and
his band of eight. The gist 6 f Mr. Ste
phens’ defence is that he demanded the
“ pound of flesh,” and would have it with
out compromise—he assumes to be the
ultra and uncompromising champion of the
South, and appeals to his constituents not
to sacrifice him for over-zeal in their cause.
We say again, all this was an after-thought.
■ He has clutched at an impossible shadow*,
and lost the good substance within his
grasp —and until he can show that the en
tire abolition gang in the House w ho voted
with him to crucify the compromise bill,
voted so in the spirit of ultra championship
of the South, he will find it hard to cram
that false plea down the throats of his abus
ed, insulted and betrayed constituents.
Staring him in the face, w*hile he sets up
this defence before his people, is also the
declaration of the late Buffalo, bedlam, ab
olition convention, that the compromise
bill “ was an absolute surrender of the
rights of the non-slaveholders of all the
States , and that “ there must be no more
compromises with slavery.”
VETO OF THE PROVISO.
The Columbus Times affects to be very much con
cerned that Gen. Taylor does not declare that he
“will or will not veto the Wilmot Proviso.” Would
it not have been as well for the Times to have man
ifested a little more concern about Gen. Cass’ opin
ions on that question 7 Has he ever dared to insi i
uate that “he will or will not” veto the Proviso T--
Does the Times dare to espouse Gen. Cass’opin
ions on the subject of slavery in the Mexican ter
ritories 1 Will that print assert that the Territorial
Legislature alone has power to admit or prohibit
slavery in those territories [Aug-us/a Chronicle
4* Sentinel.
The “Times” has“ manifested (no) con
cern” on Gen. Cass’s opinions on the Wil
mot proviso question, because Gen. Cass,
like a man and a Republican, has frankly
and freely spoken his sentiments on the
subject. He voted against the Wilmot
proviso in the Senate under his constitu
tional oath as a constitution
al oath as President would oblige him to
veto it. He “ cordially adopted” the 7th
resolution of the Baltimore platform, and
in his Nicholson letter he declared his fix
ed opinion that Congress had no power
over the institution of slavery in the terri
tories, and of course that a Wilmot provi
so act of Congress would be unconstitu
tionall—and he belongs to a party that be
lieves in the exercise of the veto power for
the protection of Southern minority inter
ests. Furthermore, we have published
authority that he has declared in terms
that he would veto the VVilmot proviso,
So much for Gen. Cass. Now, will the
Chronicle & Sentinel tell us how stands
Gen. Taylor, the Southern man ? In the
first place, he has absolutely thrown aw r ay
the sword of the veto and deprived him
self of its use in our defence—for his doc
trine is to leave all domestic questions to
Congress, and to register any edict it may
pass.
In the second place, he has been direct
ly interrogated to the point—will you or
will you not veto the Wilmot proviso if you
are elected President ? and he has refused
to answer, on the ground, (monstrous, if it
were not ridiculous,) that it is “ neither ne
cessary nor important ” that he should de
clare his opinions until after he is elected.
In the third place, his repudiation of the
veto power, the very palladium of our safe
ty, and after the Senate, the last plank to
w’hich the South can cling for security, is
taken by the “Free soil” Whig party in
the Nortk as a guarantee that he will not
veto the Wilmot proviso. This is the bur
then and staple of Taylor electioneering
at the North and West.
The Chronicle 4’ Sentinel finds it con
venient to hold to a contrary opinion, and to
maintain that his Southern nativity and
residence are a guarantee that the Whigs
North, are deceived in their expectations
of what Taylor will do.
But, all Southern Jfhigs do not agree
in this opinion. Goy. Jones of Tennessee,
has recently been on an electioneering toui
in Ohio. At Carthage, near Cincinnati,
he made a speech, in which he declared
that Gen. Cass had said that he would ve~
to the Wilmot proviso, and in which he
argued that Gen. Taylor would not. Now,
Gov. Jones of Tennessee, is a Southern
Whig, far more distinguished,and his opin
ions far more authoritative than these of
the Editor of the Chronicle & Sentinel,
who is a Northern Whig, aisd the profess
ed personal and of course partial friend of
Mr. Fillmore. Hear what Gov, Jones
said in that speech :
That while the compromises of the constitution
should be adhered to, the question of shive-exten
sion was left to Congress , where it belonged f by totn
cral Taylor. But Gen. Cass said no. lien. Taylor
declares that the will of the people, as expressed
by Congress should not be arrested by executive ve
toes. General Cass says Coneress have ho rowan
OVER THE SUBJECT, AND ANY LAW OR ORDINANCE
limiting slavery, he will VETO. Taylor left ittcr
the people. Cass would not: —and he should go
for Taylor and the people. He asked the “Liber
ty, Free Soil and Abolition party,” if they wr.ro
going to vote as i fS41 —they elected I’olk then,
am! will they try to elect Cass now, by throwing
a Way their votes osoi**e third candidate. Profes
sing exclusive devotion to Irecdom, they abandon
ed the pledged champion* of the people’* right*,
and aid in electing a chief magistrate, who denies
that the people’s representatives have the right to
arrest the progress of .slavery.
Senator Corwin, another distinguish
ed Taylor champion, is firmly of the same
opinion. The following is an extract from
a debate in the Senate:
M. Corwin. —Awl I declare, if anybody is con
cerned to- know what is my opinion on the* suhjnd,
and what is the opinion of the Free States of thi
Union, that if Gen. Taylor was not considered as be
ing committed by. his published letters against the ex
ercise of the Veto Power upon this sui feet, he would
not get my vote, nor would he get the vote of a free
State in America if 1 could help it.
Mr. Hankecan. — I would like to lc infurmedby
the Senator from Ohio, as he has referred to Geu.
Cass’s position, and a* lie is abost to give his sup
port to Gen. Taylor, if he eaiv give usGen. Tay
lor’s views upon the •nhj.ect,-and what hrspniin
will be as expiessed in his Message Cengress r
Mr. Corwin. —I cannot.
Mr. II annegan. —l understand the Senator from
Ohio to say that if Gen. Taylor would interpose a
veto upon the subject, he would not vote for him
under any circumstances.
Mr. Corwin. — I would not, nor would any man
( in my State, unless indeed I found him opposed to
just such another man who had a great many bad
qualities besides. [A laugh.] But, sir, I have to
say that I do not believe that Gen. Taylor could get
the electoral vote of a Free State in America, if it
were not fo r the belief that prevails, that upon this
subject as well us upon any other of alike character,
he wouldnbt interpose his Veto. I believe the nan
who does it, btt who he may, deserves impeachment,
and to have hi:? head rolled on a block. That has
been my opinion for some time 1 [A laugh.]
I have no more desire to live under a desptttffcm
here than in Ireland. We have exhibited to sdnie
extent our sympathy with those who are Warring
against despotism, and J now mean to show yod'as
far as I am able, what is til'd public opiiiiiJii at this
time in this country. It may’ Be that the people
will tolerate you in passing a* laW rtf this sort, be
cause you are the constituted lahv makers of she
land, but they will tolerate no mart, bo/not £rtn
Washington if he were alive, in interpesirtg l his.ve
to upon a law analagous to the Ordinandi es J7S7.
If the Congress ot the United States will that thire
shall be Freedom from Slavery forever, and iir
man sitting in the White House dare interpose Bis
puny arm against it, I will not say he will he taken
through the forms of impeachment—there might
be a more summary method found out of disposing
of him.
So much for the Whig candidate, who is
recommended to ns because he is a South
ern man. And, when we come to look at
the associate candidate for the Vice-Presi
dency and discover a full-blcoded abolition
ist in Mr. Fillmore, the Chronicle Editor’s
particular personal friend, we submit to
the gaze cf all admirers of refreshing cool
ness, the attitude of the Chronicle & Seh
tinel in asking a Soirthcrn papeT* if it
“dares” espouse Gen. Cass and his opin
ions ? Wc are sick cf this double dealing
and shameless hypocrisy, and we are for
cibly reminded of the declaration of Senator’
Douglass of Illinois, in his New Orleans
speech, in which he told the South that the
fatal blow against its institutions, whenever
it was struck, would come from the South —•-
that we were in the most danger from trai
tors at home, and should watch theme
The support of Millard Fillmore by a par*’
ty in the South, almost turns the prophecy
into present reality.
THE ORACLE AGAIN t
Gen. Taylor’s epistles come as often as-
Monsieur Tonson, and spiced with infin
ite variety of changeability. Ha is like
the Irishman’s flea, never there T when you
think you have him. Is the old gentle
man’s head turned by his sudden elevation*
or does he not remember to-day what he
wrote yesterday ? A few weeks ago, we
published his acceptance of the Whig nom
ination, tendered from Philadelphia, He
has now, once more, unwhi-g-g-ed himself
and became again the “ no-party” candi
date. We fear that the very honest and
blunt old gentleman is ready to become
anybody's candidate, according as the wind
of availability happens to set. We wish
the Whigs joy of such a Whig President,
if they get him—of which there is about
as much chance as for “ old Whitey-”
from the Baltimore Sun, Aug. 16th.
Late and Important Letter from Gen. Tit
lor. —The following copy of a late letter from Gen.
Taylor to Mr. Lippard, of Philadelphia, we find in
the Ledger of that city; It is the very latest ex
pression of the General’s views in regard to the
Presidency, being 11 days later in date than the let
ter to Gov. Morehead, wherein he accepted the
Whig nomination:
Baton Rouge, La., July 24.
Dear Sir: Yonr letter of the sth inst., asking of
me a line or two, in regard to my position as a can
didate for the Presidency has been duly received.
In reply I have to say, that I am not a party can
didate, and if elected, shall not be the President ot
a party, but the President of the whole people.
I am, dear sir, with high respect and regard,
your most obedient servant, /.. TA\LOI*.
George Lippard, Esq., Philadelphia,Pa.
“Spontaneous Combustion.” —The
York Tribune says the result of the elec
tion in North Carolina is a “severe rebuke
to the blind guides and false prophets “ h°
urged the nomination of Taylor as calcula
ted to sweep the entire south. It will ev
idently do no such thing.”
That paper says further: “We submit
that the Taylorization of the whig party has
not, so far, paid expenses.”
Extract from a letter dated
Carrolton, Ga. Aug. <b>*
*4at
“I know of no Democrat in this count),
\\ c
will vote for Taylor, and have made enquiry*
will give Hugh 500 majority. D-
turned from a three months tour through the t
;ec counties and could not find a Taylor dem
ii all that region.”