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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR.
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POETRY.
AMERICA.
BT WM. CUI.ES BRYANT.
ilr.nn the free pirit of mankind, at length,
Throws its last fetters off: and who shall plape
A limit to the cant’s unchained strength,
r cast his swiftness in the forward race I
Far. like the comet’s way through infinite space,
Stretches the long untraveled path of light
Into the depth of ages; e may trace,
instant, the brightening glory of its flight,
TUI the receding rays are lost to human sight.
Enmpe i* given a prey to sterner fates,
And writhe* in thickets ; strong the arms that chain
Ts earth her .tmegiiag multitude of states ;
bhe, too, is strting, and might not chafe in vain
Against them, but might cast to earth the train
That trample her, and break their iron net.
Nee, she shall look on brighter days, and gain
The meed of worthier deeds ; the moment set
T* rescue and raise up, draws near —hut is not yet
Hut thou, my country, thou shalt never fall,
Save with thy children—thy maternal cat©.,
Thy lavish love, thy blessings showered oil all—
These are thy letters—seas and slormv air
Are the wide harrier of thy borders, where,
Among thy gallant sons that guard thee well,
Thou lauglrst at enemies : who Rhall then declare
‘I be date of thy deep-founded strength, or tell
How happy m thy lap the sons ofmen shall dwell ?
“What most I prixe in woman
Is her affection— not her intellect.
f • •mparr me w ith the great men of the earth,
\\ hat am 1 I Why, a pigmy among giants !
list if thou lovest—mark me, I say Im est —
The greatest of thy sex excels thee not.
The world of affection is thy world—
Not that of man's ambition. In that stillness
Which most becomes a woman—calm and holy,
Thou sittest by the fireside of the heart,
Feeding its flame.”—[ ljoupfellow.
-MISCELLANY.
From the Athens Banner.
Rki.iff to the Family of Col. Ech
ols- —II is with great pleasure that we
jriold a place in our columns to the follow
ing communications from one of Georgia’s
oust distinguished sons. We cordially
npprovc the plan suggested, and cannot
add to the very forcible manner in which
the subject is presented by the writer.—
\v e trust that cur brethren of the press
will respond to the proposition, by bringing
it before their readers. We will barely
remark, that this method of relief for the
distressed families of the gallant dead, who
hare lost their lives in the service of their
country, lias been adopted, and we believe
successfully, in our sister State -of South
<Rn lma. Can Georgians be less sensible
if what Incomes the generosity and mag
nanimity of their character f
Athens, Ga., July 31st, 1818.
Mr. Editor : —lt is perhaps within your
recollection that the Legislature at its late
sessii u made provision lor bringing to his
native State and his home, the remains of
*ur bite estimable fellow-citizen, Robert M.
Echols; and that at the time of their arri
vl at the residence of lxis distressed fami
ly, every |Kirtide of his property was un
der levy for the payment of debts incurred
lv bis kindness to his neighbors and frieuds.
Though he diod in the service of his coun
try. that country can make but a limited
allowance, Iron the nature of the case, for
the supp-ort of his suffering family. It
seems to me that it would be but a just
tribute t< his patriotism, for those of his
fellow-citizens in whose service he died
and who are able to afford it, to raise, by
v hint.-try contributii n, a fund sufficient to
relieve his widow and children. I know
that Gen. Echols,if livipg, would be among
the first to embark in ■such an effort forthe
lereaved family.of a deceased fellow-citi
zen. I therefore propose to be one of one
thousand persons, or a larger or smaller
number, who will pay live dollars each, to
l>e invested in such manner that his widow
and children may equally participate in the
b’lirfit there f. and I will suggest that your
self. Judge Dougherty, Judge Hillycr,
Judge Floyd of Newton, Gen. Wofford of
Ilnliersham, and lion. Wilson Lumpkin,
bear- mmitteeto receive said contribution;
and I herewith enelose live dollars, my
contribution. SIDNEY.
rOMSIEKCIvMEXT EXERCIKES.
The unavoidable abridgement of cur
sheet, last week, compelled us to omit a
notice ol a portion of the trustees of the Col
1-ge at this place, as well as of the farewell
address of Professor Stevens, and of the
• ration of Col. Henry R. Jackson before
the two literary societies.
To fill two vacancies in the beard of
Tm sloes, the beard elected Doct. \\ ing
ficld iif Morgan, and the Hon. Marshall.
J. Wellborn, cf Columbus. The Rev. Wm.
I*. Brantly, of Augusta, was also chosen
Professor of Rhetoric, in the place of the
ller. Wm. Ik Stevens, resigned.
The farewell address of Stevens was in
]>erfect keeping with these high faculties
.f the bead and heart, with that line taste
and th se line and delicate sensibilities,
which originally recommended him to
the chair, which he filled so aldy. The
crowning merit of his address was, that
altera pathetic and touching farewell to the
auditory, the students, and Professors, his
last word died upon his lips—no one heard
it—his heart was too big for utterance.
Buch is the eloquence of nature, and such
the man who by this .single touch alone
lias proved himself capable of her highest
• fTirts !
The Oration of Col. Jackson was one of
tbewe intellectual banquets to which we
are rarely treated. Ilis subject was “ Cour
age, ’ moral and physical, and lie infused
into it not only the indomitable cnergv of his
characterbut his vigorous intellect,and high
ly cultivated literary taste and noetic fancy,
l ie st-iod upon the stage, literally sparkling
—resplendent with genius-his fine, manly
features, when his soul was roused in its
might, illumined with a smile—a light—
the electric fluid of the soul which bespoke
the power that stirred within. His ad
dress is conceded to have been
• masterly exhibition of both mental and
moral pin ?r.— Batw.tr.
VOLUME VIII. |
POLITICAL.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
ADJOIIIt NMEST OF CONGRESS— PRES
IDENT** I. AST MESSAGE.
Congress adjourned yesterday precisely
at 12 o clock, according to their joint order,
Isays the Washington Union,August 15.]
he members have gone to their constitu
ents to give an account of their steward
ship. W e wish the Whigs a safe deliv
erance from the fearful responsibility which
they have encountered. The session has
been long and protracted ; but not so lono
as the 2d session of the 27th Congress”,
which did not adjourn before the 31st of
August. The work which has been ex
ecuted is far from corresponding to the
time consumed. The opposition have
wasted a large portion of the session in col
lecting materials, and making capital for
the ensuing presidential election. They
have scattered speeches and provoked re
plies from the republican members. They
attacked the war for weeks and months,
instead of making vigorous efforts to ter
minate it. It was this very mischievous
clamor on the part of the Whigs, and their
want of energy in raising the supplies,
which cheered the enemy, and delayed the
termination of hostilities. W hen peace fi
nally came, the Whigs turned tlieir batte
ries against the origin and prosecution of
the war; and then arose the question of the
disposition of the territories we have ac
quired. Speech after speech, and day af
ter day, was exhausted upon the attempt
to compromise the question.
Much credit as we are willing to give
Mr. Clayton and some of his colleagues in
this matter, yet we hold the “Whigs partic
ularly responsible for the defeat of the com
promise. Four Southern Whig Senators
first broke the line of the South, instead of
presenting all her force together. Then
the eight Southern Whigs in the House
defeated the first compromise, and paral
yzed the spirit of the Northern Democrats
in regard to the adjustment. Stephens of
Georgia made the motion to lay the bill on
the table, which the Senate had been for
some time discussing and preparing. lie
was followed by seven other Southern
W higs in the attempt to smother the bill,
and prevent it from assuming any other
form of compromise. The first failure shed
its disastrous eclipse over the second com*
promise bill from the Senate. The South
ern W higs attempted to back water too
late. They had killed the first bill, and
encouraged the Northern Democrats to de
sert the second, until every attempt to com
promise, the question was unavailing.
One bill only has passed in relation to
Western territory. It is the bill which
went from the House for the organization of
a government for Oregon. It recognized
the provision of the ordinance of 1787.
The Senate made an attempt to amend it,
and settle the question upon the bash* of
the Missouri Comprorrale, but the amend
ment was rejected by the House ; and on
Sunday morning, after a laborious session
through the previous night, the Senate re
ceded from their amendment, and the bill
was passed in the shape in which it had
gone up from the House.
The question was then anxiously made,
w hich course would the President pursue?
Would he veto the bill ? or would he sign
it? The answer was at hand.
Yesterday morning the bill was sent up
to him, and he returned it to the House of
Representatives, about 11 o’clock, .with his
signature. But the president went further,
lie .was not content to sign the bill ; but he
was determined to assign his reasons for
the act and at the same time to laydown
the principles which should guide his
course during the rest of his administration.
He has met the duty as became him.—
There is no cose in the whole course of his
most memorable administration—full as it
is of great trials, and illustrated by great
triumphs of moral force and enlightened
policy—which can compare with the pres
ent one in point of importance, both in its
origin, in its character, and in its conse
quences. There is no act of his adminis
tration which is superior to it in the wis
dom with which he has selected his course,
and in the firmness with which he has
pursued it. Many of the citizens of the
South wished him to veto the hill. Most
of the Northern citizens hoped that he
would consent to extend the restriction of
this bill to the whole extent of our newly
acquired territories of California and New
Mexico. The President has done neither;
but he has marked out a course, which is
recommended by the highest wisdom and
the deepest regard to the best interests of
our common country. He has signed this
hill reluctantly, from a stern sense of duty
towards Oregon, and from a respect to the
principle of ‘the Missouri Compromise; but
lie lias net stopped here. Knowing and
feeling that this question of Slavery is by
far the most important which has engaged
the attention of his countrymen —that it
stands ahead of the rest in difficulty, in
delicacy and in importance—that it is tiie
only rue which can “Seriously distract the
people and shako the Union itself, lie has
felt it to be his duly boldly to-take anew
cqurse, and to send in a message along
with the bill. In this masterly paper, linn
as it is conciliatory, and dictated by the
highest sense cf public duty, he comes for
ward with all frankness to state that he
must withhold his constitutional sanction
from every bill in relation to New Mexico
and Upper California which is not framed
in the same spirit of compromise in which
the Constitution was founded, and which
dors'net provide for the rights cf every
section of our country. Had the present
bill extended this Wtlmot. Proviso to New
Mexico and California, he would clearly
have vetoed the bill. We have no hosita
tkn in expressing cur firm belief that, in
like manner, he will veto any bill which
indiscriminately extends the \\ ilmof Pro
viso to these new acquisitions. In fact,
suck is the express meaning and intention
of the important message now before us.
We lay a copy of this memorable message
before our readers, and we earnestly rec
ommend it to the calmest and most careful
consideration of our countrymen. Evert
man is concerned in it. Everyman ought
to read and weigh it—and we hope every
patriot will see in it the decided course ol a
wise statesman. The President tells the
people frankly that thus far he was willing
to go, and no Jarther Faction and fanat
icism must here be stayed. It is to be
hoped that Congress will reassemble in a
better spirit of conciliation and compromise,
and with a firmer disposition to extend to
all portions of cur common country a liber
al participation in the benefits cf our new
acquisitions. Certain it is, that the Presi
dent ofthe United States will never sanc
tion a different disposition of that territory .
To the House of Representatives of the V. States:
When the President has given his offi
cial sanction to a bill which has passed
Congress, usage requires that he shall no
tify the House in which it originated ol
that fact. The mode of giving this notifi
cation has been by an oral message deliv
ered by his private secretary.
Having this day approved and signed
an act entitled ‘‘An act to establish” the
territorial government of Oregon,” I deem
it proper, under the existing circumstan
ces, to communicate the fact in a more
solemn form.
The deeply interesting and protracted
discussions which have taken place in
both houses of Congress, and the absorbing
interest which the subject lias excited
throughout the country, justify, in my
judgment, this departure from the form
of notice observed in ether [cases.
In this communication with a co-ordi
nate branch of the government, made pro
per by the considerations referred to, I
snail frankly, and without reserve, ex
press the reasons which have constrained
me not to withhold my signature from the
bill to establish a government over Ore
gon, even though the two territories of
New Mexico and California are to be left,
lor the present, without governments.
None doubt that it is proper to establish
a government in Oregon. Indeed.it has
been too long delayed. I have made re
peated recommendations to Congress to
this effect. Ihe petitions of the people of
that distant region have been presented to
the government, and ought not to be dis
tegarded. 1 ogive to them a regularly
organized government and the protection
ol our laws, which as citizens ofthe Uni
ted States they claim, is a high duty on
our part, and one which we are bound to
pet form, unless there be controlling rea
sons to prevent it.
In the progress of all governments,
questions oi such transcendant importance
occasionally arise, as to cast in the shade all
those of a mere party character. But one
such question can now be agitated in this
country; and this may endanger our glori
ous Union, the source of our greatness, and
all our political blessings. This question is
slavery. W ith the slaveholding States this
does not embrace merely the rights of prop
erty, however valuable'; but it ascends far
higher, and involves the domestic peace
and security of every family.
The fathers of the constitution—the
wise and patriotic men who laid the foun
dation of our institutions—foreseeing the
danger from this quarter, acted in a spirit
of compromise and mutual concession on this
dangerous, and delicate subject; and their
wisdom ought to be the guide of their success
ors. Whilst they left to theJStates exclusively
the question of domestic slavery within
tlieir respective limits, they provided that
slaves who might escape into other States
not recognizing the institution of slavery,
shall “be delivered up on the claim of the
party to whom such service or labor may
be due.”
Upon this foundation the matter rested
until the Missouri question arose.
In December, 1810, application was
made to Congress by the people of the
Missouri Territory for admission into the
Union as a State. The discussion upon
tire subject in Congress involved the ques
tion of slavery, and wasjprosecutedhvith such
violence as to produce excitements alarm
ing to every patriot in the Union. But
the good genius of conciliation which pre
sided at the birth of our institutions finally
prevailed, and the Missouria - Compromise
was adopted. The eighth section ofthe
act of Congress of Gth of March, 1820,
“to authorize the people of the Missouri
Territory to form a constitution and State
government,” &c., provides : “ That, in
all that territory ceded by France to the
United States under the name of Louisiana
which lies north of thirty six degrees and
thirty minutes north latitude, not included
within the limits of the State contempla
ted by this act, slavery and involuntary
servitude, otherwise than in the punish
ment of crimes, ■whereof the parlies shall
have been duly convicted, shall be, and is
hereby, forever prohibited:—Provided al
ways, That any .person escaping into the
same, from whom labor °r service is law
fully claimed in any State, or Territory
ofthe United States, such fugitive may be
lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the
person claiming his or her labor or services
aforesaid.”
This compromise-had the effect of calm-’
ing the troubled waves, and restoring
peace and good-will throughout the States
of the Union,
The Missouri question had excited intense
agitation of the public mind, and threat
ened to divide the country into geograph
ical parties, alienating the feelings of at
tachment which each portion of our Union
should bear to every othef. The compro
mise allayed the excitement, tranquilized
the popular mind, and restored confidence
and fraternal feeling. Its authors were
hailed as public benefactors,
I do not doubt that a similar adjustment
of the questions which now agitate the
public mind would produce (he same hap
py results. If the legislation of Congress
on the subject of the Territories shall not
be adopted in a spirit cf conciliation and
compromise, it is impossible that the conn,
try can be satisfied, or that the most dis
astrous consequences shall fail to ensue.
When Texas was admitted into ’ the
Union, the same spirit of compromise which
guided our predecessors in-the admission
of Missouri, a century before, prevailed
without any serious .opposition'. The
“ joint resolution for annexing Texas to
the United States,” approved March the
Ist, one thousand eight hundred end ferty
five, provides that “ such States as may be
formed t ut cf that portion cf said territory
lying South cf 36 degrees, 30 minutes
North latitude, commonly known as the
Missouri compromise line, shall be admit
ted into the Union with or without slavery,
as the people of each State asking admis
sion may desire. And in such State or
States as shall be formed out of said ter
ritory North of the Missouri compromise
line, slavery or involuntary servitude (ex
cept lor crime) shall be prohibited.”
The Territory efiJregon lies far north
of thirty six degrees thirty minutes, the
Missouri and Texas compromise line.
Its Southern boundary is the parallel of
12, leaving the intermediate distance to
be three hundred and thirty geograph
ical miles.
And it is because the provisions of this
bill are net inconsistent with the terms of
the Missouri compromise, if extended from
the Rio Grande to the Pacific ocean, that I
have not felt at liberty to withhold my sanc
tion. Had it embraced territories South
of that compromise, the question presented
for my consideration would have been of a
far different character, and my action upon
it must have corresponded with my con
victions.
Ought wc now to disturb the Missouri
and Texas compromises? Ought we at
this late day, in attempting to annul what
has been so long established and acquies
ced in, to excite sectional divisions and
jealousies; to alienate the people of differ
ent portions of the Union from each other;
and to endangerthe existence of the Union
itself ?
From the adoption of the federal consti
tution, during a period of sixty years, our
progress as a nation has been* without ex
ample in the annals of history. Under the
“THE t'NION OF THE STATES AID THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 5, 1848.
protection of a bountiful Providence, we
have advanced with giant strides in the ca
reer of wealth and prosperity. We have
enjoyed the blessings of freedom to a great
er extent than any other people, ancient or
modern, under a government which has
preserved order, and secured to every cit
izen life, liberty and property. We have
now become an example for imitation to
the whole world. The friends of freedom
in every clime point With admiration to
our institutions. Shall we, then, at the
moment when the people of Europe arc
devoting all their energies in the attempt
to assimilate their institutions to our own,
peril all our blessings by despising the les
sons of experience, and refusing to tread
in the footsteps which our fathers have
trodden ? And for what cause would we
endanger our glorious Union ? The Mis
souri compromise contains a prohibition of
slavery throughout ali that vast region ex
tending 121 degrees along the Pacific, from
the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes to
that of forty-nine degrees, and cast from
that ocean to and beyond the summit ofthe
llocky mountains. Why, then, should
our institutions be endangered because it
is proposed to submit to the people of the
remainder of our newly acquired territory
lying South of thirty six degrees thirty
minutes, embracing less than four degrees
of latitude, the question tvhether, in the
language of the Texas Compromise, they
“shall be admitted (as a State) into the
Union with or without slavery” ? Is this
a question to be pushed to such extremi
ties by excited partisans on the one side or
the ether, in regard to our newly acquired
distant posesssions on the Pacific, as to en
danger the union of thirty glorious States
which constitute our confederacy ? I have
an abiding confidence that the sober reflec
tion and sound patriotism of the people of
all the States will bring them to the con
clusion that the dictate of wisdoij is to fol
low the example of those who have gone
before us, this dangerous ques
tion on the Missouri Compromise, or some
other equitable compromise, which would
respect the rights of all, and prove satis
factory to the different portions of the Uni
on.
Holding as a sacred trust the Executive
authority for the whole Union, and bound
to guard the rights of all, I should be con
strained, by a sense of duty, to withhold my
official sanction from any measure which
would conflict with these important ob
jects.
I cannot more appropriately close this
message than by quoting from the farewell
Address ol the Father of his Country.—
His warning voice can never be heard in
vain by the American people. If the spirit
of prophecy had distincly presented to his
view, more than a half century ago, the
present distracted condition of his country,
the language which he then employed
could not have been more appropriate than
it is to the present occasion, lie declar
ed:
“The unity of government, which con
stitutes you one people, is alsonow dear
to you. It is justly so; for it isa main
pillar in the edifice of your realinde
pendenee, the support of your tranquility
at home, your peace abroad, of your safety
of your prosperity, of that very liberty
which you so highly prize. But as it is
easy to foresee that from different causes,
and from different quarters,much pains will
be taken,many artifices employed, to weak
en in your minds the conviction of this
truth—as this is the point in your political
fortress against which the batteries of inter
nal and external enemies will be most con
stantly and actively (though often covertly
and insidiously) directed—it is of infinite
moment that you should properly estimate
the immense value of your national union
to your collective and individual happiness;
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual
and immovable attachment to it; accustom
ing yourselves to think and to speak of it
aa a palladium of your political safety and
prosperity; watching for its preservation
with jealous anxiety; discountenancing
whatever may suggest even a suspicion
that it can in any event be abandoned ; and
indignantly frowning upon-the first dawn
ing of every attempt to alienate any por
tion of our country from,the rest, or to en
feeble the sacred ties which bow link to*
gether the various parts,
For this you have every inducement of
sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth
or choice of a common country, that coun
try has- a right to concentrate your affec
tions.” The name of American, which be
longs to you in your national capacity,
must always exalt the just pride of patri
otism more than any appellation derived
from local discriminations. With slight
shades of difference, you have the same
religion, manners, habits, and political prin
ciples. You have in a common cause
fought and triumphed together. The in
dependence and liberty you possess are the
work of joint councils and joint efforts, of
common dangers, sufferings, and success.
With such powerful and obvious motives
to union, affecting all parts of our country,
while experience shall not have demon
strated its impracticability, there will al
ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of
those who, in any quarter, may endeavor
to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may
disturb cur Union, it occurs as matter of
serious concern, that any ground should
hare been furnished for characterizing par
ties by geographical discriminations—
northern and southern, Atlantic and wes
tern; whence designing men may endeav
or to excite a belief that there is a real dif
ference of local interests and views. One
of the expedients of party to acquire influ
ence within particular districts, is to mis
represent the opinions and aims of other
districts. You cannot shield yourselves
too much against the jealousies and heart
burnings which spring from these misrep
resentations. They tend to alien to each
other those who ought to be bound together
by fraternal affection.”
JAMES K. POLK.
Washington, Aug. 14, 1848.
A Whig Profhf.t.— General Leslie
Coombs addressed a whig meeting in
Buffalo, on Monday -evening, and made
the following declaration.
“ In 1844, at this time of the year, Mr.
Clay was elected President of the United
States by over a hundred thousand ma
jority. In November, we found that James
K. Polk had the most votes.
“ I have travelled through ten States of
the Union, and if the Whig party do not
arouse themselves, Lewis Cass will be the
next President.
Combs But.—General Combs will have to
knock under to Corwin. That gentleman, in giv
ing a description of old Rougb and Ready, a few
•lays ago to a cotemporary, represented him aa a
man possessing an iron constitution, able to en
dure all the hardships incident to > military life,
and at the same time fatten npon the privations of
comfort. “He hae not,” remarked the swarthy
Senator,'/’ slept beneath a roof, for four yeara, his
back ia covered with ticks and bis legs and arms
with moss” We think - Corwin entitled to the
hut;—[y. Y. True Sun,
” -
From the Federal Union.
A PRACTICAL PARTY TEST.
There is at present a Democratic Presi
dent and Senatg,-and a W 7 hig House of Rep
resentatives. To whom does the South
now look for its protection - and defence?—
Is it to the Whig House ? That body has
once rejected the Wihnot Proviso, but it
was done by Northern Democrats without
the eid of a single Northern Whig.- It has
since passed it. The democratic Senate
has put it down whenever it has been pre
sented. Had it passed that body, a demo
cratic President by his veto wouid have ar
rested it.
What would at this moment have been
the condition of the country, if with a Whig
House there had been also a Whig Senate
and a Whig President ? The Wiimot Pro
viso would have been fastened upon the
country, and Disunion or Submission would
have been the alternative.
We ask for the following synopsis of
votes given in the Senate and House, on
the Proviso, a careful examination. It will
be seen that a band of Northern Democrats
stand by the South. But where are the
Northern Whigs ? In solid phalanx they
go against her.
Why will Southern men, blinded by par
ty, close their eyes to the light that shines
upon their path ?
In the House of Representatives, on the
28th February last, the Wiimot Proviso
was laid on the table, the vote being as fol
lows :
For the Proviso. Against it.
Northern Whigs, 74 0
“ Democrats, 19 27
S. Whigs & Democrats, 0 78
93 105
In the Secret Session on the Mexican
treaty, Mr. Baldwin of Conn., moved to in
corporate in the treaty, the provisions of
the Wiimot Proviso. The vote stood:
For the Proviso. Against it.
Northern Whigs, 10 0
Southern “ 2 9
Northern Democrats, 3 12
Southern “ 0 17
15 38
In the Senate, on the 26th July, Mr. Da
vis of Mass., moved to amend the compro
mise bill by incorporating into it the pro
visions of the Proviso. The vote stood as
follows:
For the Proviso. Against it.
Northern Whigs, 9 0
Southern “19
Northern Democrats, 10 6
Southern “ 1 18
21 33
In the Senate, on the passage of the com
promise bill, the vote stood as follows :
For the Bill. Against it.
N. Whigs, 1 9
S. Whigs, C 4
N. Democrats, 0 9
S. “ 20 0
33 22
On the motion in the House of Mr. Ste
phens of Ga., to lay the compromise bill
on the table, the following is the vote :
For laying on the table. Against.
N. Whigs, 73 0
S. “ 8 , 27
N. Democrats, 31 21
S. “ 0 49
112 97
From the Washington Union.
TIIE TWO PARTIES, AND THE
“tiUESTION OF THE DAY.”
“ The union of democrats for the sake of the
Union /” should be, in the present crisis of public
affaiis, the ral.ying word, not only ofthe democrat
ic party, but of ail the patriotism, of the land. For
the first time, in any considerable measure, since
the adoption ofthe Missouri Compromise in 1820,
the cry of sectional agitation on the subject of
slavery has gone forth, and an extensive party or
ganization, under the sanction of names which
have been great in our national politics, is openly
in progress and in action, planting itself exclusive
ly upon a sectional bisw, and appealing solely for
its support to sectional prejudices. This aggres
sive movement at the north is met by a similarly
ultra movement at the south, which claims at least
to proeced under the auspices of a leader equally
distinguished, and which, having already laid down
its “Alabama platform,” is now attempting in some
quarters to raise the cry for a southern convention!
Ail this state of things strikes directly at the tran
quility, and even the permaneney-of our Union,
How has it been met by the whig party and the
democratic party, respectively, in tlieir organiza
tions for the presidential election? The whigs of
the north are almost as one man fblly committed
to the doctrine of the Wiimot Proviso. The whigs
of the south—--clearly a small minority of their par
ty—arc as one man as fully commut'd against it.
The party has nominated as its candidate a south
ern slaveholder, whose interests and associatioosall
point him out as u resolute protector and defender
ot the rights of the southern States. But, in order
to gain a nomination—extorted reliteUntly enough,
at best, from tiie whigs of the north—-lie has con
sented to pledge himself to a virtual abolition of the
veto power—-that is; of the only power hecan con
stitutionally wield for the protection of southern
intefeets; About the extent of this pledge, as con
tained in the “ Signal” and “ Allison” letters, there
is pprhaps some vagueness and doubt; but, beyond
all question at the north at least the pledge is un
derstood to be, in relation to the doctrine involved in
the Wiimot Proviso, absolute and sweeping. “Fear
nothing,” say the northern Taylor men, “ from
General Taylor’s opposition to your anlUslaVcry
views; if elected, he comes into the presidency sol
emnly pledged not to veto tho Wiimot Proviso if
it shall pass in Congress. Elect good anti-slavery
whigs for your representatives, and with Millard
Fillmore (known as almost an abolitionist) presi
ding over the Senate, the complete triumph of the
anti-slavery principle in relation to the New Terri
tories is by General Taylor’s election ascertained
and manifest!” To all this the whigs of the south
reply, with what confidence they can : “No mat
ter what pledges General Taylor has given, or seems
to have given; he is a southern man, and will nev
er he recreant to southern interests!”
Now, without attempting to decide which ofthe
two sections of the whig party is right in this mat
ter—and, without touching the farther and more
obvious doubt whether Gen. Taylor himself, unin
formed and inexperienced as he avows himself to
lie in political affairs, has even made up his own
mind as to his future action on this great question
—is it not altogether manifest and undeniable that his
is precisely the position best fitied to invoke and to
produce, in the event of his election, a tremendous
sectional agitation in Congress and out of Congress
on the question of slavery ? Both sections, and
the ultra men of both sections, will have plausible
ground to hope, if Genoral Taylor be President,
that the President is with them. One standing.on
his pledges as a candidate, and the other on his
position as a southern man, both will, of necessity,
hope much from that confusion of ideas and that
manifest infirmity of purpose in which the General,
giving one response to one committee, and quite
another response to another committee, touching
bis acceptance of the Philadelphia nomination, hat
also given, in direct opposition to his own interests
and associaiions, repeated pledges on the slavery
question, in the very teeth of his most solemn and
reiterated pledges and promise* not to pledge him
self at all! Add to all this, that the whigs. in
their National Convention, have avowed themselves
afraid to takr, as a national party, any position
whatever on the -subject of slavery, and have thus
left everything in relation to it at loose ends and at
the mercy of fciturc contingencies, and who can
fail to see that if Gen. Taylor be elected, his ad
ministration must, of neccasity, become the ehoacn
and favorite battle-field of an intense and wide
spread anti-slavery agitation ? Ia the patriotism of
the south—aye, or the patriotism ofthe north, even
with its majority in the House, and its easting
vote in the Senate, (ifFillmore be Vice President,)
ready for such a result? Is the Union itself safe
in such a concussion of the political elements,
when all the winds of political tempests shall be let
loose in every quarter of the heavens,
——Una Eurus, Notusqu*
EtAuster ereber prccellia———
and rash forth in sectional conflict from the heav
ing bosom’ of a great people, in which, aa in a cave
of J3olus, wibe am? prudent democratic statesman
ship has heretofore kept them confined ? Let the
spirit of the conflict which would then ensue be in
ferred from the single tact that an organized faction
at the north, composed- from both political parties,
and professing not to be abolitionists, hare even
now raised the fierce cry of” repeal,” in view of
the possible settlement of the slavery question in
the Territories at the present’ session of Congress
on the basis of the Missouri compromise.
Such will be tho position of the slavery question
before the country, and such the consequences of
that position, in the event of whig ascendency by
the election of General Taylor. Contrast with this
the course of events which must flow from the tri
umph of the democracy in the election of General
Cass. The vexed question will then be at rest,
forthe people will then have given their sol-mn
sanction to the great doctrine of federal non-inter-
Jerence! If the question shall reach an adjust
ment at this session, that adjustment will remain
for the platform cf the democracy ; and the avow
ed opinions of its Candidate are alike opposed to
a renewal of the agitation in thehalU of Congress.
Can any man hesitate, then, if he cherish a pa
triot’s love for his country, to cast his vote in fa
vor of putting this perilous question at rest? Can
any man doubt that upon this question the de
mocracy—the party of movement, of reform, and
of progress—has yet been wise enough and
brave enough to despise the skulking timidity of
their opponents, and to plant themselves Openly
and in the lace of the people upon the only
true position of conservatism? Is it not time, their,-
in view of such facts, for every patriot in the land
to side with the partythat confronts the crisis, rath
er than with the party that shrinks away before it
and so to join in tho great rallying baUleword
“ The union of the democracy for the sake of the
Union!”
[Correspondence of the Baltimore Sue.]
WHIG ARITHMETIC KNOCKED IN
THE HEAD.
Wasiiixotos, Juno 21, 1848.
You may recollect soma time since, Mr. Strohnl,
ofthe committee es public expenditures, (the cy
phering committee) printed a report attacking the
financial statements of the Secretary ol the Treasu
ry, which was not ordered to be printed by the
House, but which, nevertheless, wats printed the
same day in the National Inteligencer. To-day
the minority report was presented by Mr. Bedin
gor, making about ono hundred and thirty pages of
manuscript, and being altogether the richest docu
ment whichever emanated from a minority to prove
the majority to have been either constitutionally or
wilfully ignorant. Not only does Mr. Bedinger’s
report vindicate tha Secretary ofthe Treasury from
all errors, hut demonstrates that Mr. Strohm’s re
port contains about sixty-four errors, amounting in
the aggregate to more than thirty-three millions of
dollars. These are the errors that Mr. Rockwell,
of Conn., the imaginary rival, in financial acquire
ments, of the Hon. George Evans, of Me., and his
competitor for tho Secretaryship of the Treasury
under Gen. Taylor, has endorsed and made the ba
sis of his grand speech, intended to demolish Mr.
Walker, but now having the effect of making the
redoubtable cypher appear as felo dc se.
Allow me, for the benefit of your readers, to dish
up a few of the scattered sweets—they are too rich
uolto he duly relished.
“ Admitting mere arithmetical errors,” says the
minority report, alluding to Mr. Strohin’s report,
we sura up the errors of the committee as follows:
Errors in body of the report $8,773,078 00
do in tabular view 990,800 00
do in statement A 6,208,960 00
do do B 604 00
do do C 1,260,616 00
do do D 1,272,016 49
do do E 4,686,000 00
Aggregate errors of committee $23,162,263 97
or, if the arithmetical errors be included (which
amount to the trifle often millions more,) to $33-
162,313.97.
From this aggregate, th cT error in relation to a
mount of stock issued for every dollar borrowed up
to December 1, 1817, under act of January 28th,
1847, may he deducted, together with all the errors
springing from it, amounting to $936. Making
this deduction, the errors remaining amount to $33-
151,327 97 and may be classified as fellows :
1. Errors from regarding Trea
sury notes when funded, as not
reimbursed, $8,166,728 00
2. Errors from taking Treasury
notes founded iiom stock books,
instead of receipts and expendit
ures. _ 10,155,700 00
3. Errors from wrong statem’ta <
of Treasury notes, reimbursed in
Ocfbhar and November, 22,200 00
.4. Errors from wrong state
ments of expenditures in the last
three quarters of the fiscal year,
ending June 10th, 1848, and
from combinations of this error,
with those embraced in the 2d and
3rd itemsi 280,990 97
5. Error in addition, 10,000,000 00
6. Errors from the omission of
$667,900 in the statement of
stock issued under act of January,
1847, up to 16th October, 1847; 4,225,700 00
Aggregate of 64 distinct errors, 33,151.327 97
None of these errors are simply arithmetical,
except the sth. They refer to matters of fact, and
might have ali been.avoided if the committee had
properly ured the data before them, or had under
stood to use them properly.
When Conge , one ofthe tutors of the Polytec
nical Institute of France, published his great treat
ise on ail human knowledge, he Complained that
Mr. Arago, the perpetual secretary of the French
Academy, now the head of tiie French Republic,
was not a very great mathematician after all. To
which Arago replied, in a published letter added to
the preface of Comte’s work as a condition insist
ed on by the publisher, that Comte was neither a
great nor a small mathematician, but no mathe
matician at alh I am afraid this will apply with
equal force to Mr. Rockwell, v.ho must he content
to remain a cypher and not a very reliable one in
in the bargin.
As to Smrhm—
Hart not at folly an imlignanlßyei
Whoe’er discharged artillery at a fly ?
X.
A NkW StiiiE9 or Questions foiitrf. Bene
fit oFCoKon-Kss aviro rimn Dr: bvn xo Clubs
What is the condition of the human race 1
What it the greatest event since the fills of Nia
gara ?
What was the origin of the Mexican war ?
Who is the next customef?
Are soup societies beneficial?
What is the nature of man ?
Who struck the late lamented William Patter
ion?
Is it proper for the ladiet to visit model artists ?
If so, how much ?
What is the difference between the sea of Rome
and the set of troubles. If yes, when?
What is the use of sighing?
Is there a good time coming ?
Who is the noblest work of creation?
Which fs the most appropriate time for girls
to come out?
Could Henry Clay slay a Mexican ?
What would be the consequence of appending
straps to Horace Greeley’s trousers? If sa, would it
make breaches in the constitution ?
‘Who will tie the next President?
What ia indemnity for the past?
How can you get security for tho future!
Where can you find “perfect jjliss?”
Who threw the last brick ?
What wonld be the consequence es the annexa
tion of South America to this country? —[John
Donkey.
From A Bocth*rit Mrmbf.b.— The defeat of
the compromise bill in the House on Friday was
immediately followed by a speech from Mr. Adams,
of Kentucky, in which, we understand, he declar
ed that he believed Gen. Taylor would not, in the
event ot his election, veto the Wiimot Proviso; and
that he, as a representative of a slaveholding State,
hoped he wouid not I Such a declaration was nev
er before made upon the floor of Congress by a
southern man. And what is still more surprising,
it was permitted to pass by unrebuked by any
southern Whig. Friends of compromise—friends
of the Union—members of the democratic party—
wbat do yon say to this revelation ? Can you sup
port a party whose members speaks thus unre
buked ?
There was-enother remark of a western demo
crat, on Friday last, irt the House of Representa
tives, which was spoken unde in the play. When
he saw the motion to lay on the table was made
by Mr. Stephens, a southern whig, the western
member said, (and we know not how many more
sympathized with him:) This motion comes from
the south—does it. Very well; if the south does
not stand up for herself, how can she expect us to
stand by her.” He voted accordingly in the affir
mative ; though we confess, use do not admire the
vote,nor approve his logic.— \Was!iiT>gtrm Union.
| NUMBER 37.
From tbe Washington Union.
Gi'jrr Excerro, rkar Jalapa. Mexico,
Jane 19, 1848,
To the Editor of the Union >
The undersigned takes the liberty of sendnyg 1
you the enclosed proceedings of a meeting held to
respond to the nominations for President and Vice
President. The utmost harmony prevailed at the
meeting ; and I trust you wifi derite a pleasure at
reading this voice from the hills of Bncerro ; and,
if your columns will permit, by publishing you will
give a gratification to all who assisted at the meet*
ing.
With great respect, your obedient servant.
. W. WATERS.
fiCHO FROM THE ARMY*
The “ Marion” of the War in the Chair.
At an adjourned meeting oi officers and men
composing the 3d brigade 3d division volunteers,
Brigadier Gen. Lane in the chair, the proceedings
of the previous meeting were read and approved.
The committee on resolutions then reported the
following preamble and resolutions:
Whorea*, ths Democratic Convention recently ns*
gambled at Baltimore have closed their labors by
presenting to the peopls of the United States two
of our most distinguished citizens for the highest
offices in the republic.
Resolved, That we cordially and enthusiastically
approve the nomination of General Lewis Cass, of
Michigan, for President, and of General W. O.
Butler, of Kentucky, lor Vice President; and that
we will use every honorable moans to insure their
flection.
Resolved, That the whole hist Sty of Lewis Cass
has been one of steady devotion to country, and ol
undeviating attachment to the purest principles of
republicanism, from the period when he broke the
sword whteh he had wielded iu defence ofhis coun
try, rather than participate in a disgraceful and
treasonable surrender* td this, when all his ener
gies have been devoted to’ the support of a war
which has shed unfading lustre upon our country
tad her glorious sous:
Resolved, That thraugboht the war, now closed,
Lewis Cass has exhibited himself the warm friend
an] supporter of the array, and that he is particu
larly entitled to their admiration and regard.
Resolved, That the manly protest made by him,
during his mission in France, against the unauthor
ized interference threatened by the allied power* of
Europe with our domestic institutions, while it
was the occasion ofhis return, justly entitles Lewis
Cass to the gratitude of the entire South, and of
every lover of constitutional rights throughout ths
republic, and is in strict cousonance with his course
in the councils of the nation.
Resolved, That his services in the field in the
late war with Great Britain, when his foot was the
first to press on British soil; when, as Aid to Gen
eral Harrison at the battle of the Thames, he no
bly volunteered as a private, and joined in the thick
est of the fray; at the siego of Malden: and, finally,
in all the engagements of the campaign—show him
the gallant soldier and the ardent patriot; that his
conduct as Governor of Michigan, his efficiency as
Sccmlary of War, his whole course of action when
minister in France, and after his ratnrn, as Sena
tor ofthe United States, mark him the able diplo
matist and the accomplished and sagacious states
man; that the ad ires* to President Jefferson, pro
posed and prepared by him when a momber of the
convention of Ohio, exposed the designs of Anron
Burr, evidence that even while yet a youthful pio
neer, he was vigilantly mindful of the interests of
his country, and determined to protect them.
Resolved, That his bold and constant support of
our rights in the Oregon controversy particularly
recommend him to the consideration and sj pport
ofthe inhabitants ofthe mighty West; while his
consistent support of the annexation of the “ lone
stat” republic, now folded in the embraces of her
older sisters,'.’flu guaranty hits here gratitude and
attachment.
Resolved, That the poor boy who, forty years
ago, left his own New Hampshire barefooted, and
the bearer of his own bundle, for the wilds of Ohio,
will be placed by the unbought suffrages of the
people in the highest office on earth.
Resolved, That we recognize in W. 0. Butler of
Kentucky, the Finsr op BARxnrnxKßs —a title
which he has richly earned by his conduct at the
Raisin, when in the face ofthousands oflndian bul
lets, he bravely volunteered to set fire to a barn
in which the enemy were posted, and from which
they were dealing destruction on our advancing*
columns.
Resolved, That at New Orleans, while in com
mand ofhis regiment, his distinguished gallantry
and unremitting attention to his duties, obtained
for him a place not inferior to any iu the estimation
of that illustrious patriot, soldier, and statesman,
Andrew Jackson.
Resolved, That his conduct as major general of
■ the army-, during the war with Mexico, just now
broughlto a termir ation, has been That of a gallant
commander; End that when circumstances placed
him in chifef command, lie nobly redeemed the trust
placed in him by the administration, and justified
the confidence of an admiring country ; that at
Monterey he was not behind the foremost.- and
bore from that memorable field a wound which he
will carry to his grave as an honorable testimonial
of his paiticipa lion in the fight.
Resolved, That, in addition to liis military ser
vices, he has exhibited his attachment to bis coun
try in her legislative halls, where bis clear, com
prehensive, and vigorous intellect, his firm integri
ty 6f purpose, and rigorous adherence to pure prin
ciple* of liberty, marked him as one of her most
able, independent, effective, and trustworthy of
statesmen.
Resolved, That the convention which nomina
ted Lewis Cass and VV. O. Butler have acted wise
ly, and in accordance with the high trust confided
to them, by selecting for the two highest offices
in the gilt Os the people men whose moral character
and private worth are fully commensurate with
their public services and deserts, and that the pa
tience, harmony, unanimity, hnd zol which char
acterized their proceedings, are a sure pledge that
the people will confirm the nominations they have
made at the ballot-box in November next.
Resolved, That in-the* history of our country it
has heretofore beert so ordered, that at every event;
ful epoch men have been found fitted for the crisis
that we consider the present an exceedingly criitcsl
period, whether reviewed in reference to the war
just terminated, to the great acquisition of territo
ry, or to the peculiar condition of Europe, whole
Slates, emulating our example, are even now strug
gling for political emancipation; and that in Lew
is Gass and Wm. O. Butler we recognise men
eminently qualified for the occasion.
Reeohed, That the proceedings of this meeting,
properly attested by the officers thereof, be prepar
er); and that the democratic pafiers in the United
State* be requested to publish the same.
The meeting was then addressed by Lieut. Col.
Dumr-nt, 4th Indiana volunteers, Lieut. Water*,
Louisiana mounted volunteer*, and Mrj. McCoy,
4th Indiana volunteer*; after which, the reaolution*
a* reported were unanimously adopted.
On motion, tbe mpeting then adjourned sine die.
JOSEPH LANE, President.
Sherrod Williams, !
**• J^ 80 *’ Uccrefarie*.
S. W. Water*, {
B. O'HarAj, J
TANARUS Tatlor Ox Gored —We perceive says the
Pennsylvanian, that ihe Now York Express and
New York Courier & Enquirer are both out against
Van Buren, because they now see that there i*
danger of more Whigs than Democrat* being
caught by the juggle. The Express devote* re
peated column* to prove Mr. Va Buren’* incon
sistency, end to show his ingratitude to tbe Democ
racy. Two wtfeks ago when these sarno parti
aans thought that Mr. Van Buren would damage
the Democrat* only, they were exuberant in praise
of his ability, piety, purity and integrity. Poor,
fallen, forgetful Whiggery!
Bor-Tail*. —ln old coon times, whenever th*
Whigs started anew party-word, they boasted that
they bad added another ring to their eoon’s tail.
Now, since they have discarded ail their old “prin
ciples,” it is evident that they have cut it entire
ly off—“smack, airoove off.” Tbe question arises
y <whcther a bob-tail coon can make • successful Ttce
turn a short corner, or walk a log 1
N. Y. True Sun.
Faiircs ard America. —While the Congress
ofthe United State*were conferring upon M. Vat
tcmarie the post of U. 8. Agent, at Paris, for inter
national exchanges, tbe French government were
selecting Major Pousain, who for fifteen year* waa
in the service of thia government, as its diplomatic
representative at Washington. H* earned his ti
tle of “Major” in our aimy.
The Pittsburg Poet defies the Washington Na
tional Era to make good its assertion that several
of tbe Cass press of Pennsylvania lean to Van Bn
renism. The Post declares there is not in the State
“a single democratic journal of established charac
ter and sound political faith, that favors either di
rectly or indirectly the Van Buren treason.’*
Dare the Whip papers deny that there
is a tetter on file in the War Department,
in which Gen. Taylor uses this language—
“ Send me no more foreign volunteers V’—
\Tvi* Sun.
Dill* He CM rUH I *3rS Ms Mia 1 I JdXU
To the. Editor ofthe Union:
Sira s To the numerous and oftentimes
denunciatory stricture upon my conduct
as a public man, their way into
ihe newspapers of I hare Been
K general altogether indifferent, and 1 in< all
I have been absolutely si
lent. should I vary from my ordinary
course up<\t}j e p resea t occasion, but that
it is feared whose counsels I
greatly respect^, a | B j) eßCe OQr m y p art
might be construeh^ n ( o ate aC q n j es _
cence in certainm.srejw clHalionS( whiehf
if effectual, might by pdS^ Uity do more or
less injury to a cause to wh-u’ i.r e k a
been devoted, I find with
having declared, during the la§v£ ours 0 f
the session of the United States tllat
Cass and Butler,i consequence of thow.
duct of some of their northern friends iiv
Congress upon the Oregon question, would
lose the whole vote of the southern States
in the approaching presidential election.
Now this is not only wholly without foun
dation, but is most ridiculously false
What I did say, in substance, was this:
It will be borne in mind, that the Oregon
bill had been returned to us from the House
with oor amendments to it stricken out.—
There was reason to believe, had a com
mittee of conference been allowed us, in
accordance with well known legislative u
sages, that a satisfactory compromise of all
the matters in controversy could yet have
been effected. Various facts were stated
by myself and others, showing, as I think,
conclusively, that a compromise might still
have been attained through a committee
of conference. The senator from Illinois,
( Mr. Douglas,) who had principal charge
ofthe Oregon bill, had consented to a com
mittee of conference, and had even urged
it upon the Senate with his own character
istic manliness and ability. Other distin
guished democratic senators from the North
were more than willing to try the experi
ment of a committee of conference. Un
der such circumstances, the senator from
Missouri (Mr. Benton) insisted upon his
motion to recede from our amendments;
which, taking precedence of the motion to
refer the subject to a committee of confer
ence, cut off, if successful, all hope of pres
ent compromise. We had struggled for a
committee of conference during the whole
of Saturday night. Sunday morning had
arrived, when I took occasion, in the
course of a speech running through soma
fifteen or twenty minutes, to warn certain
senators against the possible consequences
of their rigorously coercive course. I ur
ged upon them that their conduct was like
ly to be regarded as evincing a settled hos
tility and contempt for the South und
southern men. I went so far even as to
express a fear that their indiscretion and
seeming illiberality might have the effect
of weakening our presidential ticket in
some quarters of the South, or might at
least impose upon its southern advocates a
heavy and oppressive burden of explana
tion. I besought them earnestly yet to al
low a committee of conference, and thus
place our ticket beyond the reach of mis
representation and injury {avowing, all the
while, that I knew Gen. Cass to be
thoroughly sound on the Wilmot Proviso
question, and that I should be the last man
in the Union to forsake him. When Sun
day had passed away, and Monday morn
ing was in progress, the Senate was again
in session. Southern men had reflected
well upon all that had occurred. Southern
democrats had conferred together. They
bore in mind that northern democrats, in
both houses of Congress, had been sustain
ing the constitutional rights ot the South,
and been laboring to secure our safety,
when northern whigs, ton man, had proved
hostile, and even southern men had shown
themselves unmindful or regardless of
southern interests. They recollected that
explicit assurance had been given us by the
senator from Illinois, [Mr. Douglas,] with
his own characteristic manliness, that he
and his friends would again unite with
southern men next winter, as they had
done already in the session of Congress now
closed, to bring about such a compromise
as to the territories cf New Mexico and
California, as that for which we had been
contending. We knew that Dickinson,
and Douglas, and Hannegan, and Bright,
and Sturgeon, and Camuron, and other
good and true democrats from the free
States of the north, in both houses of Con
gress, would still be with us. We resolved
to trust to the assurances of our brethren
who have already, in so many fierce en
counters, proved themselves worthy of con
fidence ; and accordingly, when on Mon
day morning the Senate again assembled
at nine o’clock, and a motion wls made to
suspend the 17th joint ruie cf the two
houses, which prohibits Use presentation
of a bill or joint resolution, to the Presi
dent for his approbation on the last day of
the session, without the suspension of
which rule the Oregon bill could not have
become a law ; when, as Mr. Calhoun em
phatically observed on that occasion, the
bill stood defeated according to parliamen
tary rules; when all acknowledged that it
was completely at the mercy of Ihe South,
we resolved, on full consultation and on the
assurances above mentioned, to spare it;
and, after an attempt or two to amend tbe
resolution, I was authorized to rise in my
place and announce that all further oppo
sition would be relinquished, and thus tho
Oregon bill did become a law. This is the
sum and substance of what occurred on
that interesting occasion. If this serins to
indicate an inclination on my part to aban
don our nominees, what will be thought of
my hasten ; pg to the heart of Virginia, on
the Monday night succeeding, fatigued as
I was with euch labors as few men living
have ever undergone, and addressing a
large concourse of citizens, in my native
county of Fauquier, on the Wednesday af
ter, in support of our noble ticket? If any
are disposed to conjecture that the last
scenes in the Senate augur the enfeeble
ment of our ticket in the South, let me As
sure them that never have I seen such sign*
of concord and brotherly love among dem
ocrats from the North, South, East, and
West, [with very slightexceptions indeed,!
as those same closing scenes unfo'ded. I
may go further, and declare, aa I did by
their express authority, on last Wednesday,
in Virginia, that distinguished democratic
leaders from the South, heretofore hike
warm or hostile to our ticket, encouraged
by the assurances given that northern de
mocrats will hereafter concur and co-ope
rate with southern democrats and southern
whiga in bringing about a fair end equita
ble compromise of the territorial question,
will now support our nominees cordially,
actively, and to the end. I could go yet
further, and state what I personally know
to be actually true—that southern whigs,
as leading and influential men as any in
the whole south seeing the united and
unanimous opposition of northern whigs in
Congress to the constitutional rights ofthe
south—seeing the extraordinary’ indications
now disclosing themselves, of a general
disposition among the whigs of the North
to fraternise with the barnburners in sup
port of Van Buren and Adams—perceiv
ing, as all discerning men must now at last
perceive, that General Taylor has really
no strength anywhere, and that the only
hope of defeating the abolition ticket of
Buffalo, and thus securing the safety of
the South and the integrity cf tha tMou,
have not hesitated to avow a strong doubt
whether it is not their duty, as true patri
ots andsouthern men, to come with all tkair
weight and influence to the support of Casa
and Butler. I speak not hastily on thia
point, and those who receive this sugges
tion lightly, will in a very short time Ifld
it made good, and even transcended, by ac
tual facts.
Having corrected tha nisrspresentatioas wtfnfe
provoked this communication, I have tho Sense t
ha, fee-, H. *• roof*.