Newspaper Page Text
Cfre fCtmeg,
COLUMBUS, OA.
TI'RIDAY, SEPTEMBER ? ,M# *
DEMOCRATIC NOTATIONS.
for
CASS,
F MICHIGAN,
rOR TICE PRESIDENT,
WM. O. BUTLER,
OF KENTCCKT.
ELECTOR*.
WALTER T. COLQUITT, of Troup.
M, HALL McALLISTER, of Chatham.
JOHN W. ANDERSON, ofChatham.
LEONIDAS B. MERCER, of Lee.
ALLEN COCHRAN, of Monroe.
JOHN D. STELL. of Fayette.
LEWIS TUMLIN, of Cass.
ROBERT E. McMILLEN, of Elbert.
WM. McKINLEY, of Oglethorpe.
•AMES GARDNER, Jr., of Richmond.
ALTERNATE*.
WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
E. R. BROWN, of Sumter.
MARK WILCOX, of Telfair.
JESSE CARTER, of Talbot.
T. M. FURLOW, Esq., of Houston.
JOHN WRAY, of Coweta.
IRA R. FOSTER, of Forsyth.
JAMES JACKSON, of Walton.
JUNIUS WINGFIELD, of Putnam.
ROOT. W. FLOCRNOY, of Washington.
roa CONGRESS- OF THE SECOND DISTRICT,
M. J. WELLBORN,
of mrscooKE.
TO* CONGRESS OF THE FOURTH DISTRICT,
HUGH A. HARALSON,
or TROUP.
roh CONGRESS IN THE THIRD DISTRICT,
JOHN J. CARET,
OF CPS ON.
THE WII. MOT PROVISO.
The Democratic platform is found in
*h< 7lh resolution of the Baltimore Con
tention, as follows :
T. That Congrc** has no power under the
ranatitnti ia to interfere with or rontrol the do
nMtie institutions of the several Slates, and
that SKJch States are the sole and proper judges
af every tiling appertaining to their own afTalrs, not
prahtbiied by the constitution; that all efforts of
the abolitionists or others made to induce Congress
to interfcro with questions of slavery, or to
take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu
lated to lead to the most alarming and danger
ena cor.sequences; and that all such efforts have
am inevitable tendency to diminish tho happiness
of the people, anJ endanger tho stability and per
■Mneney es the Union, and ought not to be coun
•ananood by any 1 tend of our political institutions.
The Democratic car di late (Gen. Cass)
ia accepting the nomitiati n says:
I have eervfully read the r. solution* ofthe De-
A aaacratic Nal-nna! Convention, la. in* down the
-platform of our pollers! fa :h, nd I adhere to
“them at firmly, as 1I .■ dally.”
In bis letter to Mr. Ni> nelson of Tenn.
written in December, 1847,Gen. Cass says:
Tht Wilaaot Proviso serin to t-k. firm it* le
gMnwete tribunal a question ot domestic) policy,
having no relation to the Union as such, and to
Imnsfc r it to another, created by the people for a
•portal purpose and foreign to the subject-matter
aavofvnd in thia iaaue. By going bark to our true
principle*, we go back to the road of peace and
aafoty. latm to the people who will be affcct
d by this question, to adjust it upon their own
responsibility, and in their own manner, and we
oka* render another tribute to tho original prin
cijdeu of an t governmnt, and furnish another
(tmam far its permanency and prosperity.
irhave milker the right nor the power
#• touch slavery where it exists. —General
Cass.
Congress has no right to say, that there
tkmll tie slavery in Xac I'ork or that there
shall he no s/arcry in Georgia : nor is there
any human power but the people of those
States. —Gen. Ca>s.
Tike priorijtles involved in the Till mot
Proviso should be kept out of the national
legislature and left to the people of the con
federacy in their respective local govern
at ruts. —(l-cn. Cass.
mv thlegraph.
Arrival or the Niagara.
The following Telegraphic report, wa?
received at the Telegraphic office in this
City on Thursday last.
Cou sins, Sept. I. ISIS
The following communication was re
ceived at this office, at S o’clock, min
utes P. M. dated Charleston Sept. 1,1818.
Prcn Aims firm with large business—
w heat advanced 2 to 3 and. 90 lbs.—corn
turn cotton flat—lreland said to be quiet
—arrests continued—chartists appear hos
tile in many parts of England.
FATAL. ItEMOt VTKn.
The Telegraph brings the following
pamful intelligence. We give it without
il.cn. A. 11. Stephens mortally stabbed
yesterday just before the cars left Atlanta
—was attacked, knife in hand, by Judge
Cent of,Greene minty, and cut in several
places before Mr. S. had made any resis
tance. The excitement was sc great, that
it was with difficulty, that Cone’s execu
tion on the spot was prevented. The
£1— li n excitement prevails here.
Macon, 4th Sept.
SECOND DESPATCH.
Liter accounts received after going to
press, .‘'ate that Mr Stephens’ wounds are
not considered mortal by Dr. Eve The
Mows from Judge Cone were preceded by
n qnarrcl. in the course of which, S. struck
C. with a stick.
C 'ironer ? are out of place until the fell
rar ikulara are known.
XrwOGH DEMOCRACY.
T “ Lk -racy of this ccumy had an
=.. ai i w- r ...con Saturday night at
the “ Case ;.,ni Builer” Head-QuaTters.
After the bnsraess f the meeting was dis
posed of. Judge Iverson delivered a happy
ami powertui address, which was listened
to v’k fixed attenticn, only interrupted
by frequent applause, for nearly two hours.
Jodge v. hi address the people at
the same place next Sa a. day evening. See
p oeeed.f L- n another place.
Warm Sfbix,-.—We understand that
Jon L. Mcstl-.s, of this city, has pur
chased this ce.c orated u atering place. It
ooold not hav* pass and ii.to better hands.
Tb lawn Cacse is exciting enthusias
tic •**—**— throughout the country. In
Moksle a club has been formed and 9662
raised. Every where the friends of Ire
land ore up and doing a!! in their power
u> mm “ mad and com! .it,” to an nppress-
THIS CANVASS IN THE SECOND
GRES9IONAL DLNTRJO'-
The “ Enquirer” is ~*P©n*ible for the
personal turn wb~* ha * bee ° & iren to th
canvass in ,tilt District. We are no ad
roit,* of that sort of disputation, we be
oove there is neither profit nor sense in it,
and that it is invariably the resort of the
advocates of a weak cause. But we warn
our neighbor, that this is a game at which
two can play, and that it is sometimes jus
tifiable to fight the Evil One with fire. If
personal assault and ridicule are the plays
to which Judge Wellborn’s friends are in
vited, it may not be ihniss to remember that
perhaps, the Whig candidate is not wholly
invulnerable to such shafts. We have no
taste for such encounters, but in this case
we can hit hard, if we choose.
The “ Enquirer” seems to cry for quar
ter in the matter of the “boots,” probably
having found the “boot on the wrong leg.”
Certes, it changes the issue from the boot
personal, to the boot political,and slides from
a vein of ridicule into the open advocacy
of a high tariff principle. We will net
kick a “deed lion” and shall not there
fore argue with the “ Enquirer” the mil
lion-times refuted dogmas of the quondam
and non’ obsolete Whig tariff.
The Enquirer permits one of its corres
pondents to argue and put forth as a fact,
that Judge Wellborn was once a United
States Bank man. The editor of the En
quirer knows that Wellborn never was a
Bank man, and we would be perfectly wil
ling to rest the fact on his testimony,, for
he is personally and politically cognizant
of Judge Wellborn’s political views on that
subject.
To prove this, a series of party resolu
tions, embracing a variety of topics, and
introduced into the Georgia Legislature in
1884, and Wellbcrn’s vote in tho negative
are published. It proves no such thing,
for a man might well have voted against
them in their totality, and yet approved of
some of the propositions they aontained.
So far from showing that he was a Bank
man in 1884, the history es those days
shows that he belonged to the ultra State
Rights party —a paity that went farther
than the farthest in denying to Congress
the constitutional power to charter a bank.
It is another historical fact, that in those
days,both ofthe parties in Georgia werean
ii-Bank,andthatin the Legislature of 1834,
there were but two members, one belong
ing to each party, who believed in the ex
pediency and constitutionality of a Bank.
The charge is preposterous—Wellborn
never drew a political Bank breath in his
life.
The Enquirer permits another corres
pondent to laud Cel. Calhoun for his two
military campaigns, to the seventh Heaven
of patriotism and sGf-sacrifice. To this,
we have no right to object, and should say
nothing, but that his lauded public spirit is
sought to be injuriously contrasted with
Judge Wellborn’s visit to Europe about
the same time.
r As an abstract proposition, it would be
J difficult to mak any one acquainted with
. the characters of the two men, believe that
| the public spirit and patriotism of the
. Whig candidate were superior to those of
the Democratic candidate. Now we fancy,
that mulatiß mutandis, with a complete
exchange of positions,, circumstances and
views, that Col. Calhoun would have gone
to Europe as Judge Wellborn did, and the
latter would have gone to Mexico, as the
former did. Various motives operated up
on various minds in taking their possessors
to the Mexican wars. Patriotism, sense of
duty, love cf adventure, ambition, ■and
profit were the common motives—ma
ny went for the same reason that the Irish
Lover’s stars kept shining over “ Molly
Bawn’s” head, “because they had noth
ing else to do.” Wp will not undertake
to decide which of these motives took the
Whig, candidate there. It is fair tb pre
sume, however, that he went into the first
campaign with the same views that topic
him into the second, and into the second
with the same that induced him a week or
two since,, to seek the command of a battal
ion to go to California.
But we happen to know personally, what
were Judge Wellborn’s , sentiment’s about
that time. He had made his arrangements
to travel in Europe for jhe benefit of his
bodily health and mental improvement, be
fore the war broke cut. When the news’
of the first shock of arms was heard from
the Rio Grande, we knew that he had se
rious misgivings about leaving the country
at such a time. He talked freely to us cn
the subject. His friends knew it would
have been tho height -of folly in him'to
have giren up his trip for a Mexican cam
paign, for with his constitution and then
state cf health, three weeks on the Rio
Grande in the month of August would haye
consigned him to the green sod wbieli fring
es that river. But Judge Wellborn was
not an inditlerent spectator to the efforts
then making to supply his country with
defenders. He tnaueua liberal donation in
money to the “Columbus Guards” of
which he was an honorary member, to aid
them in equipping for the field, and offer
ed a young man besides, pne hundred dol
lars out of his own pocket, to enlist in the
same company. If any other Citizen of
Columbus, or in the State of Georgia, act
ed more liberally ift this respect than Judge
Wellborn, we hare never heard of it.
Another fact well known here, bears
honorable testimony to Judge Wsllbom’s
liberality, and public spirit. He was in
Genera in Switzerland, when he heard of
the disastrous October fire in this city.
His own property being saved, in that dis
tant country, he had a heart to feel for the
distresses of hist suffering fellow-citizens.
He accordingly, immediately wrote to two
of his friends to place in the hands of the
relief fire committee, which he supposed
would be raised, one hundred dollars for
the relief of the sufferers.
Acts like these, voluntarily springing
from a generous spirit, and without any
view or temptation to ostentation, bespeak
the character of the man. No man in the
country gives more freely, more frequent*
ly or more abundantly, according to his
means, to all objects of charity, than this
same gentleman, whose public spirit is
sought to be overshadowed by the towering
disinterestedness of the Whig candidate.
So much aw felt bound-to say in defence
of a personal and political friend. And as
the Enquirer said in its last issue on the
subject of the Boots, “we are now done
with the subject, unless called to it again,
by” the agency of others.”
THE OREGON BILL PRESIDENTS
MESSAGE.
The able message froift the President
giving his reasons fox approving the Ore
gon bill, which he does under a protest
against the Proviso clause in it, will be
found in our columns.
The Whig papers at the South, and
some from whom we expected a more can
didNmursa, are exclaiming against the act
of signing as a great enormity. While Mr.
Polk was opposed to the Proviso clause, and
signed the Bill with great reluctance, yet
the consideration that the Proviso in the
case operated North cf the Missouri Com
promise line, and that his veto would de
prive our distant fellow-citizens of Oregon
of a Government of which they had been
in pressing need for two years, he came
wisely to the conclusion to adopt the lesser
evil and approve the bill. His reasons will
satisfy any just and dispassionate man.—
He pledges himself to veto any “bill of a
similar character, appl/ing the rule of ex
clusion North of 36° 30'.
But Mr. Polk was doubtless influenced
by another consideration. He must have
known the circumstances under which the
Bill passed the Senate—where the South
and its friends had full power over the bill
and could have destroyed it had they chosen.
Why theydid not choose, is satisfactorily
explained by Senator Focte, in a late speech
in Fauquier county, Virginia, and in his
letter, which we publish to-day. It was
done in obedience to an agreement with
the Northern Democratic Senators, such
noblo spirits as Douglass, Hannegan, Dick
inson, Bright, and Fitzgerald, by which
they pledged themselves next winter to run
the Missouri Line to the Pacific, and thus
forever settle the slave question.
The Whig papers that are loudest against
the President for signing this bill, are the
equally loud advocates of Gen. Taylor, on
the ground that he is not to use the veto,
at all, in such cases. Editors who are so
horrified, because the Wilmot principle
has been introduced into the Oregon laws,
(where a slave never can go, and whose
Southern boundary is several degrees north
cf the Missouri compromise line,) are the
strenuous defenders and excusersof a man,
who goes for the Wilmot Proviso in all the
Territories, South as well as North cf the
line, and who is, by all his public acts,
fully entitled to the appellation of Aboli
tionist. We refer of course to Fillmore.
The “ Charleston Mercury” lias never
been accused of backwardness in advocat
ing Southern rights, and is quite as trust
worthy in its opinions and positions as
any Southern Whig supporter of Millard
Fillmore. That paper of the 19th Aug.
says :
“ Thr Prssidrnt's Protest.—We publish
the President’* Message on returning with hi* sig
nature to the Houe of Representatives, the bill for
the establishment of a Territorial Government in
Oregon. It is, we believe, the *ccond message of
the sort sinee the origin of the Government—Presi
dent Tyler having set the oiiiy precedent for this
approval of a bill with a protertando. Under the
ciicumstanees, it was scarcely to be expected that
the President should refuse his signature to the
hill; end certainly, after tho stormy discussions,
threatening still worse storms for the future, that
marked its progress, he could not very well pass by
the occasion to indicate bis opinions, and try to
exert the influence of his high position. The Pres
ident lays great stress on the Missouri Compromise,
renewed again in the case of Texas, and says in
very plain terms that, if any portion of this terri
tory were to the South of that line, he should in
terpose the veto ; and’ further, that while he is
President, no hill excluding slavery from the region
South, of 3G 30 can receive his approval. The
justice and tho importance to the peace and har
mony of the Uni. nos Compromising the
Question he enforces with much earnestnesil. The
tone and sentiments of the net:-ege 3-c highly
patriotic mid commendable.'’
gex. Taylor—more betters*.
The following additional “stray -leaves”
from Gen. Taylor’s portfolio of letters have
not yet appeared in the “Times.” The
one from the Charleston “News” is posi
tively cruel to the Whigs. It really raises
a doubt whether the Whigs have got any
candidate, at all, in this canvass.. Having
written to Mr. Lippard that he was not a
party candidate, and that only eleven days
after - he-had ’accepted the Whig nomina
tion from. Philadelphia, and now declaring
that he would have’ accepted the Balti
more nomination had it been offered on
the same terms ; the question arises, is he
the Whig candidate or only the candidate
of the Whigs? * -
Wo fear cur Whig friends will yet
have to go to the tshrrine erected at Buffalo
if they really desire to be true to Whig
principles,ns most lately promulgated frem
the. North, whene'e all their political
wares have heretofore been derived. Van
Buren and Adams arc fully on the North
ern Whig platform, and so the Whigs of
the North have found out and are going
accordingly. - 1 - * ‘
B.vroir Rouge, La., July 15, 1848.
“Sifr Your polite comir.unicalion of the 10th
ult., desiting to know whethor I deem the admin
istration of the general government by Messrs.
Madison, Monrqe, Jackson, Van Buren, yyler
Polk,‘to have been conducted in the main upon
tlie principles of the Jeffersonian, school,’ has been
duly received. In reply, I have to info'rmyou that
I hardly deem it proper for me, in my present posi
tion before the American people, thus to comment
upon the public career of our former President*;
and that, tout hing this subject, my opinions, as far
as I deem it proper or necessary to express them at
present, are-embraced In the accompanying letter
to my friend Captain Allison.
“with my best wmhasfer your health and hap
piness, I remain, sir, very rospectfully, your ohc
dtenf servant, Z. Tatloji.
* Mr. John Churehill Hedges, Bedington,
Berkeley county, Va.”
This letter to his friend Capi. Allison, is certain
ly, under the circumstances of the case, the most
hackneyed and yet the most abortive creed, that
eveT was put forth from a political conclave.
[From the Charleston News, Aug. 6."]
Extract of a letter from Gen. Taylor to a friend
in Charleston:
“ I never bad any aspirations for the Presidency,
nor have I now, farther thin the wishes of my
friends are concerned in the matter; nor would I
have it on any other terms than I stated when the
subject was first agitated, which is, that my accep
tance must be without pledges or being trammelled
in any way, so that I could be the President of the
whole Nation, and not of a Party.
“ I have accepted the nomination of the Phila
delphia Convention, as welbss the nomination of
many primary assemblies gotten up in various sec
tions of the Union, In some instances irrespective of
party s ‘and would hove accepted the nomination
of the Baltimore Convention, hud it been tender r
ed an the same terms. I am fully, if not fairly,
before the country as a candidate for the Chief
Magistracy; and if it should be my good or bad
fortune to be elected, I trust my course will be
such for the most part, as regards the management
of our national affairs, as will meet the approbation
of my fellow-citizens. Should they fail to do so,
they will, I flatter myself, have the charity to attri
bute my errors to the head and not the heart.
Very respectfully, your friend,
Z. Tatiob.”
How stands Lewis CassT He ia an ultra anti-sl-a- j
very man, was born and raised, and still lives in
the hot-bed of abolitionism, was a supporter of the
Wilmot proviso, until he was informed he must take
some other tack or he could never be nominated
for the Presidency.— [Columbus Enquirer.
Here is a bread, naked and unqualified
assertion by the organ of the W hig party
for the 2d Congressional District, designed
to establish the opinion that “Lewis Casa
is an abolitionist.” Is it true, or is it false ?
Let the reputation of the Enquirer for ve
racity, stand or fall by the issue.
According to our knowledge of Gen.
Cass’ published, expressed and notorious
opinions, open alike to the “ Enquirer” as
to ourself, the assertion is unsupported by
the evidence and is iu every particular false.
No attempt is made to sustain it, further
than that Gen. Cass lives in an abolition
State, which is as logical as to say that a
man born in a stable must needs be a horse.
Now we challenge the “Enquirer” to
the proof cf its assertion—to an issue that
involves its own reputation for common |
truthfulness as well as Gen. Cass’ fitness
to receive Southern votes. We aver that
that the man who wrote the Nicholson let
ter (which we have published in full and
extracted from, time and again, and which
the Enquirer has never dared to spread
before its readers) udio voted against the
Wilmot proviso in the Senate, and has
never voted for it, any where, and who
cordially adopted the Baltimore platform,
including its seventh resolution which cov
ers the whole constitutional ground on the
subject of slavery—we aver that such a
man is and can be neither an abolitionist,
an ultra-anti-slavery man, nor a Wilmot
provisoist.
On the other hand, we do assert that
Millard Fillmore, the Enquirer’s candidate
for the Vice Presidency is an abolitionist
in the broadest sense of that term—that he
has gone as far in his votes as Slade, or
Giddings to prove this character, and has
never omitted an opportunity to testify his
morbid hostility to Southern institutions by
voting adversely to them, whenever a sla
very question came up before him in Con
gress.
In proof of this, we have heretofore ap
pealed to the record. That record con
demns him without benefit of clergy, and
it is one of the most alarming and porten
lious signs ofthe giving away ofthe South
in defence of this institution, that the whole
Whig press in the South fly at their heads
the name of a man whose name ten years
ago would have been scouted from the
South with loathing and disgust.
We have more such proofs at hand. If
this article meets the eye of any Southern
Whig, we defy him .to read the following
proofs .and refuse to admit to the secret con
victions of his ownmind, that Millard Fill
more is an ultra anti-slavery man, and a
full-blooded abolitionist.
Asa text to the proofs we offer in sup
port of this averment, we copy the follow
ing from the “ Enquirer.” Compare the
two:
“ It i* tho supporters ofsuch a man as this, (den.
Cass) that are attempting to defeat (Jen. Taylor by
charging Mr. Fillmore with being an abolitionist.
Think of it seriously.
The friends of Gen. Taylor have asked time and
sgiin for some proof of this chtrgc against their
candidate for the Vice Presidency, llis public life
has been ransacked, and none has been found.”
See if “ none are found” in the follow
ing catalogue cf damning votes.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
AN ABOLITION IS - ! UNMASKED, OH
FACTS FROM TUB RECORD, PHOa
VINO MILLARD FILLMORE’S PRO
PENSITY TO VOTE UPON THE SLA
VERY QUESTION, WITH J. Q. ADAMS
SI YIH2, CORWIN AND CIDDING*.
The Whig orators and editors, by gen
eral consent in the Slaveholding States, say
as little about Millard Fillmore as possible.
They seem really ashamed of him, and he
is looked upon as “ the disgrace bf the fam
ily” so.seen as we cross Mason and Dix
on’s line coming South.
The Editor of the Times, who has a sort
of tender-hearted feeling for great men in
’ itdversiiy, has-kindly bestowed a little no
tice upon this p or neglected candidate for
the Vice Presidency, and made him, Pil
low, and the humbugs of the Louisville
Journal, especial pets. It is true that pre
cious little good can be said 6f Millard Fill
more; yet the worthy Editor of the’ Times
tries to preserve from injury the small al
lowance of virtues, which he is said to pos
sess. Unfortunately for his friends at tire
’ South, Millard Fillmore, during his brief
career in Congress, never missed an .op
portunity of voting against the South when
ever the question of Slavery came up;—
He wnsafwhys beside Slade, Giddiwgsand
Adams.
f A friend has kirjdly furnished us with I
[ the House Journal, 24th Congress, 2d and
3d Sessions, 1837,-’3B-’39, in which all
of Millard Filllmore’s good dads are faith
fully recorded.
Fillmore's First day's work for the Ab
olitionists.
Tuesday, December 12, 1837—House
of Representatives.—Mr. JOHN QUIN
CY ADAMS presented a petition of Abby
H. Smith and Jive hundred and five other
v:omen of the town of Glostenbiiry, in the
State cf Connecticut; fraying Congress
to abolish Slavery and the Slave trade in
the District of Columbia.
Mr. Adams moved that the said petition,
together with all other like petitions pre
sented to this House, at the late (Extra)
session of Congress, by members from the
State of Massachusetts, be referred to the
committee for the District of Columbia.
A motion was then made by Mr. Wise,
that the motion to refer to the committee
for the District of Colnmbia do lie on the
table.
And the question being put on this, mo
tion, it passed in the affirmative ; yeas 135,
nays 70. Among those voting in the neg
ative were Adams, Bond, Corwin, FILL
MORE and Slade. House Journal, pp.
pages 01 and 62. On the same day J. Q.
Adams presented petitions for the abolition
bf slavery in the District of Columbia from
citizens of Stockbridge, New’ York; of
Wills, in the State of Illinois'; of Mercer
county, Pennsylvania; ofSchuylkill, Penn.
Mr. Lawler objected to the reception of
these petitions, and the question was stated
“ shall thepetitions be received and being
put it passed in the affirmative, yoas 145,
nays 60; — Fillmore among the yeas —
House Journals, page 62 and 63. The
first of Millard Fillmore’s votes Was not
only for receiving the petition, but for re
ferring it to the committee for the District
of Columbia— thus legislating upon the
subject of slavery.
Same day John Q. Adams
petition from citizens of Mercer county
praying Congress to abolish slavery and
the slave trade in those territories of
the United States where they exist,
and moved that said petition bq referred to
the Committee on the Territories. On mo
tion of Mr. Wise, that said petition do lie
upon the table; and the question being put,
it passed in the affirmative ; yeas 127, nays
73. Among the nays, associated with A
dams, Slade & Cos., Millard Fillmore. —
(House Journals, pages 64 and 65.)
Thus in one day we have this man, with
whom Southern institutions will be safe,
voting,
Ist. To permit the petition for the abo
lition of slavery in the District of Colum
bia to be referred to the committee on the j
District of Columbia.
2d. Voting to receive Abolition peti
tions.
3d. Voting to permit • a petition which
prayed Congress to abolish slavery in the
Territories where it already existed, to
be referred to the committee on Territo
ries.
Thus, in three different ways, did Mil
lard Fillmere vote to give Congress control
over the subject of slavery—and that in
one day—a good day’s work for the Abo
litionists.
Fillmore's Second Day's work for the
Abolitionists.
Thursday, December 21, 1837—House
of Representatives—House Journal, pages
127-’S. Mr. John M. Patton, of Virginia,
moved that the .rules prescribing the order
of business be suspended, for the purpose
cf receiving and acting upon a resolution
in the words following:
“Resolved, That all petitions, memorials and pa
pers touching the question af slavery, or tire buying
and selling or transferring of slaves iu any State,
District or Territory of the United States, belaid
upon the table, without being debated, printed, read
or referred — and that no further action whatever
shall be had thereon.'’
And, cn the question, “shall the rules
be suspended?” for the purpose of receiv
ing the resolution, it passed in the affirm
ative—yeas 135, nays 60.
Among the nays, FILLMORE, Adams
and Slade—these wire-workers upon all
questions of slavery generally voting to
gether. What pleasant harmony among
these “lovers of the South.’’
The question upon the suspension of the
rules having been decided in the affirma
tive, the question then came up, “Shall the
main question be put?” and the vote was,
yeas 129, nays 62.
Among the 62 nays, as we might have
expected, stand the names of Fillmore,
Adams, Slade and Corwin, all together,
like the members of the same family.
The final disposition was now to be made
of Mr. Patton’s resolution, and the question
was again put thus— Will the House agree
to the resolution ? Yeas 122, nays
74.
Against the resolution, Fillmore, Slade,
Corwin & Co.—(House Journals, pages
129-30.)
Who is it that can read the resolution
cf Mr. Patton, intended to produce at once
peace and good will, and take from Con
gress the power of debating and consider
ing the question of Slavery ; who will say
that those who voted against it did not de
sire its agitation in Congress, however in
jurious it flight he to the Union ? Yet at
this accepted time, did Millard Fillmore
persevere in opposing that
aimed at the removal of this prolific source
of discord from the floor of Congress.—
Will the people of the South trust such a
man with their rights and support him by
their suffrages ? The objections which
have been urged against the Atherton Res
olutions cannot he brought against this of
Mr. Patton. It was one about which no
Southern man felt the slightest jealousy,
but was hailed with joy by every member
from the South; and base fanatics from
the North were those who principally op
posed it. Can the friends of Millard Fill
more find any excuse for this vote? Can
his advocate of the Richmond Times find
any?
Fillmore is recommended to the South
as safe upon the slavery question, whilst
his associates, Giddings, Slade, Corwin,
Adams and Bond, have been again and
again denounced by us. Why this differ
ence ? They are equally tainted with ab
olitionism ; equally unworthy of our con
fidence.
The Third Day's Labor of Millard Fill
more for the Abolitionists.
This nolle patriot did not despair of
the success of the Abolitionists, although
prostrated by the resolution of Mr. Patton,
lie labored on, that in due season he might
rank even with the highest chiefs of the
fanatics—Slade, Giddings, and Garrison.
Now, we do not believe that Millard Fill
more did this under the impression that he
would ever he the candidate cf the Whig
party for the Vice Presidency—-hu t there
were some chances of his.becoming the
candidate of the ALohdcnisls, and Millard
Fillmore is an individual, who, from all we
can learn, is not particular in the nicety of
his party associations. . . -
John Quincy Adams surrendered to his
coadjutor, Slade, tiu: privilege cf present
ing a petition mi the 18th of December*
1837, from 293 men and 305 women of
the State of Vermont, praying the abolition
of slavery and the slave trade ,in the Dis
t ict of Columbian- —and, on the 20th of
December, 1837, the aforesaid Slade made
a inotidn that the memorial bill be Referred
t A SELECT COMMITTEE, WITH
INSTRUCTIONS^to'REPORT A BILL
PROVIDING FOR THE ABOLITION
OF SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE
TRADE IN THE DISTRICT OF CO
LUMBIA.
. Prominent among these who again came
to the aid, of the’Abolitionists, were FILL
MORE, Adams, S]ade, Corwin—“ all good
‘men urul true ” —who.would go their death
for an Abolition petition—and delighted in
‘the idea of throwing open the whjjjg ques
tion of slavery in the States, Districts and
Territories for discussion. What a charm
ing opportunity the tried friend of the
South, Fillmore, will have when he takes
his seat as the presiding officer of the
Senate of the United States ! Won’t he
shine in deciding, when there shall he a
tie vote upon the slavery question ! Hap
py man !—thrice happy Abolitionists, in
having such a friend !
Fourth Fay's Labor of Fillmore for the
Abolitionists.
There is no more pleasing task than that
of watching the course of “ a patriot,” like
the “ most noble” Millard Fillmore, in his
advances in the great cause of abolition
ism. It is pleasing to watch how, shoul
der to shoulder, with those delightful fel
lows, Slade, Corwin, Adan s & Cos. he re
sisted the assaults cf those wonderful de
fenders of the South, who raised a few ob
jections to having their domestic affairs in
terfered with.
The record of Fillmore’s fourth day’s
labor for his country (i. e. the Abolition
ists,) can be found on pages 317 and 348
of the House Journal, Monday, Februa
ry sth, 1838.
Mr. Lincoln presented a memorial of 10S
inhabitants of Shrewsbury, Massachusetts,
remonstrating against the resolution adopt
ed by this House on the 21st of Septem
ber, m relation to memorials upon the sub
ject cf slavery, and praying that said res
olution may be immediately rescinded.
Mr. Lincoln moved that said memorial
be referred to a select committee, with in
structions to report a resolution declaring
that the resolution of the House, passed on
the 21st of December last, (Fatton’s reso
lution) in the following words, viz :
“Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and pa
pers touching the abolition of slavery, or the buy
ing, seliing.or transferring of slaves in any STATE,
District, or Territory of the United States,” belaid
upon the table, without being debated, printed,
or refcrreJ, and that no further action whatever
shall be had thereon.”
Is a violation of the constitutional guar
antee of the right of petition in the peo
ple, and subversive cf that freedom of de
bate in theit representatives, and that
SAID RESOLUTION BE RESCINDED. A motion
was made by Mr. Boon, that the question
of considerate*, .together with the memo
rial, be laid 4 on the table; and the ques
tion being put on this motion, it passed in
the affirmative—yeas 128, nays 75. As
by this time we may be prepared to ex
pect, the names cf FILLMORE, Adams,
Corwin and Slade were among these vo
ting in THE negative. Was not this vote
an attempt upon the part of Fillmore to
throw the whole subject of Slavery for dis
cussion before Congress?—to produce fierce
and unending discussion ?—to array the
North against the South? This vote of
Fillmore’s we consider the most infamous
of all.
Mr. Patten, a Virginian, had by a wise
resolution, settled for a time, at b*ast, this
question of Slavery; and if Fillmore did
not wish to give Congress the power to con
sider, discuss and legislate upojn it, why
did he vote against laying Lincoln’s reso
lutions upon the table? Let the Whig
Editors shift and turn as they here
we have from the records given data, which
show the infamous attempt of Millard
Fillmore to continue the agitation of this
question. Let us not think he would have
opposed abolition petitions, whilst he voted
for receiving them. Lock at his original
vote upon Patton’s resolution for refutation
cf so shallow an evasion. In every way
does Fillmore unite upon all of the test
questions with Northern fanatics against
the South; still the Whigs cf Virginia heap
abuse upon his former colleagues, and pro
fess a willingness to give him their sup
port. To what extent will not the Whig
section of the Taylor no-party party carry
it?
Fifth Day's labor of Fillmore for the Abo
litionists.
The angy session of 1337-’S, during
which the Slavery question was so freely
and perseveringly-discussed, and thecham
pions of the North and South were so stout
ly denounced in all votes upon petitions for
the abolition of Slavery, &c., &c., &c., hav
ing been brought to an end, we come now
to the session of 1838-’39, during which
Millard Fillmore will be found true to
his old friends, Adams, Corwin and Slade,
upon all questions relating to Slavery.—
To the abolition fraternity in Congress had
been added that shining light, before whose
lustre the flames even of Fillmore dim
med—we mean Joshua R. Giddings, of
Ohio, whose name is favorably known in
the Southern States. We shall find Gid
dings and Fillmere pulling beautifully to
gether under the management of the ven
erable Adams.
Thursday, December 13, 18-18.
[House Journals, pages 73, 74, 75.]
resolutions of henry a. wise.
Mr. Wise moved that the rules in relation to the
order of business be suspended, to enable him to
introduce the following resolutions :
Resolved, That Congress has no power to abol
ish SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA OR IN
THE TERRITORIES OF THE UNITED STATES, Whether
such power in said District or Territories be exer
cised as n means or with the view of disturbing and
overthrowing Slavery in the States or not.
Resolved, That Congress has no power to abolish
the slave trade’or prohibit the removal of slaves
between the States, or between the States and the
District of Columbia and the territories of the U.
States.
Resolved, That Congress cannot receive or con
sider petitions lor the exercise of any power what
ever, over the subject of slavery, which Congress
does not possess.
Resolved, That the laws of Congress alone govern
in prescribing and regulating the mode and manner
in which fugitive slaves shall be apprehended, and
their rights to freedom tried, in the non-slavehold
ing States, District of Columbia and Territories,
and the mode and manner in which they shall be
, restored or delivered to their owners in the slave
States.
Resolved, That Congress has no power to enforce
upon any estate the abolition of slavery within its
limits as a condition of admission into this Union.
Resolved, That the citizens of the slaveholding
States of this Union, havo the constitutional right
voluntarily to take their slaves to, or through a
non-slaveholding State, and to sojourn or remain
temporarily with such slaves in the same, and the
slaves are not thereby ipso facto emancipated ; and
the General Government is constitutionally bound
to protect the right of slaveholders to their slave
property in non-slareholding States, in conflict with
the laws of Congress, providing for such protection,
are null and void.
And, on the question, “Shall the rule
he suspended for the reception of the reso
lutions?” there appeared—yeas 113, naj's
96—among the nays, FILLMORE, &c.,
&c.
Comment upon this vote we deem un
necessary. The resolutions speak for them
selves.
Sixth Day's Labor of Fillmore for the
Abolitionists.
On the same day that FILLMORE vo
ted against the suspension of the rules for
the reception of the resolutions of Mr. Wise,
his friend and compatriot, SLADE, moved
thq. suspension of the rules for the purpose
of introducing the following preamble and
resolution:
“ Whereas, there exists, and is carried on be
tween the ports in the District of Columbia and oth
er ports of the United States, and under the sanc
tion of the laws thereof, a trade in human beings,
whereby thousands of them are annually sold and
transported from said District to distant parts of
the country, in vessels belonging to citizens of the
United States, and, whereas, such trad 5 involves
- an outrageous violation of human rights, is a dis
grace to the country by whose laws it is sanctioned,
and calls for the immediate interposition Os legisla
tive authority for its suppression : Therefore, to the
end that all obstacles to the Consideration of this
subject may be removed, and a speedy remedy for
the evil provided—
“ Resolved, That so much of the fifth of the reso
lutions oil the subject 6f slavery, passed by this
House on the 11th and 12th of the present month,
ns relates to ‘the removal of slaves from State to
State,’ and prohibits the “action of this House on
‘every petit : on, memorial, resolution, proposition
or paper,’ embracing the same, be, and hereby is,
rescinded.”
And, on the question, shall tLe rules he
suspended for the purpose aforesaid, it pas
sed in the negative—yeas 56, nays 147.
And< amorg the miserable hand of fanatics
who voted to receive this resolution, were
FILLMORE, Adams, Giddings, Convin,
Slade, &c.
These two votes, so-different in their
character, given .by Fillmore on the same
day, most fortunately for the people cf the
South, show his determined hostility to sla
very. He had voted, mark you, against
suspending the rule for the reception of the
resolutions of Mr. Wise, which set forth
the rights of the South, but in a few hours,
he voted for the reception of the infamous
resolutions of the fanatic Hale, thus show
ing that he was not opposed to suspending
the rules at all times for the reception of
resolutions, hut only when those resolu
tions, like Messrs. Patton’s and Wise’s,
declared and set forth the rights of the
South.
He is found thus discriminating between
the resolutions, turning his back upon Wise
and the South, ready to embrace the wild
Abolitionist, Slade, and receive his resolu
tion.
We have thus followed this.man Fill
more through one session of Congress and
partially through another; we have seen
him in this short time fraternizing again
and again with those wjirse names have
been detested by every Southern man.—
We have seen him, when an opportunity
was offered, turning a cold shoulder to'the
South, but always ready to aid the fanati
cal crew with whom we have found him
associated. Though” the abolitionists, du
ring the period which we have passed over,
carried their hostility fartherthan they had
ever done to the South, still in no instance
did they go too far for Millard Fillmore.—
When the abominable character of some of
their resolutions reduced their number to
a lean minority of 50 or 60, still Millard
Fillmore stood firm with Adams, Giddings
& Cos. Whilst wc have thus produced so
many instances of the fanaticism of this
man, where is there cn record a single in
stance in which he voted with the South ?
Innumerable instances may be found of
other Northern members cf Congress uni
ting with the South to cheek thefanatics of
the North, but point to cne instance in
which this Millard Fillmore did so. Con
sider, too, that of the five or six years du
ring which be was a member of Congress,
we have given his labors but for one and a
half years in behalf of the Abolitionists.—
The records of 1840-’4l-’42are not before
us. We may hereafter continue cur ex
amination, and lay open ether services cf
Fillmore to the Abolitionists, hardly inferi
or to those which we have already given.
After these plain and unadorned proofs
have been given to the people of the utter
unsoundness of Fillmore, how can they re
ly upon him ? Let the people cf the South
remember, that they are enlisting them
selves blindly to a man who, as President
of the Senate, may give the casting vote;
against the South upon the question of Sla
very That whilst you have evidence,
most conclusive in its character, of the as
sociation of this man Fillmore with the
most dangerous fanatics, we have no pledge
from him that he would be true to the South.
You know what he has been—you have
not heard that he has altered his opinions
since he was in Congress. Mould you
then have voted for him for the 1 ice Pres
idency ? If not then, why now ? You
can assign no reason for it, unless you con
fers that party ties are stronger than a re
gard for the prosperity of the Union or safe
ty of the South. You have, in addition to
what we have just shown yoni about Fill
more, his votes upon the A1 HEKI CUN
RESOLUTIONS. In addition to this, the
appended extract (from the Philadelphia
“Daily News,” a Whig paper) will show
upon what grounds he is supported at the
North:
The Free Soil Movement.- Like onr respect
ed cotemporary, Defrees, of the Indiana State Jour
nal, we claim to be as much opposed to the exten
sion of slavery Rs any of those belonging to the
Free Soil movement can be. If Gen. Taylor hud
pledged himself, as Gen. Cass, has, to veto any meas
ure passed by Congress, excluding Slavery from Icr
ritory now free, wc could not and would not give
him our support. But Gen. Taylor is opposed to the
exercise of the Veto Power. He has taken his posi
tion upon the Republican platform of bowing in
submission to the-will ol the people, as expressed
through their Representatives in Congress. Hence
we shall feel ourselves safe in case of his election
to the Presidency.
The slave and free Slates are now equally divided
in the Senate. It will probably devolve on the Vice
President to give the casting vote on one side or the
other. Elect Millard Fillmore, and the casting vote
will he given in favor of Freedom. Elect Gen. But
ler, and it will be given for Slavery.
Let all those, who, like ourselves, arc opposed
to slavery extension, reflect upon this matter, and
it seems to us that they must decide the safest
course is to vote for Taylor, in preference lo Cass, as
one or the other will be the next President.
Til 13 NORTHERN FACE.
We referred last week to the speech cf
Gov. Jones of Tennessee, at a Whig meet
ing at Carthage, Ohio, in which that gen
tleman argued to the abolitionists that Gen.
Cass would, and that Gen. Taylor would
not voto, any bill extending the ordinance
of 1787, (the Wilmot proviso) over the
new Territories.
We now add some further extracts from
the correspondence of the N. Y. Herald,
(a Taylor print) to show what Mr. Thomas
Ewing (Gen. Harrison’s Secretary of the
Treasury) said in the same connection.
A special invitation, had been sent to Thomas
Ewing, the well known leader of the Clay whig of
the old whig party. He diJ not attend ; but em
braced theopportunity to give his views by letter,
which has been published. He exhorts all whig*
to fall into the Taylor ranks. He says, that in his
estimation. General Taylor’s letter to Captain Alli
son “ covers every thing that we really and par
ticularly want of a whig President.” He thinks,
that under his administration we may have “ a tar
iff that will protect American industry, the im
provement of our rivers and harbors, and the anti
slavery principle extended over all the newly ac
quired territory.”
All this, says, Mr. Ewing, may be accomplished
with Gen. Taylor as President, but—■“ It must he
done by the Senate and House of Representatives.
Those who earnestly, and in faith and truth, desire
this, must be careful whom they place in those bo
dies to represent them; and in choosing a repre
sentative, I would take care and choose no one that
was not prepared fully to support these important
measures.” Hence, Mr. Ewing, arguing as if
Gen. Taylor would be a mere India-rubber Presi
dent to Congress ready at all times and on all sub
jects to conform hi3 own acts to the acts of a ma
jority, makes this Concluding appeal:
By the election of General Taylor, and in that
way only, can we hope to save these important
principles. In inaction, there is no hope. In a
third candidate, there will be none. With Gener
al Taylor lam confident all will be safe. He re
quires but the vote of the whlgs of Ohio to elect
him triumphantly ; and what whig in view of all
the Consequences, can fPhhold from him his sup
port?
But Mr. Ewing also makes a special attempt to
reconcile the anti-slavery whigs to the support of
Gen. Taylor. A l l they need do, he says, is to
be “ careful whom they place in Congress to repre
sent them;” then, under Taylor and Fillmore vve
may have “the anti-slavery principle extended over
all the newly acquired territory.” He reminds the
anti-slavery men that they have the advantage on
this question in the nominees, of the Philadelphia
Convention, in as much as the Vice President
alone would likely act on it.
Mr. Ewing explained the grounds of bis appeal,
in these words:
The Vice President may, indeed, turn the scale,
pne way or the other, on this question—but the
President, whatever may be his private opinions,
ought .to exercise no influence over cither House
on this, no more than on any other subject; and
General Taylor is opposed to the exercise of such
influence—and he in effect, pledged himself that he
w i!l exercise none, and interpose no veto to such
bjli. ‘Mark his words in the closing sentence
above quoted.” ‘
The words referred to as previously quoted, is
theseccond article of the Allison letter.”
“A LITTLE MORE Git APE.”
Gen. Taylor’s letters rattle like Bragg’s
grape against the dry bcncs of Whiggery.
To such desperate straights have they re
duced the party North, that they are driv
en to denounce his “Lippard” and “Charles
ton News” letters as forgeries.
The Baltimore American, (Taylorite)
quotes two or three passages from the
“ News” letter, and says Gen. Taylor nev
er could have w ritten such “maudlin stuff.”
The Ncw-York Express thinks the
“Wnigsmust be green, very green, who
can he caught by such locc-foco forgeries.”
Yet these letters are undoubtedly genuine.
One of them was originally published in
a Taylcr paper, and the authenticity of
the other is vouched for by the Philadel
phia Ledger, in which it first appeared.
The Lippahu lf,tteh —Some of tho journals
in New Yoik arc-denying the authenticity of the
letter Gert. Taylcr wrote to Mr. Lippard. They
say it first appeared in the Bulletin without a
name. This is a mistake. It was published first
in the Ledger with a name, and from the original
manuscript, and is an authentic letter with Gen
Taylor’s genuine signature. There is noth
ing in it to warrant the conclusion that the letter
is nit genuin \ It reiterates the sentiments fli-t
Gen. Taj lor has always avowed, that he is not a
candidate of a party.— lVtil. Leger, Aug. 25.
In truth they bear the General’s ear
marks strongly—the “ maudlin” featares
being the strongest of them.
’ A pretty pass to come to ! a pretty can
didate and a pretty party, when the latter
have to defend the former from the effect
of his genuine'epistles, by pronouncing
them forgeries!
A Sign.—A Telegraphic despatch re
ceived in this city during the past week,
brought the following bit of political news,
which we have since found reported in
the Charleston papers:
A large meeting of the Whigs took place in
Albany, ul which Gen. Taylor was denounced for ac
cepting the Charleston nomination on the same
ticket with Butler. This movement has been ap
proved of by Mr. Fillmore.
After Gen. Taylor’s acceptance of the
Charleston nomination, with Gen. Butler
as Vice-President, it is not surprising that
Fillmore kicks up at “OlffZacks,” punic
faith. We “guess” Fillmore thinks “Old
Whitey” is “ worse than a Mexican.”
Thomas Ritchie. —The Washington
correspondent of the New York True Sun
thus speaks of this veteran Republican :
“ The labor of the canvass in this city on the
Democratic siJe, is performed principally by the
veteran Jackson Democratic Association, a hand of
worthy workies who chi scatter more documents
over the country in a given time than any othors in
it. Mr. Ritchie ofthe Union, is now the heaitand
soul of their efforts. He has inoculated them with
his energy and enthusiasm, and stands by to advise
and encourage them in their good work. A glori
ous old man is Mr. Ritihic, I assure you. He is a
child in simplicity of character, a boy in spirits, a
youth in bright hopes, a sitting man in untiling
energy, aud aa old man in wisdom and experi
ence.”
ALA KM (3D.
“Spontaneous combustion” has proved
to be one of the unrealized hopes of Whig
gery. It is an obsolete idea. When
strong Taylor journals in New York and
Georgia, make such doleful confessions as
the following, it is pregnant proof of the
truth of Horace Greeley’s remark, that
“so far, the Taylorization of the Whig
parly, has not paid expenses.”
“ The New York Courier and Enquirer, ons ot
the most influential Whig papers in the United
States, says :
‘We believe that, in the existing state of the
public mind—without ejfjrls on the part of the
W/ngs not yet put forth, Lewis Cass is almost
certain to be elected President in November
VVe are compelled to this belief, most reluctantly,
by what we see and know of the state of public
feeling and the lack of proper effort. DouM it,
deny it, with it otherwise as we may, the Whig
parly, especially in the North, is apathetic, indif
ferent, inactive — compared with what it should be,
and with what it must be, if it expects to win the
victory.”
The Savannah Republican ditt", thus
lustily blows the dying cmlers of Taylor
enthusiasm :
“ It is time we were at work, if we intend to
give the vote of Georgia to Gen. Taylor. And
here we would remark, that thus far in the canvass
the whig press has alone done its duty. The peo
ple seem to rely altogether upon the press, and tho
popularity of (heir candidates . While our
opponents are thus moving Heaven and earth to
secure their own success and that of Gen. Cass,
our friends are doing nothing. We do hope they
will bestir themselves. II not we are beaten, and
that to death.’’
Spicy. —Prentice, the editor of the Lou
isville Journal is the legitimatized jester of
the Whig party. Like ail standing wits,
while he says many smart things, he utters
a vast deal of persiflage and nonsense.—
He sometimes meets his master in the en
counter of wits. The New York True
Sun makes the “fur fly” in the following
reply to his latest jeu d’esprit.
“Gen. Cass was once an editor. Certainly there
never was an editor who in speaking of himself,
could with more propriety use the pronoun “we.”
Although a private citizen, ho ought, by all means
to use it still. Unquestionably he counts four—
a Northern Cas6, a Southern Cass, an Eastern
Cass and a Western.—[Louisville Journal.
True as gospel, friend Prentice, hu is the North
ern Cass, (he Southern Cass, the Eastern Case,
and the Western Cass; and his popularity sAull
points of the compass will he seen at the polls.
As to the “we,” no candidate ever hod a hi tler
right to the plural, for he is a “whole team” him
self. Even a Whig editor admits he counts “four.”
Wc put him down as equal to a dozen. It would
take more than nine Taylors to make such a man.
{True Sun.
GREAT EXCITEMENT AMONG TUB
WHIGS OF ALBANY.
A dispatch from Albany, dated Aug. 29th, to
the Philadelphia papers, says:—
This city was last night the scene of one of the
most exciting political meetings ever witnessed,—
The meeting was called together by same of tho
leading Clay Whigs, who are indignant at Genera]
Taylor’s acceptance of the nomination of the
Charleston Democrats, in conjunction with Gen.
Butler fertile Vice Presidency.
Mr. Dawson, the associate editor of tho Evening
Journal, was the man in getting np a call for a
large meeting of the Whigs and politcal triends of
Millard Fillmore, and it is reported that Mr. Fill
more gave Lis consent to the call.
The letters of William B. Pringle, communica
ting the nomination to General Taylor, together
with the General’s reply, was read, and produced
a tremendous excitement. Tho General’s letter
was denounced as insulting to Mr. Fillmore, as well
as to the whole Whig party in the North.
A committee was appointed to draw up resolu
tions expressive of the sense of meeting, and tlf-y
are to make a report on Monday evening, when tho
meeting will convene again.
The tenor of all the speeches was that Gen
Taylor was unworthy of the support of the
Whig party, and it was expedient to drop him
from the ticket and take up Mr. Clay.
Hon. William Parmlee was president of the meet
ing, assisted by a number of other eminent Whigs
as vice presidents.
Speeches wero made by Judge Carpenter, If.
Haswell, John. A. Collier, Esq., and oilier leading
W higs, and the utmost carnelrtcss was evinced bv
all.
P. S. The above emeute has boon sup.
pressed. T. B. King of Georgia happen
ing to be in Albany, made a speech to an
adjourned meeting, in which he explained
that the whole difficulty proceeded on a
mistake, that the Charleston nomination of
“ old Zack” and Butler was not a ‘Tegu
lar” thing—and that thp South would stand
up to And as the meeting seem
ed to have come to the conclusion that
Gen. Taylor’s letters do net mean much of
any thing, “any how,” they were pacified
with the idea that his Charleston accep
tance was as meaningless, as the rest. I i
is a wonder they had not reconciled /nat
ters by calling it a “forgery.”
MASS MEETING AT CUTHBERT.
M e have not yet received the official
account of the proceedings of this meeting.
We learn verbally and from our corres
pondents, that it was a large and animated
assemblage. None that we have heard
from, cstiihate the gathering at less than
1500 people. The counties of Early, Lee,
Dooly, Marion, Baker, Decatur, Musco
gee, Stewart, Randolph and Sumpter were
represented.
David Ividdoo, Esq. was nominated as
President. The following gentlemen ad
dressed the meeting. Hon. A. Iverson,
M. J. Wellborn, J. M. Mitchell, E. R.
Brown, R. H. Clarke, J. Bilbo, J. 11.
Hays, and David Kiddoo.
Among the most pleasing features of the
meeting, was the presence of at least 300
ladies, who came far and near to encourage
their fathers, husbands, brothers and lov
ers in the good cause of sound Democmtie
Republican principles.
We hope to receive the proceedings fer
our next issue.
Senator Foote, of Mississippi.—We
invite attention to this gentleman’s letter
cn our first page.
The concluding paragraph is mysterious.
To whom does he refer when he speaks ot
certain “leading Southern Whigs” s se
riously debating whether it is not their
duty to abandon Taylor Whiggery and
stand by “Cass, Butler and the country?’
Look out!
Dinner to Georgia Volunteers- —’
The patriotic citizens of Cass county are
to give a dinner to the returned Georgia
Volunteers on the 7th inst., at C'assville.
We are specially authorized to invite all
such from this section of the State. The
gallant Col. IT. R. Jackson of the first
Regiment will be there, and will, we hope,
have the pleasure of meeting many of the
soldiers of his former command.
Is It So ?— The New York Express
P?l* r > * a >’ 8 ’ in “ Frt sJil plal
[.rove any Free Soil bill that C ongress may pass.