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JOHN FORSYTH—EDITOR.
J. FORSYTH, R, ELLIS, CO.
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liherlTa regnlar executions, must
he aisertiseJ Thirty* Days; nndermortgsgc fi fas
before the day of sale. b
of Land and Negroes, by Executors, Ad*
uiaistraters or Cuardians, for Sixty-Days before
lit i Y of sale.
ales of personal property (except negroea) For
ts Dan.
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P? ‘Cttio® Nr .citcrt oi administration are to be
psblisiied for Thirty* Days,
Citations upon application for diamission by
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t tie to land, must be publisheti Three IHoutfc*.
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disns, of application to the Court of Ordinary for
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N itiees by Executors or Administrators, to the
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Letters to the proprietors on business must
be pot* paid, to entitle them to attention.
MERCANTILE.
VOODBUFF & WHITT3LSEY,
J-Tlft just termed an additional snpply of
SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS.
among wh.ch can be round Shawls, Bonnets and
Basnet Ribbons, Ginghams, Muslins, Calicoes, &c
Also a good assortment of PANAMA and LEG-
Kt>K\ II tT), ill of which they will sell very
low for cash or approved credit.
TF. k W. have a few patterns of very fine Bareg
. which they will sell (or about Half Price, rath
•r than keep them over. LADIES call and see.
April 85, 1848. 18 t s
BOOTS, SHOES LEATHER, &C.
At Prime Cost*
yWE Subscriber having determined to discon
tinue his present business in Columbus, will
melt off his stork on hand, consisting of all articles
ms unlit/ found in a Shoe Store,
AT PHLIIttE COST.
The stock is new, haring been mostly purchased
►it kin the last six months, and is well worth the
attention of merchants and others, wishing to pur
•hose by the quantify.
J hose a good assortment of LASTS, PEGS,
mmo other Shoemaker's Findings, to which the at
tention of those engaged in the munujacturc of
shoes is particularly invited.
ERABTUS REED.
Juno SO. IM9 ts
NOTICE ! NOTICE !!~
r PK BBdf niened has opened a Store on Craw-
A ford street, two doors below Mr. Rankin’s
ssrssr, where he keeps on hand an assortment of
Bee, cheap, and best Spanish, Florida and Ameri
••• Cigars, of different site and quality, which he
offers at Wholesale and Retail, at reduced prices
for cash ; and solicits a share of patronage by the
JAMEi ESTEVEZ.
Colnmbns, Ga. July 25, 1848. 31—tlo
ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY.
AKBW and valuable Book, designed for Aead
emiesand Families, with over two hundred
Engravings. By Calvin Cutter, M. D. The atten
tion of Teachers is called to this new and excellent
school book. For sale at the new and cheap Book
•lore, by TARBOX & MARBLE.
Angoot 22, IS4.
EMBROIDERING PATTERNS,
irw and brautifol designs for most
w.” kinds of Worsted Embroidery, just received
%s TARIiOX A MARBLE.
August 22, 1948.
COMPOSITION BOOKS.
AIEUTIFITj artitle, designed expressly for
Young Ladies sttending school. For sale at
Iks New Rook Store, by
Aegoet 22, 1848. TARBOX fe MARBLE.
TO COUNTRY MERCHANTS,
Booksellers, and all dealers in
Stationery and Fancy Goods.
IT Do you icish to buy floods cheap and
save a handsome profit ? If so, you
scM call on
A. B. MARVIN,
importer and wholesale dealer, 93 Wil-
Ham. opposite Platt-st., N. V.
YI7TIEKE yon ran find Ihe greatest variety of
Ts goods*suited to yonr trade, and which will
pay you a good profit.
Fancy Goods Combs of every Taricty, Brushes
of all descriptions, Huttons, Perfumery, Steel
Coeds, such as Beads, Purse and Bag Mountings,
fee.; Silver, Planished, and Britannia Wate.
Is Statioferv.—English and American Draw
ing Papers and Boards; Tracing and Tissue Pa-
Kru ; French and English Wnting. Letter and Note
pers; Music Paper; Gnld and Silver Fancy Pa
pers: Portfolios, Work Boxes, Portable Desks,
Dressing Cases,Cold and Silver Pencil Cases, Gold
Fens, Cutlery, Inkstands, Globes, Mathematical
end Drawing Instruments, Steel Pens, Quills, Pen
cils, Blank Books of every variety, &c., &c., and
•very other article in the line of Stationery, which
ere offered at prices satisfactory to purchasers, by
A. B. MARVIN,
93 William-st., opposite Platt, N. Y.
kept. 5, IS4S. 37 —6t
MADDEN & ADAMS,
HATE rraovrd their Marble Works to the
East side of Hmad-st. near the Market-House,
where they will keep constantly on hand a choice
seleetien of
ITALIAN AND AMERICAN MARBLE,
roa
Grave Stones, Monuments, Tab
lets, Tombs, &c.,
And solicit a continuance of public patronage.
They are determined t<> sell at a small advance on
New York prices, and hirer than any establishment
la this par: of the country. AI.L ORDERS from
the Country attended to, the same as if ordered in
and CARVING done in tfie
heat manner. PLASTER of PARIS aud ROMAS
CEMEST, alwavs on hand, for sale.
April 11. 184S. 16—tlj
MEDICAL COLLEGE OF BEORSIA.
r FBE nest foimr of Lfflnrrs wiil be cemnieiie-
I ■<! on the first Monday in November, aud con
tinue anti! the Ist of April.
FACULTY.
GEORGE M. NEWTON, M. D., Professor of
Anatomy and Dean of the Faculty.
L. A- DUGAS, M. D., Professor of Physiology
•ad Pathological Anatomr.
ALEXANDER MEANS. M. D., Professor of
Chemistry and Pharmacy.
I. P. GARVIN, M. D., Professor of Thcrapenties
and Materia Mcdica.
L- 5. FORD, M. D., Professor of the Institutes
■ad Practice of Medicine.
JOSEPH A. EVE, M. D., Professor of tho Prin
utpies and Practice ot Surgery.
H. F. CAMPBELL, M. I)., Demonstrator of Ana
tomy.
ROBERT CAMPBELL, M. D., Assistant Demon
strator.
A cowrue of Lectures unon.Medicnl Jurisprudence
will he delivered by Professor Garvin. The Fac
ulty will endeavor to make their instruction as de
monstrative as possible.
Board nay be obtained at from sl3 to sl7 per
month, every thing included.
The fee* “for the entire course of Lectures, in
nlnriing Hospital ticket, are slls. Matriculation
tickets, (once only) $3. Practical Anaiomy, (to be
taken once) $lO.
The friends and allumni of this Institution are in
vited to send to the Faculty, during the course of
Leetares; persons in indigent circumstances who
way require surgical operations, as provision has
ktss made for accommodation while under treat-
September 12,1 SIS. 3S—4t
NOTICE.
Mt B. F. WILLfeX is my duly authorized
agent during my absence from the citr.
- 1# _ CHARLES REPS.
A eg. 1, ISIS 32—ts
PICKLES, Olive?, f apors, Dresvrvf’s,
Nuts, Ramins, Gelatine, Citron and Spices, of
every description. For sale by
GREENWOOD t MORRIS.
Aug. 8, IS4S 33—ts
ALPINH HORN <*UICKfT!•:?.
A FEW ropirs of this much admiird pircr,
/TL arranged, printed and published by 11. Bern
tater, price Sh cents —Tor sale at
CHARLES REPS’ Music Wareroom.
March Sg, 1848.
n\K CHEWING TOBACCO
rr Bi k*if bv
A Jo!y 11, ISIS. ELLIS & GRAY.
Hlje
VOLUME VIII. 1
POETRY.
MtOM THE “BOYS” OF CHATHAM
COUNTY,
TO THE
“GIRLS” OF DE KALB,
With a “Cass and Butler ” Cake.
Dear Ladies ! from our level shore,
Near the wild Ocean’s ceaseless roar,
We send our present —well assured,
That it will grace your festive hoard.
Where is the Democratic lass,
That will not lend her aid to “Cass,”
Ay, and to brave old “Butler,” too,
The leader* of our gallant crew!
The former on our North-west shore,
Breasted the cannon’s awful roar,
That he might ward away the blow,
Dealt by our country’s ancient foe ;
And when, at last, that foeman came.
With threats ofdevastating flame,
And vowed New Orleans to subdue,
lis “booty and its beauty” too,
Butler, with General Jackson, fought,
The foe in hia own meshes caught,
And made him find a bloody grave
Beside the Mississippi’s wave :
Cherish these heroes, ladies fair,
\\ ho’ve fought for all you hold most dear!
Accept the gift we offer here,
And with your smiles our bosoms che*r|
And should it be our happy fate,
To save our noble, gallant State,
The victory we with you will share,
And that will make it doubly dear :
And should we fail—still not the less
We’ll feel that we’ve deserved success.
That thro’ defeat your smiles remain,
Aud that will take off half its pain!
From the Louisville Journal,
TO THE MOCKING BIRD.
Bird of the wild and Wondrous song,
I hear thy rich and variid voice
Swelling the greenwood depths among,
Till hill and vale the while rejoice!
Spell-bound, entranced in rapture’s chain,
I list to that inspiring strain !
I thread the forest’s tangled maze
The thousand choristers to see,
W’ho mingled thus their voices raise
In that delicious minstrelsy;
I search in vain each pause between—
The choral band is still unseen I
’Tis but the music of a dream—
An airy sound that mocks the ear—
But hark again! the eagle’s scream,
It rose and fell distinct and clear!
Ant. list—in yonder hawthorn bush
The red bird, robin and the thrush 1
Lost in amaze I look around,
Nor thrush nor eagle there behold—
But still that rich, xml sound,
Like some forgotten song of old,
That o’er the heart has held control,
Falls sweetly on the ravished soul!
And yet the woods are vocal still—
The air is musical with song—
O’er the near stream—above the hill—
The ’wildering notes are borne along 1
But whence that gush of rare delight 1
And what art thou 1 or bird or sprite!
Perched on yon maple’s topmost bough,
With glancing wings and restless feet.
Bird of untiring throat, art thou
Sole songster in this concert sweet
So perfect, full and rich each part,
It mocks the highest reach of art I
Once more, once more that thrilling strain 1
111-omen’d owl, be mute, be mute !
Thy native notes I hear again,
More sweet than harp or lover’s lute {
Compared with thy impassioned tale,
How cold, how lame the nightingale I
Alas I capricious in thy power—
Thy “wood note wild” again is fled—
The mimic rules the changeful hour,
And all the ‘’soul of song” is duad 1
But no—to every borrow’d tone
He lends a sweetness all his own !
On glittering wing, erect and bright,
With arrowy speed he darts aloft,
As tho’ its soul had ta’en its flight
In that last strain so sad and soft,
And he would call it back to life,
To mingle in the mimic strife!
And ever to each filial lay
His frame in restless motion wheels.
As tho’ be would, indeed, essay,
To act the ecstasy he feels—
As though his very feet kept time
To that inimitable chime 1
And ever, as the rising moon
Climbs with full orb the trees above,
He sings his most enchanting tune,
While echo wakes through all the grore;
His descant soothes, in care’s despite,
The weary watches of the night;
The sleeper from his couch starts up
To listen to that lay forlorn—
And he who quaflfe the midnight cup
Looks out to see the purpling morn !
01 ever in the merry spring,
Sweet mimic, let me hear thee sing I C.
FROM “FESTUS.”
Wfe women have four seasons, like the year:
Our spring is in our lightsome girlish days
When the heart laughs within us for sheer joy:
Ere yet we know what love is, or the ill
Os being loved by those whom we love not.
Strmmer is when we love and are beloved,
And seems short ; from its very splendor seems
To pass the quickest; crowned with flowers it flies.
Autumn, when some young thing with tiny hands,
And rosy cheeks, and glossy tendrilled locks,
Go wantoning about ns day and night.
And winter is when those we love have perished,
For the heart ices then. And the next Spring
Is in another world*
TRUE WEALTH.
The way to make thy son rish is, to fill
Hit mind with rest, before his trunk with richer.
For wealth, without contentment, climbs a hill,
To feel those tempests which fly over ditches.
But if thy son can make ten times his measure,
Then all thou addest may be called his treasure.
From the New York Tribune.
TIIF PEASANT'S PIIAYEH.
Almighty God ! and is it just,—
Is it Thy holy will
That lords should waste our land’s produce ;
While starving peasants till ?
That they in wine and vile debauch,
Should Erin’s wealth apply;
While vve, who earn it w earily,
Famish for food —and die t
Thou art the friend of the oppressed,
The guardian of the poor ;
And wilt Thou not, O God I avenge,
The wrongs that we endure 1
11.
Father ! shall Famine waste our land,
And fever blight our isle !
Till every cot on Erin’s shore
Shall be a funTal pile:
Oh ! shall it be forever thus !
May we not hope for good,—
Shall Erin’s Sons be ever slaves,
Their children pine for food T
Forbid it, God I the famine stay,
Our isle from tyrants free :
Give to our suffering people bread ;
To Erin, Liberty I
A severe drought prevails in West Jer
sey. In some parts the corn and round
and sweet potatoes have suffered very
much, reducing the crop a fourth or a half.
The Woodbury Constitution says many of
the pasture fields are burned up, which
will compel a large number to commence
foddering their cattle early. Buckwheat
is also suffering, and the ret is affecting
the potato crop.
Pledges vs. Principles. —Gen. Tay
lor says lie will “ make no pledges.”—
Very well, General, do as you please
about that; but give us your opinions. —
You said you would do that “at the end
of the war”—and why is your promise to
your countrymen unredeemed ? Is this
the man “ who asks no favors and shrinks
from no responsibility ”?
Contradictory. —ln his Delony letter
Gen. Taylor says: “ I fully coincide with
you in opinion,” “that it is a right inhe
rent in every freeman to possess himself
of the political principles and opinions cf
those in whose hands the administration
of the Government may be placed,” and
in his letter to McCcnkey he says: “I
have laid it down as a principle not to cive.
my opinions upon, or prejudge in any way
the various questions of policy new at is
sue between, the political parties cf the
country.”
POLITICAL.
From the Boston Journal.
SPEECH OP DANIEL WEBSTER AT
THE WHIG GATHERING IN HARSH -
FIELD, Sept. 1, ISIS.
Gentlemen, we are on the eve of a high
ly important Presidential election. In two
or three months the people will be called
upon to elect a President of the United
States, and we all see, and all feel that the
great interests of the country are to be af
fected, for good or for evil, by the results
of that election.
Os the interesting subjects over which
the person who shail be so elected must ne
cessarily, from his position, exercise more
or less control, there are three ofereat and
paramount importance.
In the first place, the honor and happi
ness of the country imperatively require
that the Chief Magistrate elect shall not
plunge us into any further wars of ambition
and conquest.
In the next place, the interests of the
country, and the feelings of a vast majori
ty of the people of the country, require that
the President of the United States, to be
elected, shall not use his official power to
promote, shall not entertain a feeling in his
heart to promote the extension of slavery
or any further influence of the institution
of slavery in our public councils.
And in the third place, it is my settled
conviction-—if any judgment of mine, or
any experience of mine in public affairs, an
experience not now shotfc can enable me
to know anything about the matter—it is,
I say, my deliberate opinion that the state
of the country requires an essential reform
in the existing system of revenue
and finance, with a view to the protection
of the industry, and the fostering of the
labor of the people.
Ihese are the three great and essential
topics now before the country. There are
others, but these three are the principal.
Psow, gentlemen, there are three candi
dates presented for the choice of the Ameri
can people. Gen. Taylor, the candidate
°f }} big party, standing upon the
nomination of the Whig Convention held
at Philadelphia'—Gen. Cass, the candidate
of the opposing and now dominant party
and third, Mr. Van Buren, standing
upon the nomination of the late Conven
tion at Buffalo, whose object, or whose
main object, as it appears to me, is center
ed in one only of these considerations I
have mentioned—the prevention, namely,
of any further increase of slavery or of the
increase of slave power. An object, gen
tlemen, in which I need hardly say, you
and I entirely concur.
Most of us here to-day are Whigs—Na
tional Whigs—Massachusetts Whigs—Old
Colony Whigs—Marshfield Whigs. And
if the Whig nomination at Philadelphia
were entirely satisfactory to the Whigs of
Massachusetts and to us, the path of our
duty in regard to it would be perfectly
plain. But the nomination was not thus
to the Whigs of Massachusetts.
That is plain, and it would be idle to at
tempt to conceal the fact. It is more just
and patriotic to take things as they are,
and deduce our convictions of duty from
what actually exists before us.
We know, gentlemen, that however
respectable and distinguished in the line of
his own profession, or however estimable
as-a Citizen, Gen. Taylor is amilitary man
merely. He has had no training in civil
affairs*—he has had no participation in the
councils of the RepuWic—he is known on
ly by his brilliant achievements at the head
of an American army. Now the Whigs
of Massachusetts, and I among them, are
of the opinion that it was not wise, not dis
creet, to go to the army for our candidate
for the Presidency, This is the first in
stance in the history of the Government
of the United States that any mere milita-
man has been proposed for that office.
\\ ashington was an eminent military man,
but far greater in his civil character—he
was employed in the service of the coun
try from the earliest dawn of the American
revolution—he was a member of the Con
tinental Congress—and, in that body, es
tablished for himself a great reputation for
civil judgment, wisdom and ability. After
the war, as you know, he was one of the
Convention which formed the Constitution
of the United States, and it is one of the
most honorable tributes ever paid to him
that he should have been selected by the
wise men who composed that Convention,
to preside over their deliberations. And
his ume stands first and foremost append
ed to the Constitution under which we
live. President Harrison was bred a sol
dier, and rendered his country important
military services. But General Harrison,
nevertheless, was for a much greater part
of his life in civil than in military service.
He was for twenty years either the Gov
ernor of a Territory, a Member of Congress,
or a Minister abroad. And he performed
his duties in all these stations to the satis
faction of the people.
‘I his case, therefore, stands by itself,
without a precedent in our previous histo
ry. And it is on this account principally,
I imagine, that the Whigs of Massachusetts
feel dissatisfied at the nomination. There
are other reasons of less importance, and
more easily to be answered.
But, gentlemen, if I may venture to use
a mercantile expression, there is another
side to this account, and impartiality and
duty require us to consider that.
In the first place, Gen. Taylor was nomi
nated by a T\ big Convention in conformi
ty with the usages of tho party for years
past. He was fairly nominated so far as I
know, and is now to be considered as the
only Whig fairly before the country as a
candidate for the Presidency ; and no citi
zen claiming to be a Whig, can give his
vote for any other, let his personal prefer
ences be what they may.
In the next place, it is proper to consider
the personal character and political opin
ions of Gen. Taylor, so far as known.
Now I wish everybody to understand that
I have no personal acquaintance whatever,
with Gen. Taylor. I only saw him once,
and then but for a few moments, in the
Senate Chamber. The sources of informa
tion from which I derive my acquaintance
with his political opinions, are open to vou
and all as well as to me. But I have en
deavored to obtain access to these sources
as best I might, and to obtain my informa
tion from those who have known his ser
vices and character as a soldier and a man,
and front his conversations with his friends
upon political subjects. And I will tell
you frankly what I think of him.
That he is a skillful, brave and valiant
soldier, is admitted by all. No one denies
it. But that goes with me but a very little
way. What is more important, I believe
him to be an honest man, an upright man,
a modest, clear-headed man, a man of inde
pendent character, possessing a mind pro
perly disciplined and controlled. I believe
him to be estimable and amiable in all the
relations cf private life. I believe that he
possesses a reputation for equity and for
judgment which gives him an influence
over those under his command, beyond
that conferred by authority or station, I
“THE UNION OP THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OP THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 19, 1848.
believe that he possesses the entire confi
dence and attachment of all who have been
near him, or have known him.
So much for what I think of Gen. Tay
lor’s personal character. And I will say, too,
that so far as I have observed, his conduct
since his nomination has been irreproacha
ble. There has been no intrigue on his
part, no contumelious treatment of any ri
vals, no premises nor hopes to any men
or any party. We do not find him put
ting forward any pretensions of his own.
And I believe of him, as he believes of him
self, that he is an honest man, of upright
purposes—and as to his other qualifications
for the Presidency he has nothing more to
say.
--.Now, friends and fellow townsmen, with
respect to his political preferences, I will
say that I believe him to be a Whig—to
hold the main doctrines and uphold the
gTeat principles of the Whig party. To
believe otherwise would he to impute to
him a degree of tergiversation and fraudu
lent pretensions of which I suppose him
utterly incapable. #
Gentlemen, it is worth our while to con
sider in what manner General Taylor be
came a candidate. It is a great mistake
to suppose that he is the selection merely
of the Philadelphia Convention, for he was
•nominated in various States by numerous
popular conventions, a year before the
Philadelphia Convention assembled.
Gentlemen, the whole history of the
world shows us that, whether in the most
civilized or the most barbarous ages, the af
fections and admiration of the people are
easily, and always carried away by success
ful military talents and achievements.
And in the case now before us, Gen. Tay
lor, by his own brilliant operations on the
Rio Grande, at Palo Alto, and elsewhere,
secured spontaneous nominations from por
tions of the people in all the States. And
let me say, too, that they were mostly Whig
nominations—that they were nominations
by Whigs ; not always, it is true, but gen
erally they were Whig nominations.
Gen. Taylor has been esteemed, from the
moment his military achievements brought
him into public notice,as a Whig general.
You all remember that when we were
discussing in Congress the merits of the
generals, on the question of presenting
thanks to the army, the supporters of the (
administration and the friends ofMr. Polk
denounced Gen. Taylor because he was a
Whig. My friend whom I am happy to
meet here, the Representative in Congress
from this district, (Hen. Artemas Ha!)
will remember that a leading man of the
party, and a prominent friend of the ad
ministration, in his place in Congress, de
clared that it was the policy of the admin
istration to prosecute the Mexican war,
and that that policy could never prosper
till the recall of those Whig generals, Scott
and Taylor. That was the policy of the
Democracy—that the war should be car
ried out by the Democracy—it was Demo
cratic merit and glory—and on that ground
the Democrats would refuse a vote of
thanks to a Whig general.
Gen. Taylor was nominated mainly thus
by Whig conventions and Whig meetings
in numerous quarters of the country.
I remark, gentlemen, in the next place,
that there was no particular purpose con
cerning the advancement of slavery enter
tained by those who nominated him. As
I have said, the nomination was made by
Whig meetings and conventions—more in
the Northern and Middle States than at
the South—and the men who did nominate
him never entertained any desire to extend
the area of slavery, through his adminis
tration, or by his influence. The Quaker
city of Philadelphia, the great State of
Pennsylvania*, certainly nominated him
with no such views We remember that
a large convention in the city ofNew York,
composed of highly respectable men, many
cf whom are personally well known to me,
nominated him, and certainly they had no
such views. And the nomination was
hailed, not very extensively, but by some
enthusiastic and not very lar-seeing politi
cians here in Massachusetts, amongst us,
who raised the notes of exultation over
their anticipated triumph, certainly early
enough, perhaps a little too early, for
sound judgment and discretion. They
might better have waited a little.
But, gentlemen, the truth is, and no one
can avoid seeing it—unless, as is some
times the case, the object is brought near
the eye to be discerned—that these Whig
meetings, and this Philadelphia Conven
tion proceeded exactly according to this
reason ; that believing Geir. Tavlcr to be
a Whig, they thought ho could be elected
more easily than any other Whig. That
was the whole of it. That sagacious, wise,
far-seeing doctrine of availability, lies at
the bottom of the whole matter.
So far, then, from imputing any motive
or desire for the promotion or extension of
slavery, as operating upon these conven
tions throughout the country, or on that at
Philadelphia—at least as regards the ma
jority of their members—in the nomination
and election of General Taylor, I don’t
believe one word of it.
But I see that one part of what is called
the Buffalo platform, says that the nomina
tion at Philadelphia was made under the
dictation of the slave power. I don’t be
lieve a word of that eitiier. For there was
a very great majority of members from the
free states in that body who might have
nominated anybody else they chose, cn
whom they could agree. And, then, there
ucre a great many ofhis most earnest advo
cates, some from New England, who would
sooner cut off their right hands than sub
mit to any* such dictation in such a case.
I may not admire their discretion or policy,
but I must acquit them of ail such base mo
tives as have been charged upon them. I
think I understand their motives. Their
reasoning was just this, —“Gen. Taylor is
a Whig; an eminent man—not indeed in
civil life, but circumstances have given
him eclat with the people; if he is elected,
with him we shall have an increase of the
Whig strength in Congress, and therefore
it is best to sustain him. That was the ob
ject and motive—however wise or unwise
—of a large majority of the convention.
In my opinion it was a wholly unwise
policy. It was not suited to the Whig
character. It was short-sighted. But I
acquit the members of the convention cf
any of the motives ascribed to them, espe-
this one set forth in the Buffalo plat
form.
Such, gentlemen, are the circumstances
connected with the nomination of Gen.
Taylor.. And I will only repeat that those
who had the most agency*, originally*, in
bringing him before the people were Whig
Conventions and meetings in several States
—free States-—and a great majority of the
Philadelphia Convention from the free
States. They might have rejected him if
they had so chosen and wanted anybody
else.
This, then, is the case presented to tb,e
Whigs, so far as respects the personal fit
ness and character of Gen. Taylor.
Now, fellow citizens, if we were weigh
ing the propriety of nominating such a
personas a candidate for the ch cf magis-
tracy—that is one thing. If, considering
the expediency, or, I may* say, the necessi
ty, to some minds, of supporting him now
he is nominated—that is quite another
thing. And this leads to the consideration
of what the W T higs of Massachusetts ought
to do. In my judgment, there is merely
one question, and it is between the election
of General Taylor or of Gen. Cass. That
is the w hole of it. lam no more skilled
to foresee political events than others. I
judge for my*self alone—and for myself, I
must say that I see no possible chance for’
anybody, except either Mr. Taylor or Mr.
Cass, to be elected. I know that the en
thusiasm es a newly formed party* —new-
formed in name, but not in idea, having, in
fact, no idea w*hatever—may lead its mem
bers to think that the sky* is at once to fall,
and that larks are to be taken in abundance.
I have no such belief or expectation.
I have read, gentlemen, the Buffalo plat
form, and although there are some rotten
parts about it, I can stand on it pretty well,
it is net w*holly new* nor original. What
there is valuable about it is not new and
what is new is not valuable. If, my friends,
the term “Free Soil” party, or “Free Soil”
men, is meant to designate one who has
been fixed, unalterable, to-day, yesterday,
and for some time past—in opposition to
slavery extension, then I may claim to he,
and may hold myself as good a Free Soil
man as any member of that Buffalo Conven
tion. I pray* to know where is there soil
freer than that on which I have stood 1 I
pray to know what words they can use, or
can dictate to me, freer than those which
have dwelt on my lips ? I pray to know
with what feelings they can inspire my
breast, more resolute and fixed in resis
tance to slavery extension or encroachment,
than have inhabited my bosom since the
first time I opened my mouth in public
life ?
The gentlemen at Buffalo have placed
at the head of the party Mr. Van Buren
—a gentleman for whom I have all the re
spect I w*ould entertain towards an associ
ate in public life for many years. But I
really should think that if I were to express
confidence in Mr. Van Buren, or respect
for his political opinions on any* question
of public policy*—especially on this very*
one of the spread of slavery, slave power
and slave influence—the exhibition would
border upon the ludicrous, if not upon the
contemptible. I never proposed any im
portant public measure of policy which he
did not oppose. And I never was obliged
to oppose any such measure which he,
when with me in Congress, did not sup
port. And if he and I should now find
ourselves together under the “Free Soil”
flag, I am sure, that, with his accustomed
good nature, he would laugh. If nobody
were with us, we would both laugh at the
strange jumbles of political life which had
brought him and me to sit down snugly*,
cosily, and comfortably on the same plat
form.
My first acquaintance with Mr. Van
Buren in public life, was when he was
pressing, with great power, the elec
tion to the Presidency of Mr. Craw
ford over Mr. Adams. Mr. Crawford was
not elected. Mr. Adams was. And Mr.
Van Buren, during his administration, was
a member of the Senate for a part of his
term, and Governor of New York for the
rest. And it is notorious that he was the
soul and centre of the opposition to Mr.
Adams’ administration, and that he did
more than any ten other men to defeat his
re-election, and to bring in General Jack
son. These are facts which even short
memories can retain. General Jackson
was chosen, and Mr. Van Buren became
his Secretary of State. In July, 1829,
Mr. McLane was sent out Minister to Eng
land, under instructions to arrange the dis
puted questions concerning the Colonial and,
West India trade. Mr. Adams had tak
en high grounds on this subject. He had
claimed as a right of reciprocity that our
products in our ships should be admitted
into the West India ports, on the same
terms with the English, since Great Brit
ain enjoyed the privilege of having her
goods, in her ships, brought into our ports
on the same condition's as though brought
in American vessels. Mr. Adams took
high and austere ground on this matter, as
one of right, on the principles of reciproci
ty. But the English government would
not hear to it. And Mr. Van Buren told
Mr. McLane in his instructions, to yield
the point, the ground of right, to disclaim
the pretensions ofMr. Adams; and he then
went on to say that the administration,
that is, General Jackson’s administration,
ought not to be repulsed from the enjoy
ment of that which he was willing to call
a boon, ora privilege, on account of the
misbehavior of Mr. Adams’ administra
tion. That was the sum and substance of
it all.
Well, gentlemen; one of the most pain
ful duties that ever has devolved on me
as a Representative or Senator of my coun
try* in Congress, was to refuse my assent
to the confirmation of Mr. Van Buren’s
subsequent nomination as Minister to Eng
land, But I conceived it to be a iiewthing
in this country*, or in the diplomatic histo
ry of any other country, that when anew
party happened to come into power, it
should repudiate the doings of its prede
cessors, in its intercourse with foreign pow
ers. To abandon a ground of right held
and maintained for y’ears, and consent to
receive uhat was sought as a privilege or
boon, I held to be undignified, unworthy
cf an American statesman, derogatory to
the national American character. When it
happened that I entered the department
of State, under General Harrison, I found
many* things which I could have wished
to be otherwise. But did I retract any*
thing that my predecessors had advanced?
Not a particle— net a jot nor tittle. I took
the ease as he left it, and I should have
held myself disgraced if I had not. Sup
pose, for instance, with regard to the boun
dary treaty with England, I had said to
Lord Ashburton, “pray, my Lord, consid
er that we are more sensible people than
our predecessors; only reflect how much
more amiable, friendly* and humble I am
than Mr. Forsyth ever was, and therefore
accord to us this or that boon.” What
would have been the public feeling ? I
need net say.
But, gentlemen, as to this subject of re
sistance to the slave power. I would hv
no means do any injustice to Mr. Van Bu a
ren,and if he has come up to the opinions
laid down in the Buffalo platform, I am
glad of it. And of his own party, or what
has been his party, he is much the less
dangerous candidate of the two. But look
ing at his course and conduct while he
was President of the United States, I am
amazed that he should be found at the
head of a party claiming, above all others,
to be the friends of liberty*. Why*, what
was the first thing for him to declare, af
ter having been elected to the presidency,
but that if Congress should pass a bill to
abolish slavery in the District cf Columbia,
he would veto it l That is the first in
stance lam acquainted with of a veto in
advance. In his inaugural message in
1837, Mr. Van Burcu said;
• r ‘ ‘ ~t ‘ “ * A
“ I must go into the Presidential chair, the in
flexible and nncompromising opponent of every at
tempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in
the District of Colombia, against the wishes of the
slave-holding Slates, and also with a determination
equally decided to resist the slightest interference
with it in the States where it exists.” And in his
inaugural he adds, “I submitted also to my fellow
citizens with fullness and frankness the reasons
which led mo to this determination.
The result authorizes me to believe that they
have been approved and are confided in by a major
ity of the people of the United States, including
those whom they most immediately affect.
It now only remains td add that no bill conflict
ing with these views can ever receive my constitu
tional sanction.’’
There is his declaration.
In the next place, you know and I re
member, that Mr. Van Buren’* casting
vote was given in the Senate to a measure
of very* doubtful propriety, which empow
ered postmasters to open the mails to look
after and suppress any documents in op
position to slavery*. I .will not say that
Congress has no right to pass such a law,
but its passage certainly indicates a quite
sufficient degree of deference to the feel
ings and wishes of the South. Let me not
be misunderstood. So far as regards the
life and property of our Southern fellow
citizens, so far as they may be actually
endangered, so far I agree that it may
be proper for Congress to exercise its legis
lative powers to prevent any such result.
But, gentlemen, no man in this country
has exercised a more controlling influence
over the conduct of his friends in relation
to this very matter, than Mr. Van Buren.
I take it that one of the most important
events in our recent history has been the
annexation of Texas. And as to Mr. Van
Buren, where was he then ? Where was
he ? He had formerly been at the head of
the “spoils” party—he wa* not then, at least,
at the head of the “free soil” party. And
every friend of Van BureD, in Congress, so
far as I know, supported this scheme of
Annexation. The two New York Sena
tors favored it—and allow me to say that
no men but the W*higs, no party but the
Whig party—and I say this to the whole
world—opposed that measure of annexa
tion. There was no body* or party hut the
Whigpartyj which firmly and stegdily re
sisted that annexation.
And now they—the gentlemen at Buffa
lo—talk about the dictation of the slave
power. They talk of it—l don’t. They
talk of the triumph of the South over the
North. There is not one word of truth in
it. I say upon my conscience, that evil
as the influence of the slave institution is,
the North has borne her full share and
part in that evil. Northern votes have been
given for every instance of projected slave
increase. And, gentlemen, we talk of the
North—but there has been no North, at
least not for years past. I think the North
star has at last been discovered, but up to
the close of the late session of Congress
there has been no North.
We have read in Pope—
“ Ask where’s tho North —at ’tis on the
T weed,
In Scotland at the Orcade, and there,
At Greenland, Zembla, or the Lord knows where.”
And if it is meant to inquire—“W r here is
the North?”—if by the North is\ indicated
a firm, solid, substantial resistance to the
extensionof Slavery—if any such pladfe
ever existed, it was—the Lord knows
where. Ido not.
In the year 1844, the Democrats of the
North, the friends of Mr. Van Buren, let
in Texas. All the Whigs in the Senate,
with one or two exceptions, resisted that
annexation. Ten Southern Whig Senators
voted against it and only two for it. But
these Southern Whig votes against the
scheme of annexation were overpowered
by the votes of the Free State Democrats,
New England Democrats among the rest.
If it had net been for these New* England
votes, Texas would have been cut of the
Union to this day. If New England Sen
ators had been as true to the cause of Lib
erty and the Country as Southern Whigs
were, Texas would now be Texas still.—
There were four New England gentlemen
in the Senate who supported the adminis
tration in this measure. One from Maine,
two from New Hampshire*, and one from
Connecticut-—one who had held high of
fice under Mr. Van Buren. They—these
four men—voted for the proposition, and
to let in Texas against the votes and wish
es of the Southern and Northern Whigs.
Gentlemen, when several Northern mem
bers of Congress, in 1818, voted in favor
of the so-called Missouri compromise, a
gainst the known will of their constituents,
they were called “dough faces.” For my
part, fellow citizens, I am afraid that the
generation of dough faces will be as per
petual as the generation of men.
In 1844, as we all know, Mr. Van Bu
ren was a candidate for the Presidency.—
But he lost his nomination at Baltimore,
end; a We now learn from a letter from
General Jackson to Mr. Butler, Mr. Van
Buren’s claims were superseded solely
because, after all, the South thought that
the great question of annexation might be
more safely trusted to Southern than to
Northern hands. Now we all know that
the Northern portion of the Democratic
party, was favorable to the election ofMr.
Van Buren. Every man of that party at
the North so felt. But the moment when
it was found that Mr. Polk was the favor
ite of the South, and upon this very ground,
at that very moment, these friends of Mr.
Van Buren all caved in. Not a man of
them stood his ground. And Mr. Van Bu
ren himself wrote a letter, Very complimen
tary to Polk and Dallas, and finding no
fault whatever with their nomination.—
Now if those northern men who voted for
the Missouri Compromise are to be called
dough-faces, by what epithet shall we de
scribe these men, here in New England,
who are now so ready to forsake and aban
don the men they cnee so warmly suppor
ten—for, apparently, the sole, simple sake
of the annexatitiirtjf Texas and other new
territory—who went fort hem through thick
and thin till the work was accomplished,
and then, and now desert them for others ?
For my part, I think that “dough-faces” is
hdt a sufficiently reproachful epithet.-
They are all dough. Dough heads—dough
hearts—dough souls. Theyare earth that
the coarsest potter may mould to vessels
and shapes of honor or dishonor—most
readily to these cf dishonor.
But now, what do we see ? Repentance
has gone far. There are amongst these
very gentlemen many who espouse the in*
.terests and cause cf the “free soil” party.
And I hope-their repentance is as sincere
as it pretends and appears to be—that it is
not mere pretence for the purpose of ob
taining power and official influence—but
through all these pretences I think I still
see the dough sticking upon some of their
cheeks.
Therefore I have no confidence in them
—net a particle. Ido not mean to say that
the great mass of the people, especially
those who went to that Convention from
this State, had not and have not the high
est and purest motives. I think they acted
unwisely : I acquit them of dishonest in
tentions. And with respect to others, and
these who have been part and parcel with
them—those who have brought slavery’
•-• * ,
| NUMBER 39.
into this Union—l distrust. If they re
pent, let them, before we trust them, do
works worthy of repentance.
I have said, gentlemen, that in my opin
ion, if it wera desirable to place Mr. Van
Buren at the head of the government, there
is no chance for him. Others are as good
judges as I am, But lum not able to say
that I know of or can see any State in the
Union in which there is a reasonable prob
ability that he will get a single vote, There
may be. Others are more versed in such
statistics than I am. But I see not, and
therefore I think that the iesue is exactly
between General Cass and General Tay
lor.
You may remember, that in the discus
sions of 1844, when Mr. Birney, in New
York and other States, was drawing off
Whig votes from Mr. Clay, I said that ev
ery Whig vote for Mr, Birney was half a
vote for Mr. Polk. Was it not true ? Did
it not turn out as I stated ? In New York,
that great State, the votes carried off from
the Whig party for Mr. Birney defeated
the election of a Whig President, aud there
fore Mr. Polk was elected. That is as
clear as any historical fact. And in my
judgment it will be so now. I consider
every Whig vote given so Mr. Van Buren
directly aiding the election of Mr. Cass.—
Mark, I say, Whig vote. Now there may
be States in which Mr. Van Buren may
draw from the other side largely. But I
speak of Whig votes, in tin's Stats and in
any State. And I am of opinion that any
vote given to Mr. Van Buren, enures to Gen.
Cass.
Now as to General Cass, gentlemen;—
We need not go to the Baltimore platform
to instruct ourselves as to what his politics
are, or how he will conduct the govern
ment. General Cass will come into the
government, if at all, as coming in by the
same party that elected Mr. Polk ; and he
will “follow in the footsteps of his illustri
ous predecessor.” I hold
him, I confess, in the present state of the
country, to be the most dangerous man in
whom the powers of the executive Chief
Magistracy could well be placed. He has
described himself, not as conservative, not
as protective to present institutions, hut as
belonging to the party of progress.
He believes in the doctrine of American
destiny ; and that destiny is to go through
wars, and invasions, and armies of aggran
dizement—to establish a great, powerful,
domineering government over all this con
tinent. We know that if Mr. Cass could
have prevented it, the treaty with England
in 1842 would not have been made ; we
know that if Mr. Cass could have preven
ted it, the settlement of the Oregon ques
tion would not have been accomplished in
1840. We know that Mr. Cass could have
prevented the declaration of the war with
Mexico, if he had pleased. We know that
he pressed it, and was foremost in advoca
ting that war in every way and form; -
We know that General Cass is a man of
talent, of ability, of some celebrity as a
statesman, and that he is in every way su
perior to his predecessor, if he should be
the successor of Mr. Polk. But I think
him a man of rash politics, pushed on by a
rash party, and pledged to a line of policy
not, as I believe, consistent with the secu
rity, peace and honor of the country. —
Therefore it is for you, and for me, and for
all of us—Whigs'—to consider, whether in
this state of the case we can, or cannot, we
will, or will not, give our votes for the
Whig nomination. I leave that to ever}’
man’s conscience. I hare endeavored to
state the case as it presents itself to me.
Gentlemen, before Gen. Taylor’s nom
ination, 1 stated always, when the subject
was mentioned by my friends, that I did
not and could not recommend the nomina
tion ol a military man to the people of the
United States, for the office of President.
It was against my conviction of what was
due to the best interests of the country, and
to the character of the Republic. 1 stated
also, at the same time, that if Gen. Taylor
should he nominated by the Whig Con
vention, I should not ofler any opposition
to his election. I stand upon the same
ground now> I Considered that such a
nomination was not fit for the Whigs to
make. Still my opinion cn the subject
was, in tho nature of things, subject to
seme exceptions. If I supposed that Gen.
Taylor would be likely to plunge the
country into any further wars fir any pur
poses of ambition or conquest’ I would op
pose him, let him he nominated by Whom
he might: if I believed that he was a man
who would exert his influence for the fur
ther extension of the slave power, I would
oppose him, let him be nominated by whom
he might. But Ido not believe either.
I believe that he has been, from the first,
opposed to the policy of the Mexican war,
as improper, impolitic and inexpedient. I
believe, from the best information I can ob
tain—and you will take this as my opinion,
gentlemen—l believe, from the best infor
mation I can obtain, that lie has no dispo
sition to go to war, or to increase the limits
of slavery, or to allow ot the annexation of
new States to this Union.
Gentlemen, so much for what may be
considered as belonging to the Presidency
as a national question. But the case by no
means stops here. We are citizens of
Massachusetts. We are Whigs ofMassa
chusetts. We have supported the present
government of the State for years with suc
cess ; and I have thought that most Whigs
were satisfied with the administration of
the State government in the hands of those
who have had it. But now it is proposed
to establish anew party, cn the basis of
the’Buflalo platform, and to carry'.his issue
into the State elections, as well as into the
national elections. There is to be a nom
ination of a candidate for Governor, against
Mr. Briggs, or whoever may be nominated
by the Whigs; and there is to be a nomi
nation of a candidate for Lieutenant Gov
ernor, against Mr. Heed, hr whoever may
be nominated by the Whigs; and there are
to be nominations against the present mem
bers of Congress. Now, what is the utili
ty of that? We have ten members in the
the United States. I know
not ten men of any party who are more
zealous, and firm, and inflexible, in their
opposition against slavery in any form.-*—
And if the Whig candidates should be de
feated, what would be the result ?
Suppose that a considerable number of
Whigs secede from the Whig candidates
and go to candidates of this new party—
what will be the result? Do not we know
what has been the case in this county?—
Do not we know that this District has been
unrepresented from month to month, and
from year to year, because there has been
an opposition to as good an anti-slavery
man as breathes the air of this District ?*—
On this occasion, and in his presence, I
may allude to our present Representative,
Mr. Hale. Do we want a man to give a
better vote in Congress than Mr. Hale
gives? Why, I undertake to say that
there is not one of the Liberty party, nor
will there be one of this new party, who
will have the least, objection to Mr. Hale,
except that he was not nominated by them
selves. Ten to one, if the Whigs had not
nominated him, they would hav nomipfc
ted him themselves.
Now, gentlemen, I remember it to hat*
occurred, that on many very important
questions in Congress, the vote was loet fbjr
want of two or three members which Mas
sachusetts might hare sent, hut which* i*
consequence of the division of parties* she
did not send. Many questions went wrong
that would have gone right, if this district*
only, had been represented. And now t
foresee that if in this District any consid
erable number of Whigs think it their duty
to join in the suppert of Mr. Van Buren*
and in the support of gentlemen whom
that party may nominate for Congress—l
foresee the same thing will take place, and
we shall be without a Representative, in
all probability, in the first session of the
next Congress, when the very battle is to
be fought on this very slavery question.-
I am sure that honest, intelligent and patri
otic Whigs, will Lay this consideration to
their consciences, and judge of it as they
think they ought to do.
Gentlemen, I will detain you hut a mo
ment longer. You know, perhaps, that 1
gave my vote in Congress against the trea
ty of peace with Mexico because it brought
under the authority of the United States,
with a pledge of luture admission into th*
Union, the great, vast, and almost un
known territory known as New Mexico and
California. Other gentlemen were wil
ling to admit that territory and leave th*
question as to whether it should be free
territory or not as an open question, but 1
thought it better to keep it out altogether.
In the session before the last, one of the
Southern Senators, Mr. Borrien, of Geor
gia, had moved a resolution, to the effect
that the war ought not to be continued for
the purpose of conquest and acquisition.
He declared that the war with Mexico
ought not to be prcpecuted by this Govern
ment with any view to the dismemberment
of that Republic, or to the acquisition by
conquest, of any portion of her territory.—
That proposition he introduced in the form
of a resolution into Congress: and I believe
that every Whig in Congress but one vo
ted for it. But the Senators belonging to
the Loco Foco or Democratic party voted
against it. The Senators from New York
voted against it. Gen. Cass, from the fre*
State of Michigan ; Mr. Fairfield, from
Maine ; Mr. Niles, from Connecticut, and
others, voted against it, and the vote was
lost. That is, these gentlemen, some of
them very prominent, and firm friends of
Mr. Van Buren, and ready to take the field
for him—these very gentlemen voted not
to exclude territory that should be obtained
by conquest. They were willing to bring
in the territory, and then have a squabble
and controversy, whether itshould be slav*
or free territory. I was of opinion that th*
true and safe policy was, to shut out th*
whole question, by getting no territory,
and thereby keep off the controversy.
Gentlemen, in an important crisis i*
English history, as is related, when th*
country was threatened with the accession
of a Prince who was a bigot of the Roman
Catholic Religion, then called the Duke of
York, a proposition was made in Parlia
ment to exclude him from the throne.—
Some said that was a very rash measure,
brought forward by very rash men, that
they had better admit him, and then put
limitations upen him—chain him down—
restrict him. When the debate was going
on, a member is reported to have arisen and
expressed his sentiments by rather a
grotesque and plain comparison, but on*
of considerable force, which was as fol
lows:
“ I hear a lion in the lobby roar ;
Say, Mr. Speaker, chail wo shut tha doar
And keep him out, or let him in
And then try to get him out again 1”
Other more confident spirits, who are of
the character of Cromwell, were for letting
the lion in, and disturbing all the interest!
of the country, but I was for keeping him
out altogether. And when this Mexican
treaty came before the Senate, it had cer
tain clauses ceding New Mexico and Cali
fornia to the United States. A southern
gentleman, Mr. Badger, cf North Carolina,
moved to strike out those clauses. Now
you understand, that if a motion to strike
out a clause be supported by one-third, it
will be struck out—thut is, two-thirds of
the Senate must vote for each clause, in
order to have it be retained. The vota
on that question was 38 to 14. Not one
third. And why was there not one-third?
Only because four New England Senator*
voted against the motion.
That is the only reason. They said w*
must have peace at any rate. And there
was this sort of apology—which I confess
rather annoyed me at the time—that cer
tain portion of the public press, that a good
many respectable people cf the country,
and especially in the large cities, many of
whom 1 hold in great estimation, cried out
“ Peace ! Peace ! Staunch the wounds of
war and let us have peace.” I did not feel
disposed to be carried away by any such
enthusiasm. I believed we could get
peace just as soon without these new acces
sions of territory as with them, and l was
disposed to leave it to the people to say
whether the war should be carried cn lon
ger for the sake of acquiring territory or
not—if so, they were the artificers of their
own fortune and must take the consequen
ces. I was not afraid of the people on that
subject. If the rejection of these articles
had continued the war some longer, 1
would have preferred that the war should
continue some longer, rather than that these
territories lying on our Southern border,
should come in hereafter as slave territo
ries. I should speak on this subject with
more confidence were it not that other gen
tlemen of the same party with myself voted
for the treaty.
I veted to strike out the articles of ces
sion. They would have been stricken out
if four New England Senators had voted
for the motion, I then voted against the
ratification of the treaLy, and that treaty
would have failed if three New England
Senators had voted as I did,—and Whig
Senators, too. I should do the same thing
again, and with much more resolution—l
would have run a still greater risk, I would
have endured a still greater shock before I
would have agreed to anything which
should have a tendency to annex Southern
territory to the States of this Union.
Gentlemen, since I have ha 1 the honor
of receiving the invitation to meet iny fel
low-citizens here—after receiving this invi
tation, I should say—l found it necessary
in the discharge of my duty, though with,
great inconvenience to my health, to go to
Washington, and to be present at the clo
sing scenes of the* session. You know
what there transpired. You know the im
portant decision that was made in both hou
ses of Congress, in regard to Oregon. The
immediate question was the passage of tho
hill establishing the territory of Oregon-,
and as it first passed the Senate, it establish?
ed the new territories as slaveholding terri
tories. The House disagreed. The Sen
ate receded from its amendment, and th*
bill passed, establishing Oregon as a free
territory, and making no provision fo‘- the
newly acquired territories on the South.
Gentlemen, my vote and the reasons I
gave for it are probably known to the goed
people of Massachusetts, and I have not
heard that they have yet expressed any
particular disapprobation of it.
But this question is to be resumed at tb*
first session of the next Congress—l thip]£
not in this Congress—l think at least ther#
is no probability that it will be settled at
the next session ot this Congress ; Iwt the
first session of Congress, this ques
tion will be resumed. It will enter at
this very period into ail the ulecimns cf
the South. , *
And now I venture to say,
two things; the first well kuowu to you—
that General Cass is in iavor of what is
c ailed tlic Compromise Line ; and that th*