Newspaper Page Text
■ SUBSTANCE OF REMARKS
OF
MR. JACKSON. OF GEORGIA.
Is m Hoes* or Representatives.
*. June 7. 1850.
im CmmmiUm es the whole on the SteMof the
I'nan.M the President's Message trans
muting the constitution of California.
Mr. Jackson said, that, coming from a
pan of Georgia which was the scene of
-f- ‘jiUiooßiy story, and speaking in the
name of his coestituents, and of the de
'tutdarns of patriots of the Revolution he
claimed the right to appeal to members
fnn the northern States. There was in
t. s diatnct a whole settlement from the
DM Bay State. They are the people of
the county of Liberty. Early in 1752,
notify a hundred vears ago, gentlemen oi
New England left the town oi Dorchester,
emigrated to South Carolina, established !
there another Dorchester, and in a few j
vents came to Georgia. Their descen
dants retain the tone of education, morals, {
relrrton, and virtue which was taught I
tlsera bv their ancestors, and, at this day, j
are in every respect equal to any equal
i) ;ti ber ol tbe people of New England.;
He read Irom a recent publication, ( White’s j
Statistics of Georgia,) and proved the de
nof their ancestors with the strug- j
ghng patriots of Massachusetts, some time
interior to Georgia having agreed to send
delegates to the Continental Congress.
They had themselves elected a delegate,
w n was receired as such on the floor of
C i/ress, ahu who participated in its de-
Kates. Ifence the glorious name of Liber
?\. absequeutiy given to the country, by
1 1 < teoentl Assembly of the State. They
■a t liberally supplied, although near a
th j>osand miles distant, the suffering troops
before Boston, with provisions and aminu
n isms of war. The names of the early
f • triers are still there, and hundreds of the
-sme descent are scattered through the
and strict, retaining the same elevated char-;
acter. Within five years past,ln contiti
>:ed kind remeinbrace of their early orig
in, they have established a third Dorches
ter, now a thriving little village. Their
ministers of the Gospel are devoted to
shesr duty,and extend,contrary to north
-rn denunciation the blessings of Christian
instruction to the slave.
But these people, in common with all
others of the South, are branded by north
ern members on this floor as “lords of the
L<b.” “slave drivers,” and “aristocrats.”
lie had heard one gentleman, speaking of
the possible circumstance of a Southern
< ’oalederacy, declare that it wou’d be “the
corpse of slavery encircled by i
the rcorn and hisses of the Christian
world.” Are the Southern members in
the Jiabit of speaking in such terms of dis
respect of the North, aud charging that
people there are destitute of every virtue,
tod guihy of every crime. N
fie did n-M propose to retaliate, because
i.e dtd not desire to fail the dames. Wash
ington, the lather of his country, was a
slaveholder: Jefl-rvon, the author of the
Declaration of independence, was a slave-
S’ d,Madison, the father of the Consti
tution, was a slaveholder; Greene, fturn
: ‘.g here to northern members, ) your own
* Keene, was a slaveholder. He fought
. ; the Sooth, amt the South gratefully re
■'vdeJ him. Do gentlemen from Penn
■ roria remember that Wayne, the hero
< l Stony Point, was a slaveholder? Yet
v are taunted as slaveholders and aris
t'-crat?. [Mr. Jackson here challenged
, :ii.. < r on that fliior, from the North to
- ;n his place, and (pointing to thesus
pende-J portrait of to pro
; ■iir.ee Washington to have been an aris
t---r.it. If be did, the contempt of the A
menvau people would overwhelm him for-
-r “ Is this course of declamation and
rnmm.ttion justifiable in American leg's
(tot: ’ Your own voice would say it is
it, .f you would utter the honest senti
ments of your hearts. The South have
; ever given the cold shoulder to northern
men. They are in that section elected to
th- highest offices—Judges, legislators,
and representatives on this floor. North
no people come among us, and acquire
-rare properly, aud they too are denoun
ce.! as slaveholders aud aristocrats.
7he Stales are equal. Our fathers so
declared them. As separate and indepen
dent Shales they came into the Union; as
sarh they now exist, with one common
* •- ! era!Government, having certain dele
gat* J powers; but fifteen Slates are now
: and iu opposition to the equal rights of
fifteen southern States. He then earnest
ly di-fcndedthe interests and rights of the
F uth, and argued in favor of the exten
sion to the Pacific of the Missouri com
promise line, contending, upon the autho
rity of the report of the Hon. Thomas But
ler King, that the southern staples can, in
Cahnmna, be cultivated with advantage
: i uth ot 06 deg. 30 miu. Ilb spoke of the
division effected in 1820 of the country ac
quired by the United Slates from France,
:iod showed that whereas the North has
now therein territory enough no;lh of the
i.ue to constitute sixteen non-slaveholding
Stales, there is reserved to the South but
* mie sixty thousand square miles west of
Atkansas, aud those covered with the
t hrekasavvs. Creeks, Cherokees, ai-;d
< hock taws, by the policy of this Govern
ment, never to be removed. Mr, Jackson
then spoke ot Texas. lie contended that
its annexation was a measure of national
policy, and uot exclusively of southern.—
Patriots north and south had supported it.
The south could not have annexed it alone.
Texas was restored to the Confederacy
which it had lost|hy treaty with Spain when
Florida was acquired. It never should
t are been surrendered. We have got
ten lack agaiu only what had been our!
* own land, and a people who had been our
own people.
lie then considereed the question of dis
posing of our new territory. Oregon was
en’irely northern. Shall a territory, ac- j
q iitvd by common patriotism, common !
blood, and the common treasure, belong
* xclusively to the North? He would not
i i'tsir into the question of how the warori
pinted—whether constitutionally or not.
The territory was ou our hands, and he
.remanded a just division. The people !
; the North won id take toe whole of it. I
* hey said ail ot it must be tree ! Free, J
sr! Yes, sir, they tell us of .free States,j
hii es slave States ! Sir, said Mr. Jack-1
I choose to call our division of -States !
by the terms, slureholding aud non-siave
h ding. I reject with scorn, and trample
under uiy feet, the distinction of free States
ud slave Slates. There exists not on the
lace ot the globe a people more devoted
to the principles ot freedom, and more free
;u (act than those of the Southern States.
1 an institution among them
v, hick They cannot get rid of, if they would
—an institution brought there by British
lust lot gold, ami by the ancestors ot north
ern people who now denounce us, and
which we will defend with alt the means
aud all the energy with which the Gcd of
the universe has blessed us.
Mr. Jackson then spoke on the subject
of fugitive slaves. Gentleman bad declar
ed here, and the illustrious Senator in the
other House from the State of Kentucky
L<i. he believed, declared, that the States
ot Kentucky, Virginia, Missouri, and Ma
ryland, were, perhaps, the only States that
were injured by the refusal of the north
era PBP ie h> surrender our claves, and to
period)! tat ir manifest constitutional duty.
Tie asserted that such is not the fact.—
M. ttiisn twelve months past, three slaves
been spirited away from the city’ of
Macon, in the heart ofGecrgia s and their
* w iHT, one of the most enterprising men
in Georgia, had not been able to recover
them. A slave of great value had been
J acea from h is master in Savannah, with-
LV sathdffime, fscaphd in a vessel to
; Boston, had tiie audaqity Jo rqtura as cook
or steward in another, and, concealed in
her cabin, carried on thence his commu
nication with other slaves on shore, to en
tice them off, but was discovered, seized,
and restored to his owner. And this, sir,
exhibits the necessity that exists, over-rid
ing every other consideration, for the exis
tence of such police laws as previal in
Georgia, prohibiting colored men of the
North from entering our ports, or mixing
freely with our slaves. Mr. Jackson had
received a letter from one of his constitu
ents in Savannah within the last mouth,
urging the adoption of some more efficient
law forJthe recapture of fugitive slaves.—
His correspondent assured hitn, that a
most valuable servant of his had recently
gone off td the North. He was now in a
northern city. He knew what city. He
I bad made every proper effort to recover
him.
He had an agent there for that purpose.
| He had offered half the value of tbe slave.
I But his agent had informed him that he
j had not been able to get an officer to ar
! rest him, because it would makean officer
j so unpopular that he could never be elected
jto any office again. An attorney had ap
! plied to a judical officer, exalted in rank,
! for a warrant, and the officer bad refused
one. Sir, (said Mr. J.] this is an injus
tice to the South, which calls for immediate
redress. It is perpetrated uiider the influ
ence of northern sentiment, in plain viola
tion of the Constitution. The Constitution
declares that fugitives from labor (mean-*
ing our staves] s/ta//be delivered up. It
makes no distinction between United States
officers and State officers. They “shall
be delivered up,” in despite of “any’ law
or regulation therein,” says the Constitu
tion, and tiic rights of my people are most
shamefully violated. And who (said Mr.
J.) is my correspondent? A gentleman
born at the North, in Connecticut, in what
is called a free Slate—who came to Savan
nah a very young man, pursued his call
ing (an honest industrial one) with the
approbation, smiles, and patronage of her
citizens, has been analderinau, and a bank
director, and is at this moment at the head
of our military establishment. And this
man of northern birth, now a unive-sally
respected southern gentlemen, is, forsooth
a slave-driver, a lord of the lash, a piece
of southern putrescence, and an aristocrat’
Mr. Chirman. (said M. J.] there are sev
eral bills before this committee. One, pre
sented by ail honorable gentleman from
Wisconsin, admits California immediately
as a State, and does nothing , more.
Another, offered by a gentleman from Mis
souri, extends to the Pacific the Missouri,
compromise line. I shall support it if its
language be deemed by me sufficiently
explicit. A third, hv a gentleman Irom
Illinois, admits California, with all her ur
surpalions, all her irregularities, and all
her boundaries, organizes territorial gov
ernments for Utah and New Mexico with
out the .proviso, and seeks to adjust the
Texas boundary'. He places the Northern
limit of Texas at latitude thirty’ four which
commends, it to greater approbation from
me than the little I can extend to the bill
now in progress in the Senate, I say, sh
all the irregularities for, I say, in honest
and heartfelt conviction, that three years
ago in my opinion, no gentleman on this
floor, northern or southern, would have
declared that there were not eminently
great irregularities, such as necessarily to
remand an incoming teiritory. Sir, what
do we now behold ? A population of all
nations that ha3 thrown itself into Califor
nia within two years past, with no interest
in the soil, of no fixed residence, no fixed
habits, no common language, attracted
there by ardor tor gold, thousands ol whom
may be expected to return —a population
without women and children, having but
some 13,000 voters in all, assemble them
selves by delegates inconvention in concert
with a small number of Mexicans who had
remained there,and, without the legislative
authority ofthis government— whether actu
ated by the executive head t f this Confeder
acyornot l do not say-f rame a State consti
tution for themselves, taking a length of
sea-coast as long as from Norfolk in Vir
ginia to Cape Sable in Florida, with a wa
ter front large as that of all North
and South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida
afterwards electiugSenators aud Represen
tatives to this Congress, and demanding at
once admittance as a soveraign State, e
qual in all respects to any one of the old
old thirteen, or of the equally patriotic
new seventeen. And the newspapers
of San Francisco very gravely and arro
gantly tell us that it is a question o( admis
sion or independence i A fourth propos
ition, (said Mr. J.,] is that of the gentle
man from Ohio, which ill effect, if not in
terms, extends tbe Wilmot Proviso over all
New Mexico.
Mr. J. said that an honorable gentleman
from New-York, [Mr. J. A. King,] with
whom, and with his respected brother, al
so on this floor, he had made an acquain
tance which by him would be cherished,
had been allowed by the House to make
in debate, reference to his [Mr. King’s]
deceased father, and his lather’s services
to our common couutry. Mr. J.’s father
also hud been a soldier of the Revolution ;
had served throughout seven long years
of southern warfare against British aud
Tory allies, aud had, in the councils of the
nation, faithfully exerted himself in the
first Congress under the Union, to set for
ward this Government in the path of the
Constitution, and had died a Senator,
whose remains are now entombed within
sight of this capitol. Sir, (said Mr. J,)
my honored pareut had declared, iu the
fullness of his patriotism, in Senate, that
the proudest title cui earth was that of an
American; and with equal devotion to
Georgia, hud enjoined it upon his sons,
to be ever ready at her rights. Sir, so help
me God, I intend to do so. I love my
country, also. I love my whole country
l love the green fields ol the North, and
the sunny lands of the South. My breast
is still fired with burning passion when 1
read of the days of 1770, when I read ol
the glories us 1812 and when I read
of the heroic exploits of northern and
southern arms, which, operating in the
north and in the centre of Mexico, event
ually planted the standard of my coun
try upou of Montezuma’s me
tropolis. Sir, this passion cannot yield to
I oppression.
! The southern peopleall entertain this pas
\ sion withas much fervency as myself,&man.
ifest it even in their troubles, and when un
der the influence of crying injustice. This
passion can yield to denial of right. Spread
the Wiluiot proviso over the country which
it is proposed to organize into territorial
governments, or over any part of it; con
tinue to Refuse us justice in respeetto our fn
gitive slaves, abolish slavery in this District
without the consent of Maryland & Virgin
ia ; interfere with the slave trade between
| State and State—do these things, or any
I one of them, and the fervid people of tbe
South will spring to their arms. Let. it
j not be fancied, sir by our northern breth
ren, that we are afraid of their legions.
The southern freeman knows no soar
He quails before no northern force. He
has sacrified much for union—he is yet
disposed to sacrifice forumon-but there is
a point beyond which he will not be driven
And, carrying out an injunction urhich to
me is sacred, I solemnly affirm, in the face
of the nation, and of this committee, that
the rights of Georgia, when my beloved
State shall determine, for betseif, her pos
ition iu convention of her people, .now or
hereafter, will be, to the utmost of my poor
ability, sustained by my voice, my purse,
and my sword. Her prosperity has cher
ished me—heradversity, if adversity must J
comej I shall fully bhare.
Mr. J. said that he believed that the
people of bis district, when be left home
tvere opposed tp Mfl Resolutions.
They were undoubtedly,, in nis belief, hus
tile to the admission of California ,*unless
with suitable boundaries, and now this
qualification was not tendered to us. The
Legislature of Georgia ever held by him
in profound respect whether Whig or Dem
ocratic had pronounced against the admis
sion of California, as she proposes to come
in. The Executive of Ga. had pronounc
ed against it. In judgment there
was nothing in the proposed adjustment
which ought to be acceptable to the South.
It does little for her and yields largely to the
North.
Asa private man were he at home, he
would go against it. But he is here the
Representative of his district lie had upv
er believed it the'duty of a representative
—as a great Republican principle—to car
ry out what he believes to be clearly the
will ofhis peqple or to resign his seat. He
was seeking to ascertain that will. If hav
ing now studied the proposed adjustment
and the debates in hoth Houses, his con
stituents he can be convinced desire, as
from recent circumstances he apprehended
many of them do, to adjust existing diffi
culties as proposed, bis duty in his judg
ment, will exactcompliauce, properamend
ments being first made. If they requir
ed a violation of the Constitution, be would
not comply. Forliitnseif, be feared no
consequences, he had, as a private man,
repeatedly sacrafice himself lor his opin
ions, aud had lost tbe confidence of fijs
cherished friends. In a matter of such
profound interests, involving the peace
and happiness of present and future gener
ations; he would consult with those who
sent him here.
From the Charleston Mercury.
SOUTHERN PLATFORM
The reader will find in our columns a
letter from Judge Shakery, tjie President
of the Nashville Conbeotion, which in in
teresting for several reasons. It explains
the circumstances under which he reluct
antly gave his assent to the .Clay Compro
mise; does justice to the sentiments of the
Convention on that point, and finally pledgs
the distinguished writer to a cordial sup
port of their reccommendations- His po
sition cati no longer be pointed out as anta
gouistic to that of the body over which he
presided. The weight of his authority is
in its favor, and his “certificate” must be
withdrawn from tiie number of Senator
Foote’s testimonials to the virtues of Clay’s
great plaster for healing the “five bleeding
wounds of the country’, We respectful
ly present our condolences to Mr. Foote
and Mr. Ritchie on their loss The Southern
Platform is gathering all true Southern men
upon it.
It is undeniable; too that for the present
the Nortli rejects all settlement upon that
basis. Mr, Soule’s amendment to the Com
promise bill, proposed to make the line of
3f5 deg, 30 rn. the Southern boundary of
California. The vote was taken on Fri
day, and the amendment was rejected by
yeas 10 nays 3(5. Every Northern Scn
ato rvoted against it. and with them;
eight from the South, viz; Badger, of North
Carolina, Benton, of Missouri Bell, ofTen
nessee, Clay and Underwood ofKentuck.
y. Pierce and Pratt, of Maryland, and
Wales, of Deleware. Borland, of Arkan
sas, Mangum’ of North Carolina, and
Spruance, of Deleware, were absent.
The -‘Southern Press” makes this re
mark.
“We are Happy to state that several of
the Southern Senatois who voted i. the
negative did so because they did not thiuk
the amendment adequate to the security of
Southern rights,”
We would thank our contemporary to
inform us who were the Southern Senators
whose superior zeal for their country may
be expected to shine out in bright contrast
to the tamer light of Mason, Hunter, Davis
Clemens Soule, Turney, Yulee, and oth
ers ol that sort. We desire to make their
acquaintance, uud to give ihent assurance
that we shall endeavor to avail ourseives of
their light, whenever they are able to get
it from under the bushel or what ever oth
er rubbish may just now envelop it For
their own sakes, these gentlemen ought to
be seperated from the company of those
who rejected Mr. Soule’s amendment for
the opposite reason that it conceded too
much to the demands of tlis South.
We think they were wrong in their po
sition. The amendment was not designed
as a final settlement ol the question be
tween the North and South, if it had pur
ported to be that, we should have joined in
their opposition and condemned it as alto
gether insufficient. It was meant to be
preliminary to such settlement to open
the way to it; and by making the Missouri
line the Southern bouridiuy -of California,
to release that Territory Irom its complica
tion with tiie slavery question and render
it possible to agree upon a basis that might
admit her into the Union with the assent
of the South. In tbe establishment of
Governments for the remaining Territories
and not in defining the boundaries of Cal
ifornia, was tbe appropriate place for in* ro
duciug guarantees “adequate to the secur
ity of Southern rights.” We ask again,
who were these extra zealous Senators?
CC-ITON.
The receipts up to the latest dates are
within 30,427 bales of tbe lowest estimates
lately formed for the season. Last year
at tins time the receipts were within about
ninety-five thousand bales of die aggregate
tor tbe year ending September Ist. It is
possible that the aggregate this year will
go over two millions of bales, but hardly
probable. It is our impression now that
it will not vary fifteen thousand bales eith
er way, from that quantity, Recent ac
cent accounts from Liverpool relative to
the cptton market, are of the most extraor
dinary character. The present deficiency
m the supply of the raw material, might
be a partial suspension in the manufacture
of heavy goods to get along with ; but in
the face of the most unfavorable season
regarding the new crop,-everexperienced,
we see the manufacturers of England ap
parently indifferent as to any further ad
vance in prices, and working literally from
hand to mouth. They look for
a break-down among holders here—for
some unfavorable change in our money
market, that will compel holders to dis
gorge and put their stock in the market, —
They appear to have very little confidence
in durability to control enough of the crop
to give us any control of prices, and un
doubtedly expect to retain that influence
nver the planting interest of the United
States, which has heretofore been so profi
table. The money power of Manchester
and Liverpool is immense ; and such is
the extent and perfection of the combina.
lion among the manufacturers and capital
ists of those cities, that almost anything
they undertake is usually accomplished.
We cannot cope with that power at pres
ent. We cannot get up such combina
tions, aud are sadly deficient in capital ;
out the time is uot far distant, and is rap
idly approaching, when we shall not only
establish prices for cotton, but shall have
comparatively little to spare, after supply
ing our own manufacturers, for those of
Great Britain, at any price. If the Gov
ernment of England can, by any manage
ment, promote or extend the cultivation of
cotton in the East Indies, it better set
about it at once. There is not a moment
to be lost, as the fommerciai existence of
Great Britain depends upon a sufficient
supply of the raw material from some other
source than the United States. We look
with perfect indifference upon any effort
made in England to obtain a supply of
cotton from any other part of the world but
ihe United Stales; and whatever may be
the result of any effort made, it cannot ef
fect us materially. It is, however, proba
ble that any- failing ofl in Great Britain,
Tor ear cotten, caused by receipts from oth
er parts of the world, would give a greater
impetus to the consumption of this Article
within our limits, and rather hasten thas
retard the downfall of the supremacy is
manufacturing which that country has sb
long enjoyed. —New York Herald.
Mr Socle in speaking of the compra-*
mise says :
“ Sir, I wish it was a
real compromise—containing mutual con
cessions and a fair compromise, containing
equivalent concessions, or at least so re
garded by the parties who propose, and
by the parties who accept them ; for, then
I would support it with all my heart, i
am as sensible as any one that the couqtry
needs repose ; and I do not doubt that
the South Would go as far, and I #m sure
much further than the North', in making
any sacrifices which would secure
on terms which neither humiliated nor
dishonored her. But, Mr President, I
must say, in all candor, that I do hot see
in these measures any such compromise,
at all. Concessions, and many of them,
I see, bu't all of them are concessions from
the South ; and this being so, whefe is the
comprortiise ? Will honorable Senators
point out to me a single concession from
the North to the South which these bills
contain ? I ask but for one. Sir, there is
none. No no’, one. The characteristic
fealures of all the measures before us are
exactions on the one hand and
on the other. The South gives, the North
takes. In truth, unless it can be said that
when the North is Content to take less than
all,she concedes all that she spares from
the spoliation, there is not a concession in
tqe whole scheme to give evidence, I will
not say of her magnanimity, but of her
justice.'’
The Outrage Consummated.— The “dod
ging” policy of the administration has a
gain succeeded, und, as will be seen by
the startling despatch in another place,
New Mexico has, in obedience to the sinis
ter movements of the Regency; already
held a convention and actually adopted a
free soil State Convention chiseling the
South out ot all her rights there. The op
ponents of the Senate bill complain that
if wrests territory from Texas although
Texas alone can accept or reject the prop
osition. While Congress is discussing the
matter, New Mexico herself has acted, &
has wrested a large territory from Texas,
than whose title none can be more right
ful-—Can Congress sanction so gross, so
startling an outrage?—Will they not at
once act on the matter, in a spirit of just
ice and right. The times are full of evil
and danger, and something should be done
to arrest the dark current of events.
The people of Texas are deeply excited
by the action of the Military Governor of
New Mexico, and we may probably soon
hear.of the clash ot civil strife on that dis
tant theatre. — Kick'd Enquirer.
The Southern Address. —We publish
this week the address of theNashvillo Con
volition to the people ofihe Southern State
tligether with’the accompanying resolution
The document’speaks for itself, and will we
have no doubt, meet the hearty approba
tion of the great mass of the Southern peo
ple. Let all true friends of the rights of
the South unite in an effort to secure the
extension of tho Missouri Compromise
line to the Paciffc and all may yet be
well. f
To do this effectually, it is highty impor
tant that county meetings should beheld in
all the slaveholding States to get an expres
sion of public opinion on this subject. It
is not safe to trust to the public press of
the South as an exponent of the opinions of
the people, as it is controlled’to a large
extent, by men from the other side of the
Potomac (who, however honest and patri.-
otic they may be, must bo swayed more or
less by the prejudices of education,) and by
those who arc bound soul and body to par
ty, and would sacrifice the independence
of the Southern people to maintain party
organization- Let tho people therefore
speak for themselves.
Important from California. — An intel
ligentSan Francisco correspondent, in the
N. Y. Journal of Commerce, describes
tho apprehensions of the people there that
“Congress will reject their constitution A
adopt tbe line of 36 30”—but adds,, “that
should this apprehension prove well found
ed,
“An extra session of the Legislature
may be found neccessaty; at which also
the subjfect of a permauent State line may
be again agitated- and a bill similar in its
provisions to that rejected near the close
of the late session, passed. It will he ver
y difficult to collect from the present lim
ited populationof California, a snllicient
amount of revenue to meet the ordinary
expenditures of the government, so that
the event to which 1 have referred a brief
extra session—might be productive of real
benefit to our new State.
I do not think that much disatisfaction
would be created hereby the adoption, on
the part of Congress, of the line of 36 30
as otir boundary, nor do I think it would
operate very injuriously to the interests of
the few- Southern chanties which would, by
the adoption ot that line, he excluded from
our present State organization. It is prob
ably that immediate measures would be taken
to conform to the wishes af Congress in this
respect , should such be the determination of
that body.
We are glad to see this display of concil
atory spirit, and trust that it may have its
effect on the majority in Congress and in
duce them, for the cause ol peace, to adop-
Mr. Soule’s amendment.
. Latest from Florida. —The U. S.
transport steamer Fashion, Baker, master
arrived yesterday from Fort Broke, which
she left on tie 25th. with live companies
of the United Slates 7the infantry, Col.
Baiubridge, commanding. Company B.
United Stales artillery, Major Morris com
manding. was to leave same day for Key
West on board United States transport
steamer Col. Clay. Left schooner Mado
na to sail same day, with the Spaniards on
board, part of the garrison of Cardenas for
New Orleans. Touched at Pensacola on
the 27th a.m. Left United States sloop of
war Albany, Randolph commanding,at an
clmr oil the navy yard; and came into Pass
lia Loutre, at 11 r. m., 27th inst.
Brvt. Lieut. Col. Henry Bainbridue.
commanding7th infantry.
B. M. Byrne, assistant surgeon.
Brvt. MajorG. J. Rains commanding
company A 7th infantry.
Brvt. Major T. 11. Holmes, command
ing compay.C. infantry.
Brvt. Major J. C. Hensiiaw, command
ing company G infantry,
Brvt. First Lieut. Taos. Henry com
manding company D infantry.
Second Lieut. H, M. Black, command
ing company E infantry,
Second Lieut. R. R. Garland, act adj.
commanding 2d. div.
Brvt, Second Lieut. Stockton.
228 non commissioned officers, musi
cians and privates.
12 laundresses and children
Some twenty five free negroes petition
ed the Convention now in session in Ohio,
for equal political privileges with the
whites. ‘1 he petition was rejected by a
vote of 76 to 26.
A young man in New York receiv
ed a box, the other day, which he sup
posed might be some kind of infernal ma
chine. He carried it to the* chief es po
lice, and a consultation was held as to the
manner in which it should be opened. It
was finally decided to soak it in water,
.and after three hour? it wets opened, and
found to be a neat- mahogany box, con
taining Daguerreotype likenesses of two of
the gentleman’s young lady cousins, which
were completely ruined by the soakipg.
How to Ruin a Boy. — H. Let him
hive his own way.
2. Allow him free use of-money,
3. Suffer him to roam where he pleases
ou the Sabbath. .
4. Give him full access to wicked com
panions. . ’ - ’
5. Call him to no account for his even
ing*- it
. .6. Furnish fcim With no stated employ
ment.
SATURDAY, JUI.Y 6, 1850
t
Telegraphed for the Columbus Time's. I
Charleston, July 2,) 1
8 o’clock, 52 ra. A. M. ) ]
Steamer Europa reached Halifax ye. 4
terday. She left Liverpool on the 221
June. Cotton sales on Friday were fivq
thousand bales. Prices firm—unchanged.
Sales for the week 28,500. Speculators
took five thousand. Market inactive.
Additional by the Europa.
The Money Market continues easy, and
the accounts from the Manufacturing Dis
tricts are favorable. The growing crops
promise favorably.
Lord John Russell delivered a brilliant
speech in Parliament in defence of the
Ministerial policy on the Greek question,
in which he treated the opposition with
the most indignant contempt. There is
less probability than ever of the speedy
adjustment of the difficulty.
An attempt is said to have been made
upon the life ofLouis Napoleon, the Presi
dent of the French, but the particulars
have not been permitted to transpire.
New-York, July 1, 9 p. m.
The cotton market to-day waaftrm the sales
amounting to 200 bales. Flour is firm.
Wheat liasdeclined. Corn withoutchange.
Riceisfirm. Provisions unchanged. Treas
ury notes, 1151.
A Turpentine Factory and Lumber Yard
at the foot of Degraw street, Brooklyn,
was consumed this afternoon.
A case of Asiatic Cholera in Boston was
reported to-day, which terminated fatally
twelve hours after taken.
Baltimore, July 1,9 p. m.
The United States steamer Vixen sailed
from the Washington Navy Yard this af
ternoon with despatches for the comman
der of the U. S. squadron off the Island of
Cuba- She was fitted out in great haste,
the workmen engaged upon herbeing em
ployed night and day.
Reported for the Georgia Telegraph.
Washington, June 29, 1850.
In the Senate on Friday, Mr. Soule’s
amendment to Mr. Clay’s bill, running the
Missouri line and making California two
States was rejected. The vote on this a
mendment was 19 for, and 136 against it.—
In the House, Mr. Thompson, of lowa,
whose seat was contested, was deprived of
it to-day and election sent back to the peo
ple. The peculiar friends of the admis
sion of California, held a caucus in the
Capital last night, with the view of making
arrangements to rush California into the
Union as an independent measure, regard
less of all consequnces. The convention
ordered by the President and called by
Col. Monroe, to form and promulgo a
constitution for the government of New
Mexico, has been held. The convention
assembled at Santa Fe on the 15th ult.,
and the session lasted eight or nine days,
in which time the Constitution was fram
ed, which would go into operation about
July. The boundaries of the State were
defined and slavery prohibited.
The constitution was adopted on the
25th ofMay; in fifteen days afterwards an
election was to take place for members of
the Legislature. Two Senators and Rep
resentatives in Congress would also soon
be elected and efforts would be made to
take their during the present session.
This intelligence, together with the vote
on Mr. Soule’s amendment, has produced
great excitement among the Southern
members of Congress.
Northern Sentiment. —“ Jersey Blue”
is the nom do guerre of Northern chivalry.
Read the sentiments of a writer for the
N. Y. Journal of Commerce, who has cho
sen this signature, and learn what doom
the North proposes to the South in this
sectional controversy, and with what with
ering insolence she holds the South, as a
poor fly, impaled on the neeile of a natu
ralist. We repeat, “it is good to be taught
by one’s enemy.”
Execution. —George Evans, convicted
of murder, and sentenced to death, at the
last term of the Superior Court of Musco
gee county, was executed yesterday at
half past two o’clock. The awful penalty
of the violated law was inflicted in the pre
sence of a concourse of thousands, drawn
from the surrounding country to witness
the tragic spectacle.
Evans was a youth of 22 years. He
made a brief address—ascribed his then
condition to vicious education, and earn
estly advised parents who had the care of
children, to instil into their minds the
principles of virtue and obedience. His
attending minister of the Gospel expressed
the conviction that the prisoner had made
his peace with Heaven, and was prepared
for the quick passage from earth to eterni
ty. Evans met his fate with firm compo
sure, and seemed to die in the spirit of his
pastor’s parting advice, who shook his
hand and said, “Good bye, George, die
like a man and a Christian.”
The following extract is from an edito
rial in the last number of the Charleston
Southern Baptist, and shows strikingly the
tone of feeling which is coming to be the
prevailing one among religious people:
“Fourteen years ago we travelled at the
North with two gentlemen. In public
houses, in stage coaches, on steamboats
and canal boats, we were beset by persons
keen to discuss the slavery question. One
of our company never indulged this appe
tite for debate. He arrested the catechis
ing which a vociferous philanthropist was
about to practice, by remarking that this
question would some day be decided by
the musket, and he would await that time.
“ That time is nearly come. It depends
upon two things. The determination of
the North to maintain the false position
they have assumed, and the resolution to j
supersede their paper arguments with the
arguments of iron and lead. If their con
sciences will not let them go back, and
their obligations to humanity shall compel
them to draw the sword, then what we
have said is true —the time for this final
debate is nearly come. We know very
little of what is current among politicians.
Our intercourse has been with religious
men mainly. We have conversed in fam
ilies where God is worshipped, and there
we have seen the calm, settled canviction
that the only thiug to be feared was the pu
sillanimity of some Southern members of
Congress. We tell our Northern brethren
that when the time comes to try the last
argument, they will have to enforce it a
gainst the opposition of Southern mothers
and Southern ministers. It isfor the North
to count the cost; that is no part of eur bu
siness. They have a favorite theory to
maintain; we our firesides, our altars, and
honor. v. -.
We are no ‘alarmists.’ We eschewed
the excitement of party politics more than
twenty years ago, when we began to
preach the Gospel. But the times demand
that every man should do his duty. Fa
naticism has placed the powder-mine un
der the foundations of our Republic, and
Northern editors are coolly drawing their
matches and smoking their segars over
the explosive material. We do our duty
by warning ot the danger.”
0 o£r'The letter from our Mobile corres
pondent was written before the Nashville,
convention adjourned. A few weeks of
delay on our files waiting for a place, has
not impaired the raciness bf the style or
the masculine, vigorous and Southern tone
of the communication.
PUBLIC SENTIMENT.
The following extract from a private let
terlras be§n put into our hands. The au
thor is a Whig of the strong whig county of
Green, in this State—a man of more than
matured age —a man, who has been large
ly connected with the Government of Geor
gia, and twenty years a member of its Leg
islature. He is also a leading man in the
religious denomination of Baptists on
the “subject of whose experience in the
abolition vortex, he writes. The views of
such a man are important in the present
crisis.
Oak Hill, Jnne 26th, 1840.
I received, a few days since, the “Columbus
Times ” and I read in it a communication on the
subject of the disunion in the Baptist Churcii..
growing out of abolition. It was gratifying to see
the position of our denomination defined, in relation
to our separation from the Triennial Convention,
ajjd (he formation of the Southern Baptist Conven.
tion. This was due to us as a denomination, aind
for which the author has my thanks. 1 loved the
Triennial Convention as long as my constituents
were treated as but as soon as the conven
tion ceased to regard thorn as such, I gave my
feeble efforts for a peaceable separation, leaving
with them my best wishes for their future useful
ness, and giving my aid in the formation of a
Southern Baptist Convention, as a means of great
er good, wlicre our constitution would not be dis
regarded. lam sure that some of'my friends think
me ultra for no other reason than that I contend
for my constitutional rights. Both in Church and
State, I have always contended for a strict con
struction of written constitutions. I am satisfied
it is the best and only way o( petpetuating Govern
ments, civil or religious. I believe that nothing
but political juggling for party ascendancy has
brought us to tiie brink of political ruin, if, indeed,
it is not alroady consummated. The unfortunate
alliance of Northern Whigs, with the Free Soilers
and Abolitionists, with the course pursued by some
prominent Whig Presses, prostrated the Whig par
ty in Georgia Yes, sir, many who had sustained
the W r hig party always, began to fear that party
organization in the .Whig ranks was about to de
stroy the South, and either did not go to the polls,
or voted the Democratic ticket, because they fear
ed thetr rights might be made subservient to party
interests. It is true some few Whig papers took
a rational and Southern view of the difficulties and
manfully sustained correct principles in their edi
torial columns. My doctrine is, never to remain
in any association where my constitutional guaran
ties are not respected. I believe if the South had
presented a united trout for 36 30, the North would
have acquiesced ; and all that we arc compelled
to put up with less than that, is to be attributed to
party drill for party objects. I know of nothing
short of the recommend itions of the Nashville
Convention that will satisfy me. No measure that
our State ever recommended, has ever met with so
much secret and party opposition as sending dele
gates to that convention. In this county, no poll
would nave been opened but for my exertions. —
Pardon my prolixity, my dear sir. I felt like un
bosoming myself to you, knowing that if you did
not concur with me in opinion, you would at least
respectfully consider those I honestly and serious
ly entertain.”
EDITOR'S CORRESPONDENCE,
Mobile, June 1859.
J. Forsyth, Esq.
My Dear Sir:—l wish it were in my power,
at this crisis, to wake up our people to a
full realization ol'the dangers which sur
round them—recall to their memories
the steps in the progress of events, which,
with a sure and steady pace has brought
our section to the very brink and verge of
a precipice, from which it is dishonor and
degradation to recede,and possibly, it may
be certain destruction to advance—shew
them how easy a matter it was, to have se
cured our institutions against the perils
that now hang over us, if the South had re
sisted encroachments at the threshold—claim
ed its constitutional rights at the time of
the Missouri compromise—and refused to
compromise a constitutional power. In the
language of Gov Troup, “You cannot com
promise a power or principle of the constitu
tion.” Yet, in that fatal act, the South laid
the foundation of all her woes. In that sa
crifice upon the altar opinion, the consti
tution was trodden under foot,andabreach
made into its very vitals—into its heart of
hearts, which has grown wider and wider
until it has ceased to be as it was designed
by our fathers, “a cloud by day and a pil
lar of fire by night,” to guard and pro
tect the minorities through the storms and
tempests of political revolutions. So pre
eminently true is this—that in all the dis
cussions in and out of Congress upon the
exciting questions of the day, notwith
standing the constitution is stabbed at eve
ry point, and its provisions condemned
and set at naught at every hour, you
scarcely ever hear the constitution alluded
to— Expediency is now the doctrine of near
ly all the statesmen now upon the political
stage—which brings down to actual realiz
ation the worst fears of the patriots, who
contended, that the General Government
would ride rough shod over the constitution
and the liberties of the people, under the
doctrine of “We The People” and “the
general welfare.” The only sure reliance
the South had, was to adhere firmly to the
constitution, and a strict construction of it
—and when the Missouri question arose,
the South should have stood firm to the last,
and i tithe Union perished in the conflict,
the impartial pen of history would have
acquitted the South of all responsibility.
I know it is too late to indulge in these re
flections, for any other purpose than to
show the danger of concessions to an op*
ponentresolved even at that early day on
our destruction—and the fatal conse
quences of compromising “a power or
principle of the constitution.” And yet,
what are we about to be forced into, by
the same distinguished statesman who
ministered at the altar of the Missouri
compromise ! Why, every point made in
the Bills introduced by Mr Clay as chair
man of the committee of 13 in the Senate
of the United States, is either a direct or
indirect infraction of the constitution—or
we have been very imperfectly taught by
the expounders of that instrument. lam
not yet satisfied with the designation given
to the plan of Mr Clay. He calls it “com
promise;” Ritchie “adjustment”—l call
it “a bill of sale of the South to the aboli
tionists.” I trust lam not an ultra —1 am
sure I desire peace, and compromise too, if
we can secure our rights. No .manfn this
Republic would, rejoice more than I would
to see all these clouds dispersed, and fra
ternal feelings, and universal concord
once more resume their empire in this
country—but if the “Report and bills of the
13’, be the best to which
the abolitionists can invite us, I say for
one,in the language of a gentleman who
has much to answer for to his country
“Let discord reign forever.” But do you
not see that we trust men at Wash
ington City, who aspire to.‘.‘national repu
tation” 1 Where ,as.thesHou. Mr. Foote gt
the commencement of the 31st fjoogress ?
Where is the Hon Mr Foote \now /. “Lank
on this picture .and then on that”, .gnil an
swer the question if you can. Really the
change of position has been so sudden and
striking , that the infidelity and treachery of
the act has been almost lost sight of in the
boldness and audacity of its performance.
Nowif Mr Foote has really found that he
was wiong at first—that he had misjudged
the whole, question at issue, that the North
were not so wrong-, and thp South not so
right as he at first imagined—and ho had
avowed his delusion to tue Senate and the
country, I couldjiave respected his hon
esty, however much I rrlight have regretted
his weakness. As he Loic stands before the
country, it is impossible to look upon him
in any other light than an apostate fro** our
cause, and that he has laid apian to betray
and sacrifice the South upon the altar of
his own selfish and unallowed ambition !
But it is really triflifg with the grave and
momentous qupsflons now before the
Southern ppople, to waste time on the
course pf ‘particular men. What is Mr
Foofje ‘to us after all—or any other man—
when weighed in the scales of our rights,
contemned, denied and trampled in the
dust ? Not an atom in the great ocean of
things, composingthe elements of the ques
tions at issue. I have no patience with any
Southern Senator or representative who
can for a moment acquiesce in the mis
called compromise of the Clay committee.
Can you find any thing in it, better for the
South than was proposed by Mr Clay in
his original Resolutions 1 and they were
promptly rejected by the whole South. Can
you point to one concession—to the re
cognition of a single position taken by the
South for the last twenty years 1 Not one,
I am very sure—for the bundle of deceptions
has been covered over in such a mass of
words, & interlarded with such soul catching
sentiments from the abounding repository
of the great “orator of the West” —that
one halfthc nation are seduced into the
belief that really the thing must have mer
it m it, although no one can put his finger
on the particular thing.
I have the less patience with our South
ern men in Congress who affect to treat
this deception as yielding something to
the South—whon I reflect, that these ag
gressions of the North upon our rights
have been in progress for thirty years —
and that in the eyes of Southern men the
argument was exhausted fifteen years ago.
We havedegraded ourselves, and brought
our section into contempt and our claims
into doubt by men discussing the subject
in the Halls of Congress- The South
should have laid down her ultimatum ten
years ago, and never afterwards yielded
an inch. Does not every intelligent being
know, that the very discussion —'constant
agitation —excited debates—frothy decla
mation in and out of Congress upon the
subject, lias produced the very worst con
sequences to the South'? In short has tend
ed to the manifest injury of master and
slave in the Southern States. Language
daily uttered in the halls of Congress by
the abolitionists, if uttered in presence of
a Southern audience, would subject them to
the halter, without judge or jury in ail hour.
It is time to close our case.
My own solemn conviction is—that the
only safe ground to take in this crisis, is
the demand of the recognition of all our
constitutional rights —lie extreme ground
if you please. We are dealing with an
enemy that will take an inch if you con
cede the ell. Dont be afrnid of a dissolu
tion of the Union by demanding our rights.
The North, to morrow, would yield up all
the acquisitions from Mexico to the South
rather than lose their pecuniary interest in
the slave States. Our people do not seem
sensible of their importance in the confed
eracy. Why my dear sir, the South is the
great sun of the system, and Daniel Web
ster knows it. Hence I say, let us demand
our rights, and my word for it, if we aro
firm we will get them, and save the Union.
We have committed the South to the
Missouri compromise line ot 36° 80' —well
I suppose we cannot now retire from that
—but let us “tread no step backwards”
from that point. I sincerely hope, that
the convention will take that ground, bold
ly, firmly, irrevocably, and if our people
will not sustain their cause on that basis,
they do not deserve to be free, and no matter
how soon they change places with their
slaves —which must be the final result, or
the extermination of one race or the other.
If this position is taken by the conven
tion, and the voice of the people taken up
on it shall prove that they arc not willing
to sustain it, we are lost; and it will then
be the duty of every Southern man, and
his privilege, to provide lor the future safe
ty and well being ol his family, by aban
doning his position and acquiring new
habits of life in another land. In such a
state of teeling, I ask, what value can we
attach to the property in slavery in the
South, now one thousand millions? Ido
not expect an answer to the question. But
perhaps some of our people—say Mr
Foote of Miss. Mr Ben. G. Shields of Ala.,
who has recently written a loving union
letter to Mr Foote—or some others can an
swer tho question. There was a time in
our history, when such a letter as that ot
ourworthy ex-ministerto Venezuela would
have damned the author.politically. Now,
when the South is so low that none are so
poor to do it reverence, it may be the pass
port to high Federal honor. Thus it is,
that the fascinations of Washington City
leave their stain, & corrupt all that is val
uable of public men from the South—with
some highly honorable exceptions. 11.
The Holy Alliance.—A correspondent
of the Philadelphia North American, writ
ing from London under date of June 14th,
says i
“I can assure you that, secret as are all
the movements of the British Government,
some very important measures are about
to be submitted by England to more than
one European nation, havingfor their ob
ject certain checks on the grasping and
growing ambition, as it is termed, of the
United States, as a government and as a
people.”
Corporeal Punishment— Mr Lang
ton one day asked Johnson how lie had
acquired so accurate a knowledge of Lat
in, in which, I believe, he was excelled
by no man of his time ; he said, “My mas
ter whipt me very well. Without that, sir,
I should have done nothing.” He told
Mr. Langton, that while Hunter was flog
ging the boys unmercifully, heusedtosay,
“And this 1 do to save you from the gal
lows.” Johnson, upon all occasions, ex
pressed his approbation of enforcing in
struction by means of the rod. “I would
rather,* said he, “have the rod to be the
general terror to all, to make them Learn,
than t6ll a child, if you do thus, or thus,
you will be more esteemed than your
brothers and sisters, The rod produces
an effect which terminates in rtself. £
child is afraid of being whipped, and gets
his task* and there’s an end on’t; whereas,
by exciting emulation and comparisons of
superiority, you lay the foundation of last
ing mischief; you make brothers and sis
ters hqto each other.” When Johnson
saw some young ladies in Lincolnshire,
who were remarkably well-behaved, ow-
: itig to their mother’s strict discipline and
severe correction, he exclaimed, in one of
Shakspearu’s lines,a little varied:
will lpinof thee for this thy duty!’},..
“JLOVIN RACKET!” TO THE “TUCBs.”
Augusty, Georgy, June 27th, lffio.
Gentlemen— Sense i left your citty al*
tho nothin very astonishin has
to me, i however think a brief history 0 f
mi travels may not prove unintcrestin.—
About the time of mi departure from u u .
lumbus, the disease of abolishun had man
ifested itself in a mild form and no serious
danger was apprehended bi the prudent
portion of your community. The breeze
raised bi one of your city papers, i found
had blown a few scatterin seeds into Har
ris kounty. In Troop i found it had as
sumed quite a serious form, among Sed
Hill's hands , particularly. Fearing that i
was travellin in a wrong direction for a
healthh Southern atmosphere, i changed
mi course, and Pike, Koweta, Meriweth
er and DeKalb, i heard but little of it, and
if i hadn’t seen occasionally a man of del
icate konstitushun with a bundle of Foote's
certificates, wearin them like you have seen
children wear bags of garlick to keep off
the Hoopin Koff, i should have fargotten
that the disease had reached so far South
as Georgy. In Newton, Morgan, Green
and the balance ’ of the “white settle
ments,” i found it reigned as an epidemic.
I made strict inquiries, and have been told
bi those who have studied the natur of the
disease, that it seldom proves fatal where
it is taken in time and the proper reme
dies are used. The symptoms are—a
strong inclinashun to follow old partv
leaders, regardless of the measures they
advocate, and a nervous excitement at an
assershun of the rites of the South. On,
the first appoeraiiee of the above symp
toms, the patient should be immursed in a
Bath made of the Declarashun oflndepen
dance, and afterwards he well rubbed with
a kourse towel, cut from the konstitushun
of the United States. Then make six pills
of scraps from General Washington’s
speech, where lie says, “born, sir, in a
land of liberty, &c.”—and from Patrick
Henry, “is life so deer, or peace so sweet,
as to be purchased at the price of chains
and slavery?” Add a sprinklin from
Watt’s, “What timrous worms we mortals
are.” Mix the above ingredients well,
and give one pill every 30 minits until
nausea is produced sufficiently to cause
the patient to eject or puke up Clay’s koin
promis. If any gripin pains should fol
low the operashun of the pills, ppply to
the bowols a warm poultice, made of tho
Southern Address. After relief has been
obtained, in order to prevent a relapse, all
bilious matter, such as opposition to the
Nashville convention and other poisonous
substances, should be removed from tho
bowels of the patient bi a free use of the
speeches of Garrison, Seward and Hale,
and a few of old Ritchie’s editorials, ad
ministered indireekly. This mode is re
commended as the medicine would be
hard for true Southern men to swallow ;
afterwards prudence and a pure Republi
can diet is all that is necessary to restore
and preserve health.
I reached this city a few dayssense, and
on mi arrival i presented the appearance
“to a man up a tree,” of a dirty lump of
butter in a brilein sun. I have heard a
grate deal ot the industry and enterprizo
of the Georgy Rale Road Companv.—
They deserve all that has been said about
them. They have not only increased tho
receipts of the Road by a reduction *f tin
freights and fare, but have materially ben
%fitted the trade ot Augusty. They have
also succeeded beyond the hopes of the
most sanguine, in procuring the most im
purtinaut mulatto boys in Georgy, to hand
water in the cars to thirsty passengers.—
Mr. Jno. G. Winter’s epistala on Plank
Roads have awakened quite a sensation
here, and by way of experiment, the citi
zens have built one from the U. S. Hotel
to the Post office corner, about 200 hun
dred yards in length, which is exceeding
ly dangerous if all reports be true. I was
told that when a loaded waggon got on the
road, goin up or down, that the mules had
to be taken out to keep the waggon lroin
runnin over them. If such is the fact,
good bi Rale Roads. Real estate sells verv
high in the city—the manufacturing and
millin’ interests are rapidly progressin—
but the chinces in Room 37, U. S. Hotel,
are a little ahead of any thing i have met
in these parts. I have caged one to ex
hibit at the next cattle fair, Nancy joius
nic in love to you and ail. Sheismitelv
pleased at our children escapin the Hoop
in Koff and Scarlet Fever, which we have
met all thro’the kuntrv. In fact, she com
plains of nothin except the winks and smiles
i get from the gals wherever i go. That
frets her sometimes, because she thinks
they are laughing at my corporosity, but,
poor innocent creatur, she little knows
“what’s what,” and i think that in her case
“ignorance is bliss.”
Yours, aticckshunately,
LUVIN RACKET.
Curious Epitaph. —Dickens, in his
Household Words, gives the following as a
literal transcript of an inscription on a
church-yard in Dorsetshire, viz“ Here
lies the body ot Lady O’Loone, great niece
of Burke, commonly called the sublime.
She was bland, passionate and deeply re
ligious; also, she painted in water-colors,
and sent several pictures to the exhibition.
She was first cousin to Lady Jones; and of
such is the kingdom of Heaven!”
Public Schools. —“ More is learn
ed in public than in private schools, from
emulation there is the collision of mind
with mind, or the radiation ofnianv minds
pointing to one centre. Though few boys
make their own exercises, yet if a good
exercise is given up, out of a great num
ber of boys, it is made by somebody.”
Precocity —“Endeavoring to make
children prematurely wise is useless la
bor. Suppose they have more know!
edge at five or six years old than any oth
er children what use can be made of it ?
It will be lost before it is wanted, and the
waste of so much time and labor of the
teacher can never be repaid. Too much
is expected ofprecocity, anditoo little per
formed.
Refining in Education. “Ihatcbv
roads in education. Education is as well
known, and has been long as well known
as ever it can be.
Johnson advised me not to refine in tbc
education of my children. ,Life,’ said he
‘will not bear refinement; you must do as
other people do. ’ ”
Lectures. — “People have got a
strange notion, now-a-davs, that every
thing should be taught by lectures. Now
I cannot see that lectures can do so much
good as reading the books from which lcc
lures ars taken. I know nothing that can
be best taught by lectures except where cx
perments are to bo shown. You may
teach chemistry by lectures. You
might teach making shoes by lectures.”
The same. —There is less flogging
iu our great schools now than formerly,
but then less is learned there: so that what
the boys gain at one end, they lose at the
other.
Omnibus Population.—lt is mo.'t
difficult to ascertain the population of one
of those elastic, sqeezable vehicles —it fluc
tuates so. For instance, wc believe- four
to be the extreme number an omnibus is
allowed to carry on the roof, but we are
sure, on jiny warm day, that, instead ot
four, sixteen will benninh nearer the oui
side.