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TwoDoUarsando &lfper
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TVt- h *
* paper discontinued while any
nttrafM are dire, unless at the option of
i£.e proprietors.
Aoyertis&bemts conspicuously inserted
* On DattA* per square for the first in
sertion, and Fifty Cents for erery subse
quent continuance.
• cj •.
ADVERTISEMENTS.
THREE PLANTATIONS
FOR SALE
rpfVE subscriber •■flVrs for sale 2500
| icrn •< la Ml ns the 20 mile* < art of
(.liKMa, mar the Rail Rad is Mowocee coun
t*. Throe laM* are sk and hickory bottom with
t djoiisf—is three •cttletuenu, with shout
IM armof cleate* land ns each, with dwelling
hecro, |ad gis hosae* and acrewa. There is an
etmiicnt apple orchard os one of them.
Jt Ike same place , / offer for sale
TWENTY LIKELY NEGROES.
Tents cast, or papor well secured.
WILLIS P. BAKER, Sr.
Vpatoie Aug. 13. 3J —init
KTM cfl copy monthly until Dec. j
m a#ftl bill to tbio otic*.
VALUABLE PLANTATION
iFlilS SJVILiSo
rpBE subacriler offers for sale a very
JL rateable plaautios is Stewart county, lying
•ae mil* east sfKloreaee, containing 1,113 acres,
>OO aersa of which are cleared, and now in culti
rat.OS. ,
Os the premises are anew framed dwelling
boose, with ria rooms, gin house, screw, eegru
k-asos, kc. Tne land is well watered, and one
of tbs most raiuable plantations in Stewart county.
Porsos* desiroar of purchasing are invited tn ex
amine the lead. The subscriber residing on it
anil take pleasure in ahowisg it. The terms will
ho sail* eav to the purchaser.
o JOSEPH KING.
Stewart coaatr, Ga. July 3d, 1-50 32—w4m
valuable possession
3POE SAtK.
2|MIE subscriber offers for sale his pos
* session, containing 740 acres nf land,in the
7th district nf Randolph County Ga., occupying
nearly a central posit inn between Georgetown
sad Fort Gaines. On which ia a spacious and conv
fortahlo dwelling, and a number of other houses,
a good w ell, and a considerable plantation, now
in esitirntioo ; also a saleable set of mills, two
good grists and a splendid saw, and an excellent
git aad screw at the same site, and all in good re
pair, with a saficient amount t water for any ma
chinery. Persoas wishing to pa rebate are invited
e come aad examine. Tba subscriber residing
•a the place will take pleasure in showing it.
A good bargain can be had, Terms eatv.
JOHN NEWSOM.
Aag. 20. I*so. 3d-3m.
FOR SALE.
1 **)A ACRES pood Oak and Hickory
■ Lrud*. (500 cleared) in a healthy loca
tion, peaarecisg excellent water and conrenient to
markets, churches, schools and Post Office. Titles
perfectly satisfactory.
The property can be divided into two or three
settlements with improvements of open land,
•reward*, bosses, 4c. Corn, fodder and stock,
•as be bad n the place. 7'hese lands are
situated ia the North.western part of lluasell Cos.,
Ala, two m-lea from Opelika and 24 from Colum
baa, Ga. Come aad see tne beat nettlament within
100 aulas efthis place. Terms—Well secoreii pay
meat ia I, 2 and 3 years. A. H. GRIFFIN.
One’ika. Russell Cos., Ala. Sept. 26. 42 ts
ftAKti TORS ALE,
IN HARRIS COUNTY.
I OFFER mv plantation for sale, (known
as Randall Joiea', Bull Crcelc plantation) con
taining 900 acres well improved land, framed dwel
ling, pia*tered laaide complete, good negro cab
jaa with brick chimneys, gin-hnttae, screw and
other oet-beildiaga. For sale low—Terms easy.
Uertag my absence, any person wishing to pur
chase will call on John F. Cone, near the premis
ea er James Pellard, Sr., near Hamilton. Harris,
ceenty. JAMES L. POLLARD,
tirt t. I*so 43-ts
PLANTATION
m.
P|XMC aebser her offers fur sale, hit plantation
■ oa Pstaela Creek, in Kandolph county, con
taining about five hundred and sixty-five acres of
land. About ijl cleared and under cultivation
•be present year; the grrater portion of which iv
fre*h land, and finely adapted tn the culture of
Coltse. This place ia situated about eleren miles
fVem Fort Games, and nbnut the same distance
frw* Ueorgeiawn. tin the premivna are goon ne
gro bouse*. Corn cribs, stables, kc. Person, ivi.h
mg to perehaae can call on Mr. Thomas J. S*uth
ariaaai, ea the place, or to the subscriber at Fort
name.. B. 11. BOBINSON.
t Vie her 52, 1850 46 —3t
VALUABLE PLANTATION
VOE SAKE*
I VINO in the 4th District of E-rly
J eeaatr. containing 600 acres, 200 of which
(e cleared aad ia a high stale nf cultiration; well
Improved, with good gin house, screw. Ac., and
known at the John Lanier place, and sold to clote
the ertale of said Lanier. A bargain can be had
la tbesa valuable cotton lands, upon application
ta Laka Rues in Fort Gaines.
October 22, I>6o 45-w3t
~ VALUABLE LANDS
FOR SALE.
] FOURTEEN Hundred acres of Lnnd,
360 ta 4 1*0 acres nf which ia fresh open land
wader gwad fence ami in fine condition for cnltira
tia, with all accessary houses, out houses, Gin,
Screw, fcr.. lying on the waiers of Wolfe and Ich
away Notcheway creeks, in Randolph county,
uad ia*aly ia the occupancy ol Solomon Graves.
Any person wishing to settle a good plantation,
basing erery adraatnge of health and location to
makeit de.irible. would do well to examine tliia
place before making a purchase else .vhere.
Tba teimi will bn reasonable, and long credit
givea, if de.ired. For further information, please
vail apoa the undersigned nrad>l>ess ttieni atCuth
bart.Ca. BA KRILL AI GRAVES,
LOT Is- A GONEKK.
Oct 22, 1890
COTTOIWf
I OFFER to sell two farms in Stewart
naaU, <im on the Patanla, Meal and Briar
(reek*, 0f1340 acre*, half open. The other on
Mnanakacliv creek of 1215 acres half oeen, 12 mile*
from Florence and ‘0 miles from Columbus : 250
•area of which was cleared the present & past year.
Tuuts easy, payments lone if desired. Urag
deferred, nn:il the land is exhibited.
Sir£.Y7TSJL4ITS, amongst th-m are Carpen
ter* and Hlark Smith*. They are likely, young
a4 well trained. Together with all the stock np
•• the farm. OUSTAVUS DeLAUNAY.
Letnpkin, Fept 4. ISSO. 39---ts
PUBLIC SALE
Os a Valuable
PLANTATION,
naatatiM Took. Mule*. Horae*. Jacks, Jeuaeys,
Hogs, Colts, fc
\\. T ILL be sold on Saturday, the 30th j
TT day si Nosember next, on the premise*,
(he plantation where John Sima formerly !i*ed>
eentamg ISRO acre*, 400 nf which it cleared, un
de* gw**d fence, and in a She state of cultivation*
The place well improved. It haa a fine three
stsntd hit-Stw, &crew, Negro Houtea, 4 large
Jtoilera and a fisgar-Mtll, and all other improve
yssMssi it accessary fora plaotantation.
Alee, at the nm ties* and place, 40 head of cat
ite, SO head es sheep, a aumberof fine ffaga, 3 Jen
nays and a Jack, and a set of Blacksmith tool*.—
The Land srilt be told for one-third cash, and the
balance in one or twe payment*, to suit the pur-
Term* el sale es the personal property made
Uses on the day es sale. Said property belong-
M | M the eetate es David C. Rose, late of Russell
eewntv deceasedi and sold for a distribution a
m-n*the heir*. MARY R. ROSE.
Apt pernea* sriahing information, ar* referred to
gmn. Hill aad Daw*oa. Oct 8, ISSO 43-td
gy Macon Telegraph please copy three time*
end forward hill to thiseflee.
PLANTATION FOR SALE
IN Russell county, Alabama, on the read
tending from Columbus to £lennville, about 15
gmien stem the former place, containing I*WO
acre*, in a compact body. There are TSO acre* of
etoarod land under a good fence, the ret of the
greet i* vrell The unprovcmeati are
inch ae are esaat on cotton plantntionn, txvwit. A
eoeafortahle dwelling, good negro houses, two
good wells of water, excellent stables, hew* log
gta heeoo aad cotton icrpw. The place b*a prov
ed In he ag healthy a location as can be found in
thecoeaty. Any person ‘wishing to purchase can
have farther information.'either by addressing the
aabsevtberat Oswichee Poat-Ofiioe, Russell coun
ty, Ala., er calling ia person. Terma, one half
cash, the remaiader in 13 month* from th* first of
January next. WM. U. MITCHELL.
ept 3, 1850. ts
Tbts Parser is Manufactured by the
Mm 32, HM
1 Qy I 8 *
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W Tjiftf/i.'.. - r - ■■ - ,V'j ’ - Z m v -<*—
in TMnmrna i. -ARk..-,, .
VOLUME X. 1
• J
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER, 30, USSO.
LATER FROM EOROFB,
ARRIVAL OF THE PACIFIC.
Telegraphed for the Columbus Times.
Charleston, 9 o’cl'k, 10m. A M )
October 28,1850. j
The Steamer Pacific arrived at N. York
on Sunday atternoon. Liverpool dates to
the 10th Inst—Cotton in favor of buyers
but no change in prices. Sales 4 days
17,000 bales—Speculators took 2,200.
Second Despatch.
ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA.
Charleston, Oct. 29, 10m P. M.
The Steamer Canada reached Halifax
this morning with Liverpool dates of the
19th iust. Sales of the week 30,200 bales.
Better feeling—no quotations received.
(Kr Gov. Towns’ admirable letter on the
Southern question is • n our table. We
shall make room for it, as soon as possible.
Important. —We invite tho attention of
Southern Merchants, aid their customers
in town and country, to the singular tacts
stated by the New Yotk Day Book, and j
published in another column. They need !
no comment. The mind of every South
ern man will suggest to him, at once, what
is proper to be done in such a case.
HOH. MARSHALL J. WELLBORN.
We were one of a large auditory of all
colors and degrees of political opinion,
who listened attentively to a speech of
near four hours by this gentleman, on Sat
urday night. The meeting of the South
ern Rights’ Association of the samo eve
ning adjourned, in order to give its mem
bers the opportunity (sought fjr by their
Represt?ntative) of hearing a personal ac
count ofhis stewardship.
When we consider the occasion, the
cause and the speaker, wo must say, that
it was tlie most extraordinary speech, we
ever heard from the lips of man. We
speak not of its ability—in that respect it
was equal to his best efforts—but the sub
stance and matter of it.
We think we venture nothing rash, when
we aver it as highly probable, that there
was not a man present, his friend or foe,
sympathizing with him politically, or not,
to whom it did not occur that Judge Well
born, throughout his whole effort, was the
labored, assiduous and earnest apologist
of the North for its aggressions on the
South. Not only didhesoften and palliate
Northernoc/xofaggression, but Great Hea
vens! lie elaborately excused the motives
which prompted them. He evidently
thought it very natural that the North with
its anti-slavery prejudices should have
done just as she has done, and that in con
sideration of those very natural infirmities
of their Northern brethren,we of the South
ought not to think very hard of them for
acts which he admitted wero extremely
“foolish” to be sure, but after all were not
so bad but that they might be borne. His
idea seems to be that we ought to treat
these little fanatical fancies of the North,
as we would the whims of a spoiled and
petted child, and while deemiugthem very
naughty, still bear them for the sake of the
dear little pets who do not know any bet
ter. Aud if these w hints chance to extend
to the spoliation of Southern Territorial
rights, to make this common Government
of ours an instrument of dishonoring op
pression, and an engine of fanatical agita
tion, endangering both tholife and proper
ty of the South ; why, we must bear that
too, for the dear pet means no harm by it.
And how can we blame the North for these
little abolition fancies 1 Was not Madison
the author of the motion to strike the word
“slave” and “slavery” from the constitu
tion 1 Did not Jefferson pen the ordinance
’B7! Can we blame the North for des
poiling us of our rights and staining our
honor if we submittoit, under the cloak of
übclition prejudices, when it is quite
doubtful if these two greft Virginia states
men were not abolitionists too 1 That was
Judge Wellborn’s argument! and it is one
that may be found in every Northern abo
lition speech, pamphlet, newspaper or lec
ture against the South. lodced, his whole
speech was a Northern speech in defence
of Northern aggression. And it would
really seem that this representative of a
Southern slaveholding People had devot
ed the whole energies ofhis mind to forti
fying himself with arguments to justify the
Northern side of this great sectional dis
pute, and had actually been converted to
that side by the force of his own exparte
investigations, and by the dinner-table
reasoniugsof his “friend Mr Ross of Penn
sylvania, and his friend Mr Duer, of New
York.” We thought that Judge Wellborn
was sent to Washington to defend the South
—we thought he was our champion, and
his busiucss was to do battle in our cause
—but really it seems when he met his
friends from Pennsylvania and N York in
debate, that instead of convincing them,
they couvinccd hint—in short, that he
“caught a Tartar” and was made prisoner
bv the enemies of the South ho was seut
to combat.
We shall not attempt the impossible task
of following-from point to point the rea
soning of this very long speech. We can
do no more than embody its spirit. We
listened to it with the most patient and in
terested attention, and anxious that a gen
tleman whom we have valued as a friend,
should vindicate himself from the grave
suspicions of short-coming in duty that
have attached to liiiAin his representative
character. But, to use his own quotation,
usque ad malum” from the begin
ning to the end of his speech, we were
unable to detect one even specious rea
son to justify his course since the broken
fragments of the Clay and Foote bills
f.om the Senate, oame into the House to
be patched up and thrust, a detailed and
pauseoys .dose, down the throats of his con
stituents. And we could not help think
ing, that if he had in Gongress defended the
cause of Southern Bights with the energy
aud zeal, with which he plead the suffer
ing necessities of the mongrel racefc of N
Mexico, & justified Northern aggressions on
Saturday night, he would have been spar
ed the necessity of cominghomo to defend
his own public conduct before his consti
tuents, and might alto have been able to
fm r aEffeaaLjt--r.] Tuesday, November o, !Sso.
show them one solitary advantage he had
gained tor .them by the nine months’ la
bors of the session.
As for the measures of the session, he
boldly shouldered the defence of every
one of them. After his argument in favor
of the right of California to admission, we
could nothelp asking ourself, “why, Judge
Wellborn, if these are your views, why
did you not vote forher admission !” With
such opinions of the propriety and con
stitutionality of the law, certes, his repre
sentative oath should have enforced his
vote. Yet, he voted against it. Nay, fur
ther, he vaunted his prowess in common
with other Southern members, in staving
off her admission tor eight months; al
though, as ho told us, the session began
with aclear California majority of 50 votes!
Well, we ask, what fori Why spend all
that time and money, and prowess to de
feat a measure, right in itself, and which
met the approbation of his judgment 1
And what reason did he assign 1 Oh! to
save Georgia from the unhappy dilemma
in which herLegislaturc had placed her,
by calling a convention to devise redress
forthe wrong ot her admission! Was ever
so much parliamentary tactics and valor
l before expended, for such a reason 1
The Fugitive Slave Bill was hisiavorite
| topic. He told us it was a stringent bill—
a very stringent bill—it was hard for the
North to take ; nay, that it was made strin
gent orupurpose that the North might re
fuse to tako it, and thus furnish fuel to the
fire-eaters. Yet/iarJ as it was, the North
did take it—and how 1 Why, by her mem
bers sneaking outside ot the bar of the
House and suffering it to pass without their
votes! And Judge Wellborn dwelt on this
and boasted of it as a most triumphant
vindication ol'Northcrn justice, that fifteen
or twenty Northern members said, “ we
cannot face our districts, if we give that
vote, but we will sneak out of the way
and let you pass it.” And this is one of the
gentleman’s proofs thatthe North is sound,
just aud conservative on the subject ot
Southern rights ! He sec in them, tho cer- ]
tainty that the North will repudiate a j
measure which its members dared not
vote for; and these proofs only corrobor
ate what every mail brings us from tho
North of the exasperation which that bill
has provoked among all classes, religious,
political and abolition.
The abolition of the Slaye Trade in the
District of Columbia, also wins his apolo
gies, if not his entire approbation. We
forget whether he voted for it; but we
cannot be mistaken in the idea that his
sensibilities were greatly moved by the
sight of the slave traffic in Washington,
and that he tnought it right to gratify North
ern anti-slavery prejudices in the passago
of a bill that assumes to Congress the
power to make a slave in certain condi
tions “liberated and free”—a power, which
if good, under one state o circumstances,
is equally good under another. We will
not be sure on this point, but we are in
clined to believe from the tenor of his re
marks on this head, that Judge Wellborn
r-''p-*•’ ■*a"t“i. in th.j abolition of
slavery itself, in the District. Even Mr
Toombs, says he will dissolve the Union in
that event.
Judge Wellborn expended the force of
his argument on the Texan boundary ques
tion. He voted for that. Here lie had to
take direct issue with Air Stephens, who
in his speech on tho Fillmore message,
defended the Texas title to the limits of
the Rio Grande. Judge Wellborn lias
very serious doubts, ifhe is not quite posi
tive against her right to that boundary.—
The Judge very often puts his arguments
in so hypothetical a shape that it is diffi
cult to determine whether the arguments
he uses have convinced his own mind, or
are only put forth as “fair arguments” lor
the consideration of his hearers. If we,
therefore, do not quite understand him in
every particular, he must pardon it to this
peculiarity of his oratory. For instance,
lie will reason away dead against the
Southern side of a question fora ht.lf hour
on a stretch, and then ask with the most
bland courtesy in the world, “Gentlemen,
is this so, or is it not 1 What do you think
of it.” But he often fails to toll us what lie
thinks of it. With this explanation then,
we came to the conclusion that he was
against the Texas boundary title to the
Ilio del Norte—and if so, this Government
told a monstrous lie, when it went to war
with Alexico, and was no better than a
ruthless invader of Alcxican territory.—
Certain it is that this view of the case is
necessary to sustain Judge W’s vote forthe
Pearce bill. Otherwise, he did vole to
dismember Texas, and by his own confes
sion, 40,000 square miles of her dismem
bered territory lies south of the line 0f36.
30, which we praised him for insisting in
Congress, should be run out to the Pacific.
But, it unluckily happens that the Judge
had previously given another vote, which
was in direct conflict with the basis on
which his present defence rests.
Before the final vote on the Texan boun
dary bill, Air Featherston, of Aliss, moved
the following substitute :
“That the boundaries of the State of Tex
as, as defiued and established by the act
of the Texan Congress, passed Dec 19,
1836, for that purpose, are hereby recog
nized by the Government of the United
States.’*
Well, that boundary was to the Rio
Grande, and Judge Wellborn’s vote was
given for this substitute. Judge Wellborn,
then, must have believed that this was the
rightful boundary of Texas, or surely he
would not have voted to confirm it; and
more especially when we remember his
excessive sympathy (would tp Reaven
some of it had been expended on the
South!) for the poor people of New Mexi
co, whom be likened to down-trodden Ire
land and partitioned Poland !
But the Judge says, we at least are estop
ped from finding fault with this vote, be
cause ia his speech of the 10th of May, he
foreshadowed the principle on which if
was given, and that speech we pronounc
ed to be “up tojtho mark of the just de
mands of his constituents.” Now this lit
tle fiHupof the Judge, which seemed to be
regarded as quite a “ten strike” by him
self and the submission portion of his hear
ers, forces us to make a little confession.
It is this—that during this whole session
we have been on the tenterhooks of pain
ful hesitation between the claims of the
118 TH| SOVEREIGNTY OF’ THE STATES.”
(Judge on our feelings as a friend and an
individual, and our duty as a Southern
public journalist. It will be observed that
we have said very little about him. We
a>uld not cordially praise ; we desired,
not to censure. Indeed, our Southern
rights’ Iriends have complained of us that
we have spared Judge Wellborn, while
we have spoken freely of Stephens and
Toombs. We introduced his first speech
to our readers with two lines complimenta
ry to its ability. We did not approve of
its tone, and would not say we did. We
did not like to hear him begging the North
for our rights up to 36 30, when he had a
right to demand them in the name of his
people, ns the very least that honor and
justice would allow them to take. As tho
session progressed, it will be temembered
that the spirit .ff our Southern members
began to rise, no doubt catching the flame
from tho resolution then exhibited by the
People of the South in favor of a stand on
36 30. This went so far that we once felt
justified in announcing to our readers that
with the exception of Mr Cobb, the Geor
gia delegation would be a unit. Mean
time, Judge Wellborn’s second speech of
the 10th May cotnc to hand, an amplifica
tion of his first, still urging the Missouri
line to the Pacific, and in better tone and
spirit than the first. We gladly seized on
the occasion to speak well of it, but even
then qualified our praise by a regret that
its tone was not higher. Hero is what we
said:
Judge Wellborn Speech.
We ,iuMi*h tii-fiay the eecond |>rrrh of our R
.piotiiutjve, on the *laverjr qnrelion. ju hit
tir*t eflfirt he in*i*U upon the Mii<i>uri line, end
•uppons it by j train nf forcible reanoning. The
speech i a..uuii it: principle, nnd i* up tu the mark
• I the juat demands ofhis enustituen's. Wc could
havo wished however, dint it* touo had beef a lit
tle higher and stronger—that il appealed less to the
justice and magnanimity ot die North, which ia
now deaf as an adder to such appeals, and had e
nuncisted with gieater emphasis, that rubmiasiun
on the part of his constituents to the legislation in
progress through Congress, was an impossibility.
We are aware tha. our reprcsetitati- e differs
with us in regard to the policy of what are termed
••strong Southern speeches.'’ He believes in mod
eration and con.ervatism. We think the limes
call for language and action ofa different character
Defiance should be met with defiance—insult and
injury should be repelled with little relereucc to
nicety of language and propriety of speed). It is
a life and death -Irugglc in which the South isen
gaged and her championa should throw down the
polished mpier and seizing *lhe battle axe, deal
blows that will tell on the ranks of her locs.
The burthen of the speech, occupying
over five columns of our weekly paper,
was still 36 30 to the Pacific. But candor
compels us to say, that there is a very
short episode in that speech referring in
rather an enigmatical way (and the Judge
can be, when he chooses, a perfect Sphinx
with his pen) to future po.-siblc contingen
cies in relation to the Texan boundary.—
If that part of the speech attracted our
attention at all at the time, we had entire
ly forgotten it, and we were quite puzzled
to know what he was driving at when he
averred that we had endorsed the princi
ple of his vote to dismember Texas. We
have since examined the speech, and there j
it is sure enough ; but really, we do not
think the principle is laid down with suffi
cient distinc.tucßs to b ind ns as endn r9 *r~pr !
the Judge himself as the maker of it, if lie
should have chosen to repudiate it,
This brings us to consider another part
of the speech of Saturday night, in which
he was quite caustic on those warm South
ern friends from this District, who urged
him to assume a bolder front on the great
battle ground where immense territorial
rights, present honor and future safety were
the prizes. lie had scarcely words to ex
press his contempt for those who wanted
him to lower the dignity ol a Congress
man, and abuse in round Billingsgate the
members from the North. He asked, if it
was deemed politic, or wise, or polite to
call men “rascals” and “rogues” and oth
er hard names, when the object was to
reach their heads or their hearts 1 No
doubt some of this severity was intended
for us, and wc take the liberty of replying
that we can see a wide distinction between
the language of the fish market, and a firm
and manly assertion of undoubted rights,
and a bold demand of justice. Although
not a member of Congress ; although we
have not, within five years past, dined on
kickshaw compounds, or threaded the
Boulevards in Paris ; swallowed macca
roni in Naples ; nor glided in gondolas
over the lagoons and canals of Venice ;
nor yet stood in Vespasian’s temple of
Empire—the mighty Coliseum of Rome—
musing and awe-struck amid the decayed
and classic grandeur of a past age; nor
even encountered the fleas and smell of
garlic in the dirty streets of the modern
city—although we have enjoyed none
of these advantages of foreign travel,
to polish our manners— emollit mores nee
sinit esse feros —to refine our tastes, and fit
us to meet rampant political Abolitionists
in Congress, ruthlessly assailing Southern
rights, with that dignified and polished
courtesy which more fortunate persons
possess; we may still claim for ourself the
knowledge cf that decency and propriety
that belongs to a plain Southern gentle
man, and while denying that we ever ad
vised any man to bluster like a cow
ard andbully like a blackguard; we should
in his place, have said to the enemies
of the South, “we demand the rights of our
people and we will have them ; peaceably
if you are just, but by tho sword, if you
drive ustothat stem necessity.” IV'e would
not have made a feeble defence of the
South there, and cotpe borne to make q
strong defence of the North, here. All this
may not be quite comprehensible to agen
tlcman tybo discriminates so broadiy be
tween what is proper in a “ newspaper
paragraph” and what is decorous in a
“member of Congress” speaking to that
august body.
It gives us no pleasure tQ write thus of
Judge Wellborn—far, veiyfar from it. But
we feel that the magnitude of oar cause
transcends all personal considerations.
And if we had found a brother in his posi
tion, sympathising as he evidently does
with the North, and throwing the weight of
his personal and representative character
into the scale of Submission, when that
(course invqlves in our judgmentasurrender
of southern rights and liberties, now and
hereafter, to the tender mercies of aboli
tion—we could not have hesitated to op
pose him with our whole Southern soul.
Besidestbis, Judge Wellborn on Saturday
night, threw down the gage to us. |le <U4
| this,’ after we had freely confessed the in
j tegrity of his motives. We could do no
I less than take It up after he had cast it at our,
feet, and say with Macbeth—
— Lay on, Macduff;
And damn’ll be him that firstcru-a, hold,enough
Louisiana.— The voice of resistance be
gins to make itself heard in Louisiana.
Even in N. Orleans, where it wax drowned
by the Yankee influences which control
the business on which the Press lives, it is
beginning to speak out. The N. O. Delta
is talking right out in fayor of the down
trodden rights ot the South, not having the
fear of'Noithern merchants before its eves.
Such seed planted on Southern soil is
bound to germinato and bear fruit. In
good time, we expect to see Louisiana
standing in the array of the Southern sis
terhood of States, sternly demanding the
rights guaranteed by the Constitution, or
a separation from the confederacy that
denies them.
LIGHT I2T A DARK CORNER.
; A friend has put into our hands a hand
‘ bill call for a Southern Rights Meeting in
Greene county, to be held on the 2d of No
vember, for the purpose of nominating a
Southern ticket for the convention. Judges
Bcricinic Dougherty, and Messrs. Billups,
Smyibc, Harris, Gattrdi and McMillan,
are expected to address the meeting. This
is a good sign, among many other good
signs, even in the strongholds of Toombs
and Stephens, where their sway has been
despotic over public opinion this many
years.
We are rejoicod to see tho advocates of
our glorious cause coming forth every
where to meet these Chamclion represen
tatives, and to confront and put them down
with their own speeches. Verily, these
gentlemen are in hot water. Mr. Smythe
ol Augusta, is doing yeoman’s service in
the cause. We copy from the Constitu
tionalist the following account of his ren
counter with Stephens and Toombs in
Oglethorpe:
Free Discussion in Oglethorpe.
We understand that a free discussion
took place in Lexington last Tuesday, 22d
inst., before a large assemblage; of the cit
izens of Oglethorpe, it being Court week,
between Messrs. Stephens and Toombs, on
the Submission side, and James M Symth:*,
Esq, of this city, on the Southern Rights
side. We have named Air Toombs as par
ticipating in the discussion, but in fact, Air
Stephens was the only one that made a
speech, the discussion being between Mr
Smythe and himself. Air Toombs acted
simply the subordinate part of teaser on
the occasion, lie confined himself to in
terrupting Air Smythe, and breaking the
thread of his argument by asking ques
tions, and by side remarks and sneers.
Air T is quite an adept in this small potato
game, as all know who have seen him in
a free discussion. It is never a very
creditable mode of warfare, and in the
present case was not a very profitable
uqe. Air Toombs and Air Stephens com
bined, only succeeded in losing their own
tempers, and showing that they felt worst
ed, while it was evident the crowd saw it.
Mr Smythe bore himself manfqlly and
ably, as an intelligent eye-witness informs
us, and*did a g.od day’s work lor his no
ble cause.
iu^sJT lr: t;lS J M C. JTqombs, at Waynesboro’
friends of Southern Rights need fear noth
ing with such a cause and such an advo
cate.
Air Toombs can be trumped and floored
by his own speeches, unfortunately for
him, preserved in print, by a less able an
tagouist than he has got now to encounter.
LETTER 0T THE REV. JOHN E. DAWSON.
Columbus, Oct. 19.
Gentlemen: —Ou my return to the city, I
found your note inviting mo to attend a
meeting of the “ friends of Southern
rights,” to be held at Eller.slie on the 24th.
You are not mistaken in classing me
with the “ friends ot Southern rights not
that I am unfriendly to the Union or any
part of it; but because I cannot love the
Union or any section of it, without being
a friend to Southern rights; and because I
am by birth, educattion and every way a
southern man.
But, 1 Gentlemen, as your invitation has
reference to the great political question
now agitating the public mind, and as you
have seen proper to attach some impor
tance to my opinions, permit me freely to
explain my position.
For more than twenty years I have taken
little or no part in politics,—during a
large portion ot that time my attention lias
been, almost exclusively, given to other
subjects, involving, as I think, the more
important interests of society. I have vo
ted but a few times in fifteen years, and
uniformly for those I thought bestqualified
to promote the interests of the country
without regard to personal partialities or
party organization.
I have never made a political speech or
preached a political sermon in my life. But
although I havb been thus engaged, I have
not been an indifferent observer of pass
ing events. I have to some extent studied
the history of the country, and noticed
with interest the progress of those ques
tions which have, from time to time, agita
ted the people. The time has come when
silence is, in my opinion, no longer a du
ty,—when every inan, whatever his prqr
session, should speak outhis opiqjoi-sfully
and freely.
There is but one issue now before the
Southern people; however various the sub
jects of legislation involvod, they all de
rive their importance frotp a single ques
tion. Apart from the slavery question not
the slighted agitation would have resulted
either north or south, from any measure
adopted by the last Congress. The pro
slavery feeling at the South, and the anti
slavery sentiment at the North is the be
ginning and the end.
Every effort to divert attention from it,
by perversion, or by creating false issues
is, in my opinion, exceedingly hurtful to
the Union, and especially to the interests
of the South.
From personal observation and from re
liable information f am confirmed in the
opinion, that there exists at the North a set
tled. determination to extirpate the institu
tion of slavery atthe South, sooner or later;
and although politicians may have an eye
to the balance of power, this question is
involved in every measure, and is the feel*
ing most to be dreaded,—most firmly and
resolutely resisted by the South.
The while North is opposed to the institu
tion. The only difference among them is
as to the time and iqanqer of accomplish-
ing their purpose. The issues among
themselves by no means indicate friend
, ship to us. Indeed the idea of a northern
party friendly to slavery is in the extreme
preposterous.
There may bo conservatives, but they are
as Intent upon the end as abolitionists; the
former propose its accomplishment grad
ually, and with some show of respect for
the constitution, the latter are of the “ high
er obligation” school and are reckless of
consequences.
Neither party intend that another foot
of territory shall bo appropriated to slave
labor. Nor, in my opinion, will another
slave Statcever be admitted into the Union.
The design and tendency ot the meas
ures adopted by Congress are unmistaka
ble, and will sufficiently indicate the duty
of every southern man.
I cannot resist the impression that these
measures have been intended to fix certain
precedents for future legislation, to stamp
the institution of slavery with infamy by
denying its advocates, an equal participa
tion in the benefits of the government, and
to put in more active motion a ball which
was moving too slowly to suit the tastes of
fanatics. Except the fugitive bill, the
whole tendency is against the institution ;
and, that it, proper as it may be, is an
equivalent lor the sacrifices which the
South is required to make, no sane man can
maintain; especially if it is borne in mind
that the constitution provided for the de
livery of fugitives, and that there is not the
slightest guarantee that the law will not bo
rcpculoJ at the next Congress. The ques
tion is now as far from being settled as it
was before the action of Congress; the
embarrassments which environ it fearfully
augmented ; certainly the agitation at the
Nortli is not in the slightest degree allayed.
‘What then has been accomplished! In
my opinion, nothing but the degradation of
the South, except the very partial advan
tages of the fugitive bill. According to
Messrs. Toombs, Stephens, Clay, Webster
and others we areexcluded from every foot
of territory acquired from Mexico. (Upon
the principles maintained by these gentle
men, and they arc the prevailing opinions,
—I may say the authoritative opinions.—l
cannot *ei how the South can claim a sin
glo foot). Restricted in the purchase and
sale of the legitimate property to certain
districts, degraded, as far as the action of
Congress could do it, in the estimation of
the world, denounced in th. halls of Con
gress, and time and again told that not
another foot of territory should be polluted
by slave labor; that the highest duty of
American Statesmen now is the extirpation
of African slavery.—What has the South
to hope for or expect 1
What the South ought to do under the
circumstances is a grave question. 1 free
ly confess my inability to answer it, even
to my own satisfaction. This much, how
ever, I will say, ** to this hour the people
ot the South have asked nothing but jus
tice—nothing but the maintainence of the
principles and spirit which controlled ouf
fathers in the formation of the constftu
cestors, we will never accept less as a con
dition of Union.” (Toomb’s speech Dec.
13). Since then our Representatives in
Congress assure us that this justice has not
been meted out to us, it seems to me, that
the South, the whole South, ought to place
itself in a situation to resist future aggres
sions, if not to claim redress for the past.
1 deprecate as much as any man a dissolu
tion of this Union. I love my country,
and to the utmost of my ability have la
bored for its perpetuity. I earnestly pray
for the perpetuity of the Union under the
constitution; but I firmly believe that ju
dicious resistance to unjust legislation is
the only way to preserve it.
This is a politico-religious question, and
many of those who are agitating it have
but little respect to the constitution either
of Heaven or the Union ; and never will
cease their efforts until they sec a spirit of
determined resistance at the South. They
are not to be reasoned with ; the argument
which checks them must be addressed to
something else.
Let all other measures be exhausted if
theyhave notbeen. Save the Union and the
South if possible. But if we cannot re
main in it as equals, with guaran
tees for the future, then I can see no rem
edy but disunion, or a tame submission to
aggression and an ultimate abandonment
of slavery.
Entertaining the opinion that the institu
tion is of Divino appointment, that it is
best for both races, that within itscompas?
there is less poverty, less crime and vastly
more comfort among the laboring classes
than i to be found in any other section of
the world; discerningn>>ne of those Prov
idential indications which point to its abo
lition, and above all, discovering nothing
in the principle or spirit of the Gospel op
posed to it; I cannot hesitate which to
choose, nor will I conceal thcfact that my
opinion is very much affected by what I
see must be the condition of those who are
now poorer are to be made so by the rev
olution. Tho wealthy may by some
means, take capo of themselves, but the
labor now performed by slayes is to be
supplied by paupers either at home or
from abroad—no matter from what qua?r
ter, the effect will be the same. IJetjyeen
a dissolution of the Union, then, or sub
mission to injustice and inequality I great
ly prefer the former; and the more be
cause I believe it can and will be pea.ee
ful.
Circumstances render it improper for
me to attend youy meeting. With my
thanks for your kindness, lam, gentlemen,
Your obedient servant,
J. DAWSON.
To Gen. H. H. Lowe, and others, EUerslie.
Important from the Haftien Empiro.
The York Herald has received private ad
vices from Port au Prince of the 3Qth ult,
whtph indicate a war of exlermioation be
tween the Haytiens and Dominicans on
that beautiful island. We learn says the
Herald, that the armistice between Sol
oque and the Pominjcians was to expire
on the 30th, and that Soloqque was collect
ing an army to rpncw the war—Without
our interposition the Haytiens will attempt
a bloody massacre of the Dominicans.
The wan is to commence alter one month’s
notice from the expiration of the armis
tice. Our commercial agents have no au
thority to interfere.
| NUMBER 47.
From the AT. Y. Merch'ts. Day Book, Oct. 15
Hew Tork Merchants and the South—thei? re
lation te eaeh ether, and their duty to the U
nion.
We can scarcely take up a South
ern paper in which there is not an
appeal made to S.iulhern people to come
out boldly and pledge themselves not to
purchase anything manufactured or im
ported by Northrfn people. The follow
ing from the Richmond Republican is a
pretty fair specimen of the manner in
which these appeals are made, and iron:
what tve see and hear wo have no doubt
but they are having an effect upon the
Southern people. It certainly does seem
to us that if any people were ever justi
fied in adopting the non-intercourse reme
dy fornnevil, the people of the slaveliold
ing Sates are justified in taking the course
th rvntened.
“ Thu True Remedy. —We would re
spectfully suggest to our Southern friends
whether it would not be well to mark those
States in which the fugitive law is suc
cessfully resisted and resolve not to make
purchases ot any kind from those Slates.
There seems a strong disposition in por
tions of Massachusetts to resist the law.
Let the South observe the result, and if
this disposition is carried out so far us to
prevent Southern men by violence or fraud
from receiving their property, let the south
resolve never hereafter to buy a dollar's
worth of the productions of Massachusetts.
It appears that in the great manufactur
ing town of Lowell, Mass, a large meeting
has been hell, at n hich it was resolved to
call back three fugitive slaves wfio had
fled from thatcity toCanada, with a pledge
that they should be protected from arrest
by the citizens of Lowell. Let the South
then mark Lowell. Let associations be
formed in the Southern States, and reso
lutions passed not to purchase any article
of any Northern Slate or city in which the
law respecting fugitive slaves is success
fully resisted.”
The merchants of this city treat these
threats of the South \\ ith perfect indiffer
ence, if not contempt. ‘J'heyseem to look
upon them ns silly outbursts of passion;
the mere froth ami foam of bad feeling,
which will soon pass away as a summer
cloud, leaving the atmosphere of trade
clearer and brighter. Instead of looking
the danger in the face mid aliemp.ing
to avert it, they laugh at it. They see
the Whig party divided upon this aboli
tion qmstion, and a large majority of the
country politicians, as well as many in the
city, pursuing a deadly hostile course to
wards the South, yet they care not. They
do not even encourage, by their counten
ance, the efforts of the few who are stren
uously resisting this tide of In slility to
Southern institutions. The New-York
Tribune, a rabid abolition paper, is taken
and supported by a large number of whole
sale merchants, who tr.de almost exclu
sively with the South ; and the same may
be said of the Con rier& Enquirer. Messrs.
Bowen and McNumee, who have berome
wealthy by hading with S uthern mer.
chant:*, employ the largest number of
clerks, and boast of doing the largest job
bing business done in the city, who hare
built one of the most magnificent stores,
two splendid country seats —all from the
profits of slave labor—are both thorough
going abolitionists—support abolition min.
liters, and have established > n abolition
newspaper. W*e say milling against
ibenri*. ihev are worth v and resnectahle
principles, and they do not pretend to de
ny or even concenl them. W T e only
speak of the fact of their being abolition
and supporting that cause. The
Smith .swallows all ihis,and continues to
feed and strengthen the tt'in which smites
them.
Messrs. Chittenden and Bliss have
grown rich in the same \v.v, support the
same cause, and feed by their slave labor
pro*.ts the same ministers, churches, and
newspapers. Messrs. Henry, Smith and
Townsend take the Tribune and Courier
and Enquirer, and advertise in them—pay
ing thrin in slave labor profits. They nev
er gave a cent to a paper which defends
the South since they were in l usiness.
The same may be said ol Perkins and
Warren, Ilopkins and Allen,and a dozen
others whose names we shall have occas
ion to give hereafter; we must now turn
to the chi’s cook and bottle washer of all—
Simeon Draper, jr, esq.
We would like to be spared the mention
of this name in connection with the mer
cantile community; but the position he has
assumed .is bottle holder to \\ in. H. Sew
ard makes it necessary to hold hirn up to
view a little longer. The world is sufi
ciently acquainted with his pipe-laying
op-rations’ so that we can afford to let that
pass! It has been supposed that N. York
was the best place for rogues qiid knaves to
retain a respectable character in the world
and when a man’s character gels so bad he
can’t live in New York, lie can't live any
where. The country boasts of its superi
or morals; but we have a case here that
will forever put a quietus on all future at
tempts to prove t}iut men can be so great
pO|it cal knaves as to delar them from good
society of the country. New York state
Whigs have taken up the N York city
Whigs’ condemned rascality, “Sun Drap
eraud Bill Sewnrd’* are a pair ofalout the
prettiest’ scaped birds that ever went in
shoes. We cun stnrid almost anything ip
this city, and cun svyal ow about ns much
knavery as any place, always excepting
Syracuse; but the Draper and Glen worth
frauds we could not swallow. Such bare
faced rascality—rsuph ope;), unblushing
perjury—as was committed ana recommit
ted within the knowledge of if not Lnstiga
ted by Win. 11, Seward, were tco much
for N, York city we are ashamed to say
swallows it.
But to pirn’s mercantile relations: H e > 8
as is well known, a dry goods auctioneer
and sells a large (juantity ol goods that go
directly to the Southern market. In fact
were it qotjfor the Soqth he could not live &
if ihe Southern trade should be cut oft Sim
eon's resources and means for carrying on
his Abolition schemes would be very much
curtailed. Pive per cent, of ike money s
Southern merchant or planter pays for a
carpet goes mto Sim’s pocket. Five per
cent of the money paid for a silk dress, pj
a shawl; five per cent on|ij)e cluth which is
in the coat or pantaloons; five per cent,
of the cravat money, the gloves, and the
ribbons which trim the bonnets. ff these
articles arc bough* of Abolition jobber or
retailer, fifteen percent. nmre goes to the
Abolition cause. It is divided abound two
per cent, to the 7’ribpne, three per cent
to the Courier, three to an Aboliton relig
ious paper, three to the society, and the
rest to build country seats and pay expen
ses of runaway slaves,
This is the way the North makes the
South turn the grindstone to grind their
own noses, Don’t be startled %lx. South
ern Press, th* Day-Book ha 3 not half
done,
Before we a*t through with this subject
we will show you how you are deceived
ed by your owp merchants, vyho ia tjmes
| mT** PH B
PLAIN AND
sunv and noiunv xmcvn atthi onriu
r&e Columbus Clmts.
Business Card*, Way Bills,
Visiting do Circulars,
Ball Tickets, Blank Notes,
and every thing else inthis line ofbukirtet,CH£4 f
and with Ditpatch.
BI.AXKS OF ALL KINDS P HINTED TO
OUDKIt.
j of great Abolition excitement, when the
• Southern people have refused to buy goods
■ that are bought of Abolitionists, havethsir
bills made out in the name of the clerks,
and show them as evidence that the coeds
were not purchased of obnoxiousN, York,
ers. We have seen a great deni of deCep.
lion and trickery in our day, and have coma
to the conclusion that it was well ioshow
it up notv.
[.From the Southern Baptist October 23.]
SECESSION AND THE FUGITIVE SLA7Z LAW.
We have received a communication,
which will appear next week, on the se
cession of the Southern States, ami which
requires some notice ot our hands. It is
not our iuleption to admit any tiling, rdif
toril or- otherwise, into our columns,
which might give our paper a political
caste. But tve do not regard this question
as a political one. The spirit that would
overt!)iow our Constitution ami convert
our Union into a tremendous machine of
oppression and injustice, would, if allow
ed its full sweep, scon degrade re
ligion into an odious fanaticism. It is
in vain to pretend that the tendencies of
Abolition are not towards irreligion and
infidelity ; its very spirit is the setting up
of individual notions ol justice and hu
manity, against the morali y of the Bible,
and if permitted to swell ami gather head,
it will soon sweep a way all th.- ancient bul
warks, and let in a flood of brackish wa
ters to destroy every thing green or fruit
ful. That fuiiaticai wisdom which exalts
itself above revelation and arrays tbe Bi
ble against itself must soon despise sort of
justice that removed the Camomiles from
the promised land, to make room for the
favored seed of Abraham ; it must end in
holding in contempt the doctrine that
lays the guilt of the sinner on the bead
of the immaculate son of God, What n
vdils it to the heated imagination of tha
disciple of equality that ail'the past bear*
its testimony to the fact that tig.- Africa*,
race attains its highest elevation and great
est happiness under the control and direc
oflhe whiles ?He < ill so learn t > que:*
lion the parties that has redeemed and deny
the Supreme the right to subj.ct a sinful
world es lie choose*. If there ever was
u time and place since the fall of man
where servitude was not known, where
the dredin of equality had an actual prac
tical existence, there might by some ex
cuse fir tins inudnesss. But with the
ci ncurrent testimony of sacred and profane
history jn their bands, nothing but mad
ness can be pleaded in extenuation of such
folly. It is worse than blindness then,
to shut our eyes to the matter. The pro
gress of Abolition uipst be slopped,or our
freedom of conscience will soon be but a
name and the next generation even
may see the Bible condemned, because
man, in hip wisdom, pronounces slavery
a foul sip. We say that freedom of con
sciunpe may be toon denied us, it is even sq
now. Persecution consists not alone in
the, torture of the body or the imprisonment
of the person, Insult and scorn, in words
& acts deny to the mind freed in of thought
amj he w|i.o is condemned to insnft for his
opinions, may endure persecution even
greater than he whoso body is tortur
ed.
Hotv then is this evil to be removed f
How are we to stop the mouths orpa*sy
the hands of tJiose who persecute us? We
know no cure for religious madness, the
world has never discovered jl remidv fin
selves from Us influence. IT we cannoi
stop the months of our re viler*, we can
slop our ears, and leave them t > listen to
thpir own ravings. We can do political
ly what we Baptists have already done ns
a religioqs body that is, agree to separate,
jl is plain that our common government
is the medium through which we are now
assailed, for the shaft can reach us in no
other way. Wp can exclude their books
ftom our schools, their slanderous papers
from our tables, but the acts of our Common
government which bland slavery as a
curse, and slave holders as tyrants, remain
to bring thp blush of shame to our cheeks.
The rtfyea'ed attacks upon slavery in the*
District of Columbia, the pa-sage of thu
Wilmot Proviso in the udmissipn ol Cali,
tornia,[the approaching repeul f tile Fugi
tive Slave Bill are sinali matters in them
selves. But when we consider that they
are but means to an end, that by tliein
wreck less politicians paud?r to the appeti
tes of the agitators they are full of evil on.cn.
The storm is assuredly appromhing ami
we shall be wise if we take sixdter by
ourselves. We cannot now doubt that
the North is in earnest, that the agitators
are in power there, and there is no safety
fur them or for us but in our leaving to
them the field of contest. Even the safe
ty of the North requires this course of
us for pn reliance when its connection with
slavery shall cease and the North be tq
us as f)ng|npd is, a ft riegn nation, tfce
strife may ceas*, and ;eason resume hey
throne. We deceive ourselves if we sup
pose that anything short of secession tvil)
give us peace or put a slop to the progrew)
pf abolition. YVe have been brought tq
this conclusion not by excitement, for
we wre neyer more calm ; but by a
cool and careful review of the progress
of the slavery agitation; and our firrq
belief is, that it has iaken so deep a
hold upon the mass of the free States, tbal
it must lust while they have any con
nection with slavery, through unioo
with the sluve States. This being car
conviction, and knowing that the South
will never surrender, we see before ut nq
hope of peace in the future, whilst the U
ni >n lasts. With opinions and feelings so
diverse, the North and South must seek
peace in an agreement to separate, and
the longer that separation is delayed, the.
morp do we hazard the risk of a fierce and
bloody war. For this separation wa be
lie -e opr denomination is ready. Their
independent system of Church govern
iner t naturally leads to a reliance upon
the honip political government, and hav
ing for the sake of peace, severed our re
ligious connection with the non-* lave hold
ing States, we are not prepared to hold
our political as dearer than those of tbe
Church. Freedom of conscience is tbe
birth right of the Baptist. IVV nave nev
er persecuted others, and will submit lo
persecution from none.
The late so called Compromise, so for
from allaying, has increased the slavery
agitation, ‘j'lie leaders in the North are
shouting loudly over their victories, and
grumbling fiercely at their failure. They
consider all as their victory except the fu
oitive slave Jaw, and ibis they vow to re
peal, Every where does the North con
demn it. Our exchange pjjprrs prophesy
its repeal with tbe assurance of certainty.
4n infoflpl meetiM among the IM. gates
of the New York baptist State Conven
tion pronounces for its repeal. We
hope it will be repealed and that rigbl
speedily. It always was a pretence and
con Id never be enforced. Jts repeal will
unite t! he Soqth and rouse jier to a sense
oMwfcdanger. Mr. Seward is not aiene
in hofdipg to the doctrine of a law bighey