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* W * .V, EDI FORSYTH R. ELLIS & CO. PROPRIETORS ANO PUBLISHER*- u.*arlv oooosite “'Wlßter’s Exchaf^ u ’ rtL Ttp * a “tOf i*" ,s - ll ;f'; *i* <"!/'“ w *-fcijasas=j JESTJfISS*- the °“ io ° uf ***** proprietors. picuous i v inserted AsiVKRTfSEHtXT P tll6 first in . On. s for every subse • :rUoa, and Fu rr qaeotcou# uaa ‘ CflHTtfW- <?“ TUESDAY. FEB. 4. 1851- I jfiLBGHAPHED EXPRESSLY FOR THE TIMES, ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA, j decline OT COTTON. * CiL'Jlleston, 7 o’clk. 25m. P. M. ) y . Feb. 3d, 1851. j The steamer Canada has arrived at Hali fax with accounts a week later. Cotton has declined id. to id. in Liver 'poul. Sales ofthe week 22,000 bales. Nothing of the Atlantic. pItOTHEE PHASE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION The reader’s attention will b“ attracted i 1 jr the correspondence, in another col fjnn, between the Executive of Soulh /fi/arolina and the British Government, on lie subject of the police regulations of that State concerning Free negroes ar riving at her ports in vessels, whether Foreign or Domestic. The British Gov ernment alleges that these laws are in contravention of the treaty stipulations xistingbetw#>en the Governments ofGreat Britain and the United States. The sub ject had been previously brought, diplo matically and directly, to the notice ofthe Cabiittd at Washington, while Mr Clayton was vHrapcr. This gentleman evaded the qoPnion, contenting himself with stat ing its difficu'ty, hoping that it would not be pushed, and finally, rather referring the British Consul General to the Execu tive of South Carolina. The Consul (Mr Mathews) on this hint, opened the corres pondence with Gov Means, to which we now refer. The correspondence involves a number of important and nice points, £ which are destined to.re-open the abysses 7 ofthe slavery agitation, which it is vainly I pretenled * l>heen closed hv the “peace ►-vTiTWSo 'Co ngress. These points are touched upon by the New York paper from which we copy the correspondence. We are glad to see that the AugnstaChron ft Sentinel and the Rav’h Republican, two of the “compromise” organs, take decided ground In support of the laws of S Caro lina, that are the subjects of British com plaint. The State of Georgia has similar laws on her statute book, and we are pleas ed to see a disposition maniiested from these quarters to sustain them. It would bo strange indeed, if all men of all parties, at the south, were not prepared to uphold these necessary regulations for'the pro tection of the southern people from the wiles of abolition incendiaries, and the corrupting intercourse between foreign free blacks and southern slaves. How it will end, no man can foresee. That the interference should be met with determin ed firmness hy, the southern States, all must admit. We deem it fortunate for the south, that England has opened the n> go tiatinn with a State, whose government •ad people are in no mood to take timid counsels; or make fatal concessions to the enemies of southern Institutions. As tor the conflict between necessary State Jaws, and the treaties of :he Federal Gov ernment, the latter must be modified. S. Carolina and Georgia cannot give up the right and power to protect the property of their citizens from the dangers of aboli emissaries, introduced into their pkrts, under color of a Federal Treaty. aOEidea/Syces itself on in this conn ulMa t*e w cor respondence, under the cure chon of the British Government, is so timed, as to raise in the mind more than a suspicion, that this manifesto of British abolitionism, has its connection and found its nutriment in the “peace measures of the last ses sion ot Congress. Great Britain had seen the sou;h driven to the wall in the slave ry settlements at Washington; and re ceiving in re'urn for her vast concessions to the demands of American abolitionism, • condescending promise of Congress that the north would be faithful to a clause in the constitution, as old as that instrument itaelf. The British Press have a true ap preciation of the character and effects of this “settlement.” They regard it and •peak of it, universally, as a terrible blow at the Institution of slavery; while they share in the sympathies of the north on the subject of leaving intact the Fugitive clause ofthe constitution. Great Britain thought it a good time, no doubt, to put in one ot' her philanthropic blows. Result as it would, no harm could cornu to Grea Britain from the effort. If it should exacer bate the disunion feeling of the country, the north washer rival for southern tiade, \ •nd her commerce, navigation and manu factures would reap the truits. If she suc ceeded in intimidating South Carolina, and compelling the repeal of the obnox ious regulations, British pride would be solaced, and the kingdom that owns ten white slaves to one black one in the United States, would gain a point in her crusade of negro proselytism. And, then, what better time could be se lected tor the movement 1 The soulh had been defeated in a contest with the w north, and before the tribunal of a com mon Congress, to defend her rights ot property under the constitution, and her equality as sovereign States with those States that did not happen to own slaves. The south was supposed to be weak and distracted alter coming out of so disastrous a fight and the “union” feeling was here to help the British movement The fire brand was thrown at a good time for Eng uoveranieruo Utlje <§giift£g@ VOLUME XI. j i this subject. The Carolina papers have ! nev£t alluded to it. There may oe more j in it, than has yet met the publie eye. EXTREMES MEET. One of the favorite topics on which the | submission organs of the south e xhaus j their witand eloquence, is the coincidence j of purpose, on the part of the ultraists north j and south. They say, behold ! the ex treme abolitionists at the north, crying j out for a disruption of all political ties with the slaveholding south ; and the ul tras, south, proclaiming separation from I the abolition north. And the very logical j deduction is drawn, that there is a coali tion between the two extreme parts to bring about a dissolution of the Union.— But these gentlemen leave a mighty gap in the argument. t Why do the friends of the south demand a political separation! It is because the sub missionists oflhe south have made atcom pliance with that demand, a political and social necessity ofthe first magnitude.— And they have made it so, by a surrender of the constitution to violation, and by permitting the rights of the south to be at the mercy of a hostile, sectional majority in Congress. It was not the Fire-Eaters, (who stood for th- cinstitution) but the compromisers who refused to defend the constitution, that have laid the knife on the heart ofthe Union. For the constitu tion nadthe Union, are convertible teims. One cannot exist without the other.—they are Siames twins, and to kill one,|is to de stroy the other. We charge that the sub mission men of the south, under a delu sive Union infatuation, have stood quietlv by, and seen a sectional majority put the constitution to death, severing one after the other, its strong vital ligaments ; and without an effort to defend it; and now, when the consequences present them selv*e, in a general southern discontent and distrust, weakening the ties of affec tion and confidence, which before found strength in the guaranties of a plain and sufficient organic law —now, we say, these men who have permitted the seeds of dis solution to be sown, and who, had they been true to duty and stood firmly by the Southern Rights men, could have prevented it —turn round and charge those who fought over the body of the murdered con stitution and covered it with their shields, with being the authors and abetters of dis union. No sirs ! You have destroyed this confederacy, and posterity, in its impar tial judgment, will hold you responsible for it. The compromises of the last win ter, dug its grave ; it was your representa tives in Congress, who consented to the act; you helped to build the mausoleum over it, to crown it with garlands, and dig nify the sacrifice as an oblation to the Union. Mistaken or Guilty, men! We care not which : yours is the deed— you have raised the whirlwind, we had nothing to do with sowing the wind ; you have let go the sheet anchor of safety, and ice are but doing our duty as men to provide for the safety of all on board, when the ship strikes and goes to pieces on the rock, on which your weakness and folly have turn ed it adrift. Give us back what you have taken from us; restore us our lost anchor; rekindL; the confidence and affection which your acts have destroyed; give us back our equality, our rights, our freedom in the Union, and you may undo the fearful work of your fatuity. But you can never do it, by hynming the most doleful and pious ditties to the “glorious union.” “YVe ask for bread, and you offer us a stone. ” Sub missionist ! the Union’s ghost “shakes its gory locks” at you! Tltou art the man ! THE NAMES. ; After much coaxing and sore tribulation, the names to the “Mutual lusurance Com pany” have at length been given to the public. They numbet forty four, all told, or about one seventh of the whole number ofthe members of Congress. On the list are only Jive Democrats, including Sena tor Gwinn, of California; and the Demo crats, area majority in Congress and con trol a majority ofthe States ofthe Union. These five are from the south. New Eng land furnishes one signer & he voted for the Fugitive Bill and has since failed of a re. election. New York furnishes 8 names all whigs. Pet nsylvania only one. There are eleven signers in all from Free States, and the free States have |l6O members. — Judge Wellborn from this district, does not appear on the roll. Our readers may judge from these items wha; sort of a demon stration it is. The roll is as follows; S A Elliot, Mass. H Cobb, Ga. J Brooks, NY. AH Stephens, do. D A Bokee, do. R Toombs, do. J P Phoenix, do. \V C Dawson, do. R L Rose, do. A F Owen, do. G R Andrews, do HYV Hilliard, Ala. J R Thurman, do J Clemens, do. AM SchermerhorndoHenryJSlay, Ky- Wm Duer, do. H Marshall, do, Jus Cooper, Penn. J L Johnson, do. Win M Gwinn, Cal. Daniel Breck, do. T G Pratt, Md. J B Thompson, do. R J Bowie, do. C S Mon-Bead, do, J B Kerr, do. F E McLean, do. A Evans, do. M P Gentry, Tenn. J Morton, Y'a. C H YY r illiams, do. T S Hayrnond, do. J M Anderson, do. YV P Maugum, N C. A G Watkins, do. A H Shepperd, do. E C Cabell, Fla. E Deberry, do. H S Foote, Miss. D Outlaw", do. H A Bullard. La. J P Caldwell, do. T J Rusk, Texas, Telegraphs —There are 22,000 miles of telegraph in operation in the United States 12,000 on the Morse/ principle, and about 10,000 on the House and Bain principles. Printer’s Festfval.— We make our ac knowledgements to Messrs Beach, Brother ofthe New York Sun, for the compliment of an invitation to attend a Dinner ghen by them to Col Hob, the distinguished builder of fast Printing Presses. The Din ner was to have taken place at the Astor House on the 28th ult. The Augusta Con stitutionalist says, the complimentary din ner is a well deservedf tribute, alike hon orable tqAhe distinguished guest and the liberal minded proprietors of this Press. This press is one of the world’s wonders in mechanism, and Col Hoe has established for himself an enduring fame by his use ful labors. The press is the great civilizer ofthe world— the handmaid of peace, in telligence and freedom. To this country, at least, if not the whole world. Col Hoe has proved himself a benefactor, by mul tiplying tho capacities of machinery for COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, vw.i TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1861. •applying rapidly, reading matter to the human mind. The dinner was to be preceded by a private exhibition to the invited guests of the Steam Press in operation at the %b office. \ A [From the X. Y.l’oiniwrcinl A dvertiaer, Jan Vjr” A NEW PHASE OF AH OLD SUBJECT. \ lx will scarcely be forgotten that some month's sir.ee a correspondence took place between our Secretary of State and tin? British Cabinet respecting the imprison ment of free colored persons, subjects of Great Britain, in the ports of South Car olina. The then Secretary of State, Mr. Clayton, represented iff the British Gov ernment the peculiar oifficnlties which surrounded the question, such as had in deed been pointed out in a previous correspondet\ the sain-* subject be tween the tvf* Sivernmt nls; and suggest ed to the Erttfhsjf Cabinet whether it was desirable orq- x to push the matter, in view of the il r< \it and almost insurmount able impedinge*)ts to its satisfactory settle ment. It was specificallv mentioned to the B itish Minister that in matters affect ing its local police ar.d state government each state was sovereign, and that the Gen eral “Government could not rightfully’ in terfere with the legislation ol South Caro lina, unless such legislation contravened the constitutional obligations and restric tion* by which South Carolina, in common with her sister states, was solemnly bound. The British Government forbore press ing the matter further upon our Cabinet, and from some explanations recently made in the British Parliament, the opinion generally prevailed that, for some time at least, the question, as between the two go vernments, would be allowed to sleep.— Yesterday, however, the Evening Post’s correspondence from Columbia, S. C., re vealed anew phase of the subject. ‘The British Cabinet acting evidently upon the hint derived from its correspondence with the American Minister, has directed her Britanic Majesty’s consul general for the Carolinas, to address South Carolina as a sovereign State, and to bring the question directly before its Governor. We regard the correspondence thus opened with anx iety, and treat it with importance, for two reasons. First, because it shows thaLjht government of Great Britain has sou necessary so speedilj’ to re-open f tion. YVe say found it necessary, there is every reason to believe that me British Cabinet had no desire, in the pre sent and growing friendly feelings between the two powers, to press this matter to an issue. Many circumstances combine to strengthen this beliel, which was justified ty the language held by tbe Ministry, when questioned upon the subject in the House of Commons. We infer, therefore, that in renewing application, the British Cabinet has acted under the pressure of popular sentiment in England, which every one knows amounts to a strong and universal and slavery leel. ing, It is far from improbable, also that a wounded national pride is mingled with this feeling, for it is well known that the English people love to boast that the man tle ol British protection is thrown around the humblest subject of the realm, wherev er he may be. We make the same boast with respect to our own Government, and it is praiseworthy, and not be carried out t into oflensiveness or arrogance. It is a mutual right to be mutually respected.— We think it safe to assume, therefore, that there is a combined feeling at the back of this renewed application—ihat the unwill ingness of the people ol England to sub mit to the imprisonment ot a British sub ject, without even accusation ol crime and at his own or his employer’s expense has been added to the strong anti-slavery feel ing, and that the instructions given to Mr. Consul General Matthew have been issued under the steady pressure of this combin ed sentiment, it is not difficult to sup. pose that the recent discusions and legisla tion of our own Congress upon slavery have excited the attention of the people of England to this branch of the subject. Believing that these agencies have been at work to induce the British Govern ment to renew its protest and its claim, we are constrained to regard the correspond ence which we publish below with some anxiety. It seems most likely that the cor respondence will not be abandoned with out some result—that it will be prosecuted to one issue or another. Whether we have a rightly divined the true reason why the application has been renewed, or wht<* ther we have not, it still seems to tis mor ally certain, history instructing us, that the application will be pertinaciously pres sed, and the exemption from imprison ment finally insisted upon. We suppose fiat the justice ofthe South Carolina law, in view of treaties existing between tbe United States aqd England, was virtually conceded ,in the correspondent of the two governments, already referied to. Its violation of the treaty, if we remember rightly, was not denied—it was rather apo logized for, as in reality unimportant com pared with the grave results that might flow from persistence in remedying the evil. •’ j And this leads us to a second point of equal importance and difficulty. By this C'-rrespondence may be raised, and proba bly will, the complicated question of how far stales right, can be pleaded as a bar to fulfilment of international treaties. — Great Britain claims that the imprison ment of her subjects in the ports of Soulh Carolina is an infringement of relations guarantied by solemn treaty with the Fed eral Government of the Uni red States.— The allegation it met by the plea that South Carolina is a sovereign state, hav. ing the power to regulate her own int<*fn al policy, and that the law of which Great Britain complains is a mere regulation, of police, enacted for her own safety, m vir tue if her inherent rights as a soveiulgap. independent Stale—The English Govern ment replies that the Federal Government made the treaty? that it must be assumed to have had the power to enter into the contract, and now to have the strength to enforce its terms if violated on either side. The same reply is returned, and appar ently, for the sake of good feeling on both sides, the question is allowed to rest. But having been referred to South Car olina us a sovereign state, and in that rap acity the author of the alleged grievance of: wlseli slire complains. Great Britain turns to South Carolina, resolved to prose cute her claim through {whatever chan nel the friendly Government of the Unit ed Stales may direct. Now it is plain that, whether Great Britain be right or wrongasto the subject matter of ber re monstrance, the course she has adopted will tend to test severely the relations of the separate to the confederated states, and vice versa, and will, should South Caroli na persist in enforcing the law complain ed of, bring up before the world’s judge, ment tbe real question of the Federal Gov ernment’s responsibility a* between its component parts-—tho correspondence be tween the British consul and Governor *TH K ° F s AMD THE SOVEREIGNTY OK THE STATES.” j Means becomes vastly interesting and im j poriant. First, with implied approval, almost at the actual request, of the Federal govern ! merit,Great Britain opens direct, official ■ -communication with an individual state of !iiis Union. This is no slight matter.- IV e cannot but regard it as a false step on (je part, of the late Secretary of State that, is the organ of the Federal Government, ie made an} - such admission as would in he remotest degree justify the belief that md individual^ state could enact and sus ain a law at variance with a national v, or could be appealed to by foreign lower to lemedv such an evil, did it real y exist. If Great Britain’s remonstrance \€is not just, or equitable, or justified bv a breach of treaty, the reply of our govern uSmt ought to have been to that effect, but decisive. If otherwise, it was lorthe Federal Gay. eminent. sis the treaty-making power, to nave met the responsibility without hesi tation, 10 have herself copied with the dif ficulty, of whalevt r magnitude ;to have said frankly to Great Britain, “You afe* right; South Carolina is wrong ; arid we wiilsee that the treaty which we make is strictly and faithfully fulfilled.” This would have shut out Great Britain fraiin Correspondence, from treating in any wiiy. with South Carolina. But what now sikall hinder the British consul here, if so itstructed, from, addressing Governor Ejjjijnl oil the subject ofthe alien passenger tax, or some kindred topic, provided that the. Government has first corresponded with the Federal Government upon the inlilter, and even without such proviso? Tarn it may lead to difficulty in another wi \ Arguing still upon the assupmUon thi iheEnghsh Government is complaining of n actual violation of treaty, and is re sol ed to resist at all hazards, the further im risoumeut of its subjects at Charleston > r .'sewhere, some such sequence as this nit be anticipated. Collision or reprisals wi follow. Against whom shall this hos tili r be directed? Os course, [Great Bri laii having been virtually referred to that Sta ■of the rejspi listUle party. ) against Sot i Carolina. Coping with that State aloi , she must triumph. But would, or cou , the Federal Government s.and aloi continue neutial? Assuredly not; it w uld be as surely involved as if it bad orig tally retained the whole’ll alter in its own hands, with this advantage—that it had reviously pleaded inability to compel obec ;nce from South Catolina. ny other thoughts arise in connec tion vilh.this whole subject, but we can not mrsue them now, and couclude by subjoining the correspondence. r Protest of Consul Matthew. Columbia, Dec. 14, 1850. Tip undersigned, her Britanic Majesty’s cons (1 for the States of North and South Garobna, has the honor to intimate to your Exctßency that he is instructed to invite the legislature of South Carolina, now as sembl'd, to the existing law of the Stale, a class of her Britanic Majes ty’s entering, on a garuntee of a national treaty, the ports of South Caro -1 inlay in trading vessels, or in “distress,” are •jiien from the protection of the Brit ish and imprisoned in the common jails Jitil the movement of their ship’s depa Ire. T indirect mode adopted by H. B. M.’s Govt’ ( lment in this communication, will, the i llersigned hopes, be accepted as a furtfc M proof of consideration and good will l tferd the State of South Carolina. At of the constitutional change im pend jjupon his arrival, he has purposely await Jppur Excellency’s official inaugu ration *Vo office. The bu'teof South Carolina, the under signed apprehends, has derived advantages of tiiometrt from the present liberal com mercial intercourse with Great Britain,.as it is evidently, the price at which her sta ple commodities of rice and cotton can be sold , that limits tlieir production and im portation from various other countries, nor will it escape the recollection of your Excellency and of the Legislature, that the punctilious adherence of the British Government to the unintended, but strict, application of the wording of the mutual treaty, ernbled a talented Carolinian gen tleman to* obtain for the South, under it, a further benefit. To the distinct clause of that treaty, and to the declaration in the constitution of the United > cu tes, “that the constitution and the the United States, which shall he made in pursuance thereof, and all the treaties nude or which shall be made un der thw authorities of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land,” the undersigned begs to call your Excellency’s attention,apprehending that its infraction by the act in question will appi ar indubita ble. The substitution ot any more “protect ive” basis of commercial intercourse for the presentlreaty would, he feels persuad ed, be at vanancewith the wishes of H. B, M.’s Government, but it is jqst and in dispriisablei, its continuance, mat a per i.arecprourtv m its advaotages should he iy depend omheir imports for corn, flour cattle, salt, provisions, and lumber, ami, to their small tfl i* rous vessels ('necessarily manned 4y rfuxed and colored creoles) as the puns of 4|nb and South Carolina, res pectively, ar&mre suitable, and at all sea- Incur u,c. so Cb .... ~MI tegiuaro.--. ‘sh-*: extend to to signers the same restrict ion a they MO post- if natives, the spot, where enl .feed, of a similar class and (Calling, and no more. I’he “tjder jgued indulges in the hopes that undei tin m circumstances, the L.egis iatuie of Sou; will see,jit to ab rogate orame >®kuch portion of the law as applies tht ‘Sabjects of foreign tpllied powers, and *Ol thus strengthen the ex isting bonds of Commerce, of friendship, and of mutual pod faith, with a kindred nation. M; HGsoroe B. Matthew. Tp hi* Excel ‘f|y, Th| Govern if pnd Com-in*Chief of S. Carolina, dki &c. w. Reply oh Governor Means. ftexEcuTiv* Office, > Columbia, ~ Dec. 17, 1850, $ The undergigifed, Governor of the Com mon wealth of Stoth Carolina, has the hon or to ackaowlcttijpg the receipt of the com municatmn of Her Britmic Majesty’s Con. sul, in relation to the law now existing, by which a class of H, B. M’s. subjects are imprisoned upon landing in Charleston, and the undersigaad takes this occasion to BSiure H. B. M’s consul of the friendly feeling entertaine^^Nhi^Qo g<>rnrnftn t by the Stale over which he to preside, and that no disposition do any thing that might tend to disturb the amicable relations now existing be tween the two Governments. The law alluded to, the Legislature of South Carolina deemed necessary to en aclj from considerations of safety to the in stitutions ofthe State, and not with a view of imposing any unnecessary restraint up on the seamen claiming the protection of the flag of any friendly power. The communication of H. B. M s con sul will be transmitted to the Legislature at the earliest possible convenience of the undersigned, and no doubt will meet with a respectful consideration. [Signed] J. H. Means. To H. B M’s Consul, George B. Mathew, Esq. Second letter from Consul Mathew. Columbia, Dec. 18, 1850. The underigned, Her Britannic Majes ty’s Consul, for the States of North snd South Carolina, has the honor to acknow ledge the receipt of your Excellency’s “note” of the 16th instant, conveying to him the gratify ing assurance of the friend ly feelings entertained to his Government by the State ovtr which your Excellency presides; and intimating, also, your Excel lency’s intention to transmit the con. muni cation ofthe undersigned atyour Excel lency’s earliest convenience, to the Legis lature of South Carolina. The undersigned would merely desire, in continuance of his “note” of the 14th inst., to request the consideration of your Excellency and of the Legislature of the opinion of the late Attorney General YV 7 irt, elaborately written under the command of the Hon. J. Q,. Adams, President of the United States and printed in “Elliot’s Di plorn, Code, (Appendix volume ii, pae 676,) concluding in the following forcible language:— “I am of opinion that the section of the law under consideration is void, for being against the constitution, treaties and laws’ of the United Stales, and incompatible with the rights of all nations in amity with the United Stales.” This opinion, your Excellency will, the undersigned conceives, hold to be well founded on the supreme power of treaties, as ruled by all writers on international law and briefly but decisively laid down by YY heaton, in h:s “Elements off nternation. al Law,” who states, [page 122, chap, i, part 2,) under the head of the “Rights of Self Preservation and Independence,” of nations. “The only exceptions to the application ot these general rules arise out of compact such as treaties of alliance, guarantee, or mediation, to which the state itself, whose concerns are in question, has become a party.” The undersigned feels fully assured that Her Majesty’s Government may confident ly rely on the justice and good faith ofthe Legislature of South Carolina to arrest from tbe present moment the operation of an act which he apprehends will on ex amination, be found liable (by the individ ual irritation it must cause) to create the results it was designed to preclude. [Signed] George B. Mathew. The Governor of tne State of S. Carolina, Jteply of Governor Means. Executive Department, ) Columbia, 19th Dec., 1850. The undersigned, Governor over the Commonwealth of South Carolina, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the 17th, from H. B. M’s consul, and informs him that it will be transmitted to the Legislature forthwith. The undersigned takes this occasion to renew his assurance of his own friendly feelings, and those of the Stale over which he has the honor to preside, toward H. B, M’s Government, and also his individual respect for H. B. M’s Consul. [Signed] H. Means. H. B. M’s Consul George B. Mathew, Esq. ’ It is a remarkable fact that in twen ty f ve , out of the 31 States, there are now Democratic Governors. The 6 States which have YVhig Governors, are Ver mont, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsyl vania, Florida and Kentucky. It is stated that Miss Zajello, the Hungarian heio ne, has been appointed to a clerkship in one of the bureaux in YVash ingtou. Death of Major Butler. Major Pierce Butler, brother of Col. YVm.'O Butler, late candidate for the office of Vice President of the United States, a distin guished lawyer, and for a numberof years a member of the Legislature of Kentucky, died on the 15th inst. at Louisville. A meeting of the members of the bar of that ciiy was convened on the occasion, and re solutions of regret and condolence passed. The citizens of Natchez have ap pointed a committee to lure the Nightin gale to that place. Throw sail on Bar num’s tail—that’s the way to catch her. E3P” Speaking of the American census, the London Times says, that from w hat has already appear* and, the returns will “ex hibit an instance of material and indus trial developeinent unparalleled in the annals of nations;” and concludes an arti cle on the subject, by the direct assert jon that ten years hence, the population\f America will exceed that of the British isles. ’ President Bonaparte’s friends are Said to be negotiating a inarriag- for him with the Infanta Amelia, of Spain. The young lady is sweet seventeen, pretty, ac complished and rich. Baring issued a circular on the Ist inst., announcing that they have admitted a partner Mr Russel Sturgis, of Boston, United States, former ly of Canton. Montelanibert, the famous Catholic of France, is a candidate for the office of Grand Master of the Masonic Or der of the Republic, and is supported by the united Catholic interest. Professor Proud fit, of Rutgers College, is engaged in writing a history of the Hu guenots who settled in New York and New Jersey. Small Debts. —No man says the Bos ton Transcript, whe is able to pay, ought ever to say to a poor man “call agaio,” when payment of a few dollars would make his creditors and family comfortable. This is sound morals. Delay in pay ment obliges the creditor to lose time in running after the money which is equival ent to so much yaloe deducted from the debt. Where the debt is ol small amount, two or three errands after it woqld cost to the creditor more than its whole value, COLUMBUS, GA., FBIDAY, FEB. 7, 1851. SOUTH CAROLINA from all the signs of the times, e 0 f j§ ol jjh Carolina have firmly | rta dc up their minds to secede from n fj,; s purpose is strongly manifested in them*,, liberation and coolness which have mark ed the proceedings of her Legislature, the responses of the candidates for Delegates to her State convention, and the unani mous tone ofher public press, so far as we have seen. We state the fact tor the information and guidance of our own peo ple. Situated as we are—a citizen of Georgia—of a State that, in our judgment has succumbed to oppressions, that she had the power of averting; suoinitted to wrongs that she might successfully and bravely have combatted—it is not our privilege to venture to advise our gallant neig l '’ rs as to their course of action in this great crisis. We cannot advise them to do singly, what in our judgment Geor gia owed it to her honor and renown, be’ rights and her safety, to have joined (<e.r in doing. YVe cannot recommend them to encounter, alone, dangers and respon sibilities, obloquy and malignity in the presence of which our own Slate has quailed. Asa citizen of South Carolina, our voice would be tree of utterance and our vote unfettered. In such a case we would vote for that course which we dare not now advise. And our conduct would be governed, not by a foregone desire to dissolve the union ; but by the conviction, that its principles are already dissolved that disintegration was only a question of time ; and that it was better for a southern State to go out while she was strong, than to wait until her vigor had been sapped, her patriotism corrupted and her powers s/'-'Hlowed up in the despotism rapidly cch. iralizipg at Washington. We hold tTat the old compact with the north, made by tbe tramers of the present constitution is broken, dilapidated and destroyed, and not worth the parchment on which it is written. The advantages of a “more per fect union” formed by it, have enured all to one party. If the north will not adhere to the old bargain, why should the south ] Is it not wiser to seperate, and then, if need be, go into convention, as equals, and see if anew union can be framed, just and honorable to all. If not, “agree to disagree” and each section look to its own welfare andgovernment. We repeat what we have said a thousand times, that this Congress has destroyed the Government, by its failure, courageously to meet the abolition onslaught on the constitution, in the spirit of the constitution. The States men of t ; ie present Congress—and none more so uian those of the south—have proved themselves unequal to the great crisis, during which the destinies ofthe Go vernment were committed to their hands. Their ambition, their treachery, or their timidity are before God and impartial posterity, responsible for the wreck of this once glorious union. Iftheyhad had the courage of Pitt and Burke when the storm ofthe French Revolution bursting across the channel, threatened to upheave the foundations of British credit, society and Government, and had breasted it, as they did. If, instead of temporizing with the negro-mania, which had fixed its fangs on the vitals of the constitutional equality of the States ; they had met it, determined to sav. the constitution or die in the attempt, it is now plainly to be seen they would have succeeded. And the present Con gress would have been immortalized as the saviours ofthe Union, instead of hand ed down to future ages as its finmolutors But unhappily, Demagogues stood where Statesmen were needed. Ambition cor rupted patriotism ; tear paralyzed public virtue, and Free Soil won a fatal victory over justice, equality and the south. And it gave it a foretaste of other victories, without which it will be forever unappeas able, until they are wrung from the hands of a weak and time-serving Congress like the present. When the fountain is cor rupted, what hope of drinking life and health from the rills that flow from it 4 The fountain of the Union has been poisoned at YVashington and it is insulting folly to call on the people to drink ot it as of yore. “ Peace measures” cannot cure such an evil. “Acquiescence” cannot mend it, nor can it be eovered up in the folds of. or soothed by the patriotic anthems that have celebiated the Star Spangled Banner.— God grant that it were otherwise! But facts are tacts. Let the blood of disunion then, fail on those who have wrought it, by quailing in the hour of trial and duty, and not in denouncing as “ Traitors” those who are seeking toscreen their heads from consequences which they labored, patrioti cally and constitutionally to avert. South Carolina never uttered a disunion menace until her rights in the Union were first as sailed ; and she has not resolved to consum mate secession until every appeal to justice, fraternity and patriotism had been exhausted. Defeat of the Tariff Project The amendment in relation to the tariff, introduced in Congress by Mr. Strong, of Pa., was put to sleep on Wednesday, in the House of Representatives, by a deci. sion of the chair, confirmed by a majority of fifteen, on an appeal to the House. Sev eral other amendments, with a similar ob ject in view, were tigered and disposed of in the same manner. The Washington letter writers speak of the extraordinary exertions of the friends of tin tariff, and generally agree in the op inion that no effort to change the present tariff law will be successful at the session. The correspondent of tbe Baltimore Clip per, speaking of the arguments of an able advocate of the protection policy, now in course of publication in one of tbe Wash ington papers says—‘fAias! his arguments fatten deafears, and passaway as the wind. Free Tiade among the sovereignties or na tions composing this Union, seems to have taken such a deep hold upon the public mind, throughout great Britain and the United States, that the chances are far J _reater in favrr of the final ab> lition of a l impost tax upop the trade of ike two coun tries, than they are towards returning to the protective system.'N—Acu'j. j NUMBERS. h L_ Tiik Southwestern Rail Road, Macon Journal & Messenger of the 29th ult. says:—-“We enjoyed our First lide ifo the South-Western Road on Saturday ing last. About twenty gentlemen left the Depot on an Iron Train at 3 o'clock.— It ran seven miles down the tract, dischar. ‘bree cnr-louds of iron, and returned to hours nud a quarter. — The ‘“ork of is rapidly progressing, and wilt bo the h chaconnee early in next week. r"f>-~ superstructure upon nearly tht entire r ute is now done, and our neighb vs at Foil Valiev and Oglethorpe may expect a visit from the steam-horse in a lew weeks.” Mississippi.— The Montgomery Adverti ser says that the progress of Status Rights in Mississippi, is truly cheering. Its friends there are doing battle with a zeal, energy and ability worthy of the great principles involved; and judging from the tone of their ablest press, the cause is going on “prospering and to prosper.” Gov. Quitman. —The National Free Tra der o! •25th ult,, says: All rumors in rela tion to the arrest of Gov. Quitman are in correct. The Marshal has not as yet been in Jackson. This matter involves very serious state considerations. Gov Quit man has counselled with the most eminent men in the State, and made his determina tion, but no one is authorized to state what he will do. We have no doubt that the writ of arrest will be issued, and then all conjecture will beat an end. This we have from one who knows. The Rail Road. —The Washington Ga zette says:—We understand the corps of engineers, after a thorough examination and survey, have decided upon the line already run, it being wholly impractica ble to overcome the obstacles by a detour in any direction. Gen Cass Don’t DECUNE.-r-The Cincin nati Enquirer has seen a letter from Gen. Cass, “in \yhich he expresses surprise that his letter to Mr Stevenson should lie construed to mean any thing more than his refusing, if elected, to be a candidate fora second term.” There must he some mistake about this, for Gen Cass’ language in his letter to Mr Stevenson was very explicit. He said : ‘I beg leave to say that no circumstances can possibly arise which would induce me again to permit my name to be brought forward in connection with the chief mag istracy of our country. My inclination and my sense of duty equally dictate this course.” MORE COLD COMFORT- We pub iislied the other day the “cut direct” given by the Richmond Whig, the leading federal organ of Virginia to the “Union Party.” We now copy a little “more of the same son” from the Rich mond Enquirer, the Democratic organ : “We hear much said in favor of the dis memberment of the present parties and the formation of an ‘•Union party.” We pro test against such a plan. In the first place the very (set of organizing an “Union par ty” presupposes thql it is necessary, in older to put down a dangerous ‘'Disunion party.” We deny Inal there is any such party, of any great extent, m the country, and we shall not, by aiding m the forma tion of an “union party,” recognize the fact oi the existence of an extensive Dis union patty. Again, it is a natural inci dent to our institutions for one party to ex cite opposition and to raise up an antago nistic party. The .surest means, then, el producing a “Disunion party” is to organ ize an “Union party” per sc. .Moreover, we believe with the Flag, that the Demo cratic party is the genuine party of the Union and the Constitution, and that, up on the success of that parly and its conser vative principles, intimately depends the continuance of'the Union. Toe theory ol the Whig or federal party tends to foster and build up a slroi g Central government, to give it means and temnlation to thrust its hands into the affairs of the States, and to stretch its powers over subjects which are properly without its range. Tiu-ir wild and latitudinous construction of the Constitution, gives to the Federal head, powers, never (Iremin and of by its found ers, and which are inevitably calculat'd to excite alarm und dissatisfaction on the part of the States interfered with. The South is m the minority, and, ol course, ali the usurpations of the federal gov ernment are turned to her injury and op. pressiori. Hence have arisen discontent and a tendency to disunion. On the other hand, the Democrat.c the ory rejects ail superfluous and intermed dling legislation—and confines the Gener al Government to the few and simple du ties specified in the Constitution—leaving every thing else to the State Govern ments. Let the Democratic principles be fairly carried out, the lights of the minor ity will be protected, the Federal and State Governments will move on salelj and smoothly in their proper orbits, the Union will be saved and peace once more Cover the land. For these reasons, we regard the Democratic party as Union enough for all purposes, and we shall re sist any interpolations in its creed, any fusion of its principles into any other or ganization.” Ii the north won’t go into it; and the south won’t; nor the whig party, nor the democratic parly ; we should like to know where Messrs. Cobb ;.nd Holsey and Ste phens and Tooinbsare to get their rank an I file? Perhaps, our staid Colempumry of the Milledgeviile Recorder can tell; as he has been very busy of late, in galvin izing the dead body with hopeful editori als. THE SAVANNAH GEORGIAN. R. B. Hilton, Esq., late editor of the “Floridian and Journal,” Tallahassee has become a partner and associate editor of this paper. In addition to handsome edi torial abilities, clearly displayed in the Floridian, Mr Hilton brings to the gian” Democratic and Southern Rights principles of the true stamp. We con gratulate our cotemporary and the cause of Southern Rights in Georgia, on the ac quisition of this new pnd valuable coadju tor. Mr Hilton makes his bow as follows: “ Whatever of a personal nature the un dersigned has to say in becoming one of the Editors and proprietors of the Georgian, | shall be said in a tew words. As regards party politics a >d the political questions I which have demanded his attention since he entered upon life, hjs action has been with the Democratic party ; believing ita j principles to be in accordance with the I State Rights doctrines pf the* fathers and ,OB pLMNAITO I ' Ie ’ svn.Y afd PKomrrLr kxccuts* at**.* •**•* OF IC&e Columbus Ctntfif. Pamphlets, j Haed Bills, Business Cards. | Way Bills, Visiting de j CiFeafars, Ball Tickets, j Blank Nous andeverythiogaWe inthia line fbesinnet,C® XA and with Dispatch. BLANKS OK ALL KINDS PHINTBBth ORDER. •founders of the Republican faith. An re gards the more Important question!* which have been before the public mind during the fast year, he is and has been, identi fied, in I eelingand purpose,with theSouth fjl igh ts as con t ra-d ist ii igti ish cd from the ‘On party.’ Duringthe late con test be p them mthisState, ail his sympathies c with the former—ardently hoping, iout its expectiqg success, and deeply reg Ming its defeat. Becoming asaovistr ed whh that party as one of its public ad vocavjjifihe will sustain its cause with ftty the eufirgv anu ability that nature or edtw cation has given hint: am! with ail the zeal that can spring from an honest, deep ~'* i *,gt : ed v abTlirig and well assured convic tjv.. wisdom and patriotism. He will uo this, ROWver, not as the enemy, but as the triermoi under the belief that the Qvhw )ui only be maintained by maintaining vyhayjo the South is ofinfin itely roorevaiue-A** rnsjfy, the rights grow .ing out of her interest* W African SUoery. He awaits further pvidenNx iial , hesK . righ . g can'not be preserved t..fc* foe existing confederacy before consenting t*> become the advocate of it* dissolution ‘Vhen that evidence is given, • ami the deletion shall lie forced upon him that the a j. .ternatives f. r :he South are emnncipair,p aud disunion, he wilt not hesitate which t„ choose. A Southerner by birth, residence and interest, the cause of the South will ever be with him paramount tCNall others, R. B. HILTON, For III* Times. Mr Editor:—l received the following lines from the friend trom whom I pur chased the subject of them. I will not say they are sublime; I will not pronounce them unexceptionable in artistic finish.*-* I will say, that they present human nature in a very interesting phasw to me, and are not wanting in some broad and sensible hits at /wrse-nature. Altogether, I am confi dent they are not far below the standard ot Wordsworth, and i( they hailed trem Rydal Mount \vould o.xcile the suspicion that the author of “ The Pet Lamb” and “ Peter Bell” is still a|iye. At ail events, I venture to ask a place in yopr Poet’s corner for them, and take the liberty of warning the critic, who shall undertake to sneer at them that subsequent repentance is a poor apology for a. want of wit — that the pyramid which true genius erects may safely defy the pjek axes and pop-guns with which it may he assailed— that a “ bard ,” a genuine 1 rd. may “•Soar to ele gize an Ass”—thqt j’rutk is the foundation of all just sentiment and feat poetry as certainly as it is the foundation of all nor ble actions and characters, and all endur ing monuments of human greatness. { warn him further that simplicity is at once an attribute of Truth, aud the prime con dition of Order; that it is more noble to love a faithful horse than to hate an ene my, and that he who ridicules the claims of the brute creation uppn our attention and sympathy exhibits neither sentiment, sense nor religion. ZENO. BARLOW, Let oilier.* ring the lover’* lay, Or of the Hero’s course— Or to the Fair their tribute pay, I sing my old gray horse ; Old Bailow—true and well tried gray ! fro ridden the.- many a jog, And driven thee on the firm highway. And inure through uiiqiv a hog. I’ve tried title to the foovel plow, Full many u summer through. And witness to thy credit now. That thou wast always true, In days of yore when thou wa*t young. And showed lliy coltish tricks. In hnrsedot #poit< thy blend# among. In nee and romp#, and kirks. I’ve checked the* in thy fiiky ways. And saddled thee to rule, Or hnrnessed thee to coach or chaiaa, And driven thee will) pride. I’ve tried thee in the sportive chns. - . When rang “the mellow horn” Aud found thee ready—for the race, On any hunting ruorn. At any thing— at work qr sport. No matter when or where; For work or play was Barlow’s forte. And he was always—•• there.” But Barlow ! Why that searching alar# ; That seems to doulu mv ,rsi# t 1 holdtukk! Trqe. I must Jrclgr#, But not for vicious ways. 1 sold thee not for <Ji-ont*nt, , ■ Because I loved Ihre \v*J 1 solo ri-ce ,>vnh tin- gonad intantf To iirvfrrov i ,^ v luturtT M- I sold tlioc to a *„ ,ier kind. Who knows Ihee Wclrtf-^ji ?**?• And one—l tiusl as thou Will give thee time to play. And Barlow ! now a kind adieu! I wish thee much good fara; May corn and oats fin bounty too) And rest-—!>e hence thy share. G. W. C. Many nr<- of the opit io , sayslh Raiti, mme Argus; that the most certain way to eradicate this disease of Northern fattali cistn, nml to destroy the beast called North ern abolitionism, is lor Congress io repeal that law w hich makes the slave trade with Africa piracy. When the abolitionist* can agani enjoy the privilege ol stealing ne groes from Africa, and selling them in the Southern Slates, it is thought that they wjll then become the strongest advocates both of slavery and the fugitive slave law. They are such devoteil'philniithroptsl* hat they think it highly wrong to permit tha poor negroes to be lairo, to live, and tod:* in their native land, without any jfttowi edge of their Creator and hi* Holy law*, anil therefore, desire to steal il-eut awoy and sell them in civilized land*, where the\ may enjoy the benefits of civilization and Christianity. There is no doubt that the restoration to them of this privilege. Will effectually relieve them of their abo- htion notions, and induce them to enforce”* tiie provisions of thejugitiyjs slave law. Fugitive Slave Arrested.—A fugj* live slave was brought br|br>- Commiffioo er M* A Ulster on yesterday* on I refpatidad < to his owners, He was one of the party that left with the negroes that Mr. Taylor arrested here in August last, tie WM per fectlv satisfied to go buck: •nd staled before the Commissioner tlsai he did i.ol know be was running away wiirii lie left—that hie associates invited him to rj w edding up f‘* country, but he accompanied them tq Pennsylvania. He said ie was satisfied with his experience m I’uiMjrlwni*, and would have gone back i loht, if he had know’ll the way. and cou'd have returned conveniently.—f llarritburg Infant. The “Knocki.nos” Ex rose d.—Col. Hail, of Bridgeport, who has taken *ne pains to invest)) ?;*te the *-pirtoal fetmek out sounds similar to those road# by the ernnlo