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L/ ft. 4 U . , p&orsuETttas and publishers. MtJlii advance ™ Three at the end of the var.nTri- 3 NcSapcr will be discontinued while any trreaAt's are due, unless at the option of AbvertSsements conspicuously inserted at One per square for the first in sertion slid Fifty Cents for every subse quent coSpuance. OrfMbM- sJ WWawdsy Morning, Feb. 19,1851 EXPRE&iLY for the times. UfiI¥WT^AFHIGA. d#clhtb m cotton. •Me ATLANTIC SAFE. - # 9 o’jclk. 10 nt. P. M ) February 17, 1851. j The steamer Africa arrived, brings the Atlantic’s passengers. The Atlantic is now in Cork. When nine days out, she broke her shaft and experienced terrible weather; her works, paddles and ma cbinerv much damaged. It will take two months to repair her. At Liverpool on the Ist inst. American cottons were down an Id. Dull market. Consols 96|. Drawing and Painting. —The attention of Parents, Guardians and the lovers of | art, i* invited to the advertisement ot Mr H-jnflecr, in another column. Panorama of Cuba.— This painting is described by our cotemporaries of the Press as a splendid work of art; and as it pourtrays the scenery of one of the most beautiful countries in the world, our citi- zen will be giad to learn that it will be exhibited in this city for four nights, com mencing- Thursday next. See advertise ment. The exhibition takes place at the Temperance Hall. (QrWeare under obligations to Sena tor Dawson and Hon. H. L. Haralson ot Georgia, for valuable public documents. Faction sometimes works a melancholy change in some of its a ictims. Look f example, -at thespectacle presented by i.AnjmdyWrftf'ffie Columbus (<la.) ultraism first destroys hislove I far the Union; next his respect for the principles of the democratic party; but —“last stagt- in this eventful history"—it has affected the dignity and decency with which his paper was once conducted. Once he had the bearing and refinement of a man of “gentle blood,” and now his manners are as coarse as his passions are violent. We lameut the metamorphosis; but we do noteve.i yet despair of his re formation. Once he was substantially in favor of the elements of the Georgia plat form; but when we would have taken him at hit word, before the Georgia Conven tion adopted it, be flew off at a tangent, deniedthe position which he had taken and returned to “wallow in the mire.” We have no respect for the excesses of such a critic. We feel no terror at his lash. Let him ridiculcorrebukeus asjhe pleases. We heed not the passing wind. All we wish him is a return to his reason.— IVasfc ington Union-. Having repudiated the venerable “Fa ther Ritchie” as our political Palinurus, we beg leave also to decline his services as our teacher of manners. The foregoing sample of hisquality as an “arbiter eleganti mrum\ is not calculated to make us fall in levs with his school of “dignity and de cency.” Our conscience acquits us of ev er having written anything more “coarse.” We h*** now discovered that one of the penalties of not a|Teeing with the vener able editor, is, to be tabooed in the circles of the polite. While we steered our back by his compass we were a “marvelous proper person,” and demeaned ourself as one of “gentle blood,” but when we hold fast to the Democratic State Rights principles, which he helped to jBP-h us and refuse to trim them, like liim j||] thejrforce value, why. wefese caste and;become L one no better than he should be.” -Well; de gustibus non. We’are happy to know that Mr. Ritchie cannot, with a sweep of his nonchalant pen, ostracise us irom the good repute of that class of men whose opinions on the great question of the day, we alone value and respeet. In return for Mr. Ritchie,s good ‘wishes,’ we venture to hope when Congress passes a bill for his relief, that he too may have a •-return to his reason.” A. our readers know better than that we were “ouce in favor of the Georgia plat form.’ meaning the platform of the sub mission convention, we shall not take the trouble to comrauict it. We edit for the mass, for the great body r people, and to them, and not to -irrefers we hold ourselves responsi ble for the correctness of our views.—CV umftnff Exactly what we have long believed : and |he “ediwg ft* the. mass” is done on the postulate rfhat the masses are fools and will far gospel truth whatever their p.ny organ sees fit to feed their gullibility As we expected, the Enquirer declines to anitort argument its sweeping declnra t. t hj|t “Free Trade was a ruinous hum buV’& it also declines allresponsibility for news o( Mr. Fillmore and his the Treasury. In short from be iug a very >rash restrictionist, two weeks age,it has one to be a nothingarian. It is ia its old pine “on the fence;” therejdeal iag out at usal, its geneialities and firing Mustard seed h its * political opponents. ** **.'■-$ As• We shall wait -r oar neighbor to prove that **Frre Ynie is a ruinous humbug.” - rr. X rn; 1 - ; •'I . Mobile, Feb. 1851. Tb qaest<m c is not, in my mind, in the contest. There aBRLr question, involving the of our Federal system, the arena, and assumes an I j erei£& Stale? true deciax o fGovernment, sf, to talk more rfiHs State sovereignty, iSttLer the rights of sections— as it fsSin that these opinions overturn the thrA* and the Union a- it i-, bo- mies . constitution i -.ere ly and thing of the relations flfie flints® J VOLUME XI. I between the States and the Union, the same as the counties of a Slate to a State. Nay, worse than this in practice, inasmuch as ah aggrieved county in a State would have better prospects of maintaining its rights by its contiguity to the head of its system, that the States would have in reference to their Union head. Is it not a lamentable fact, that a continued system of wrong and oppression by the north against the south has so worried the southern mind, and depressed its spirit and energies, that even a direct attack upon the basis of our system, which of it self, in former days would have set the whole south in a blaze of excitement, scarcely receives a passing notice in Con gress, from the press, or from the people. Since the great men who kept the consoli dation party, or monarchy party in check, for the past forty or fifty years, have pass ed from the stage of action—that party headed by Clay, Webster, Cass, et. als have raised the banner of consolidation, with a President of the United States in office, ready and willing to execute their behests! In a word, the constitution has ceased to be a rule of action for the dif ferent departments of the federal govern ment under which we now live, adminis tered by those who can manage from time to time to get control of it, by fraud or force—a union which has a patronage now in 32 States and five territories not far in ferior to that under thejsway of the'British Queen, and a treasury with an annual 50 million to distribute, derived from tlje people, employed to buy up the promi nent men of the Stats at pleasure—with hundreds of millions of acres of public lands to squander /among the people in furtherance of its designs upon their liber ties and that of posterity. With all these appliances, it the libertiesofthispeo ple can be long preserved, it will be by the special providence of God, and not by the virtues of our modern statesmen and poli ticians. The youth of our country now merging into manhood, will naturally be swayed and fashioned by the prevailing sentiment of the present times, and will coldly review the political hist< ry of our country in the past. The lessons of truth and wisdom taught by the Jeffersons, Ran dolphs, Madisons, Luther Martins, Craw fords, and Calhouns of former days, will have hut a transient entertainment in their minds: and those of the Footes, the Toombs, the Stanleys, the Sewaris, the Giddings, the Hales, and others of like character if the present and passing hour, will become a law of their political faith. What have we then to hope for in the future, with all these elements of mischief staring us in the face! I answer—Nothing for good—but all for evil! Is there any escapo! In a word, are we a doomed people—and is it a perfectly hopeless en terprise to seek a course of action by which these evils may be avoided ! 1 con fess, that at the best, and with a disposi tion to find a light in the future to guide and protect us, the prospect is a gloomy and cloudy one. But it is my deliber ate and conscientious conviction, after much reflection on the whole subject, fraught as it is with almost insupportable difficulties at every step, that there is only one plain duty to be performed by the Southern States which cau enable them to preserve their liberties and their insfitu tions. And that is, to sever the political connexion with the north at the earliest practicable time ; and then proceed to re construct a political edifice which with the experience of the past, we may do, which would defy the effects of revolutions and of time. My mind is made up—my opin ion confirmed in the conclusion, that this union and slavery cannot long co-exist. Say what you will, there is an incompati bilily to be reconciled between the north and south, in their climate, soil, produc tions, “morals—mode of thought, and various other characteristics before we can safely trust our common interests to their keeping in the same political copart nership. But you may ask, notwithstand ing all this, if the north refuse to recog nize our rights to secede from the union; What is your modus operandi ? Suppose you attempt to sever the connexion, or if the north with the appliances of the Gov ernment—the army and navy—say you shall not depart in peace. Aye, there lies the rub ; and it is that rub which induced the words “practicable time” employed in that part of my letter which treats of the severance of our political connexion with the north. For although I-hold our right to be as clear to secede (for cause to be judged .cf by ourselves) union, as it was for the States to come into the un ion ; yet I believe, unless a great revolu tion effeoted in ;the public mind before that trial takes place, that force will be employed by those having in charge the despotism at Washington to prevent the action of the State — therefore it is, that I advocate preparation ; early; ample ; complete, miliary organization, before that final step is taken ! Were it not tor the unprepared* of southern defence, I would advocate secession to-mortow; tor I hold, that if the south had no other cause of complaint against the north, the admission of California as a State, with all the precedents and consequences, would be quite sufficient in the eyes of the and posterity to justify a dissolution office union. What sort of uuion is that the robber and robbee are compell ed to live together as equals? How much i made the inferior, and compelled to do | homage to the Robber ! Can native south | em blood long tolerate such a union ! j I will answer for one. No longer than I j cad see aclear road out of it. Let Toombs, | Fodto and Seward love such a “ glorious f’union.” “tt is their government, not J mine” and if this be treason, 4 ‘ make the j most of it.” Editor’! Correspondence. New York, Feb. }O. 1851. Dear Sir: In striking contrast to the magnificent buildings, that arrest the eye and call forth the admiration of strangers on their first entrance into New York, to which I briefly alluded in a former letter, are the numerous objects of pity. t^at. pre sent themselves to your police at almost every step. { have scea mope distress in “THK UNION OF THK STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.” COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1851. the shape of absolute destitution, woe be gone and squalid poverty in the last 10 days than I have seen in as many years in Georgia; in fact, more than I ever saw, or ever expect'to see there, should my days be prolonged “to three score and ten” years. During the cold weather that has prevailed here of late,great is the suffering, which must have beenexperienced by these poor miserable wretches, who depend up on the charity of strangers to keep soul and body together—for the citizens ac customed as they are, to*have these dis tressed objects constantly before them, appear not to attract their attention, and pass them by unheeded. The thorough fares of the lower part of the city are lit erally lined with men, women and chil dren, some blind, some crippled and frightfully deformed, others worn and worsted by disease, all slightly clad in filthy rags—scarcely ,-ufficient to hide their shivering limbs. Not much elevated in the scale of being—above these just de scribed—are a large class who do not live, perhaps by begging, who nevertheless are but little better off. In certain quarters of the city, the houses are crammed from cel lar to garret with human beings—in some cases several families occupying the same room. Immorality and vice in all its forms, destitution and filth all huddled in togeth er. These places are as famous for gen erating epidemics as Hatteras is storms, and the mariner is no more watchful when he approaches the latter, than are the “fathers” of the city towards the former, when pestilence is abroad. A larger part of the mortality of the city during the sum mer months, is confined to these locali ties. Ido not know but that I should be come hardened to these sights in time, but it does seem to me now , that any one pos sessed of ordinary sensibility, must feel pained to see, without the power to re lieve, even a small portion of the destitu tion that lives in this city. There are no doubt some cases, perhaps many, where | the subjects have brought this poverty j upon themselves, either through idleness, j or as the natural result of a dissolute and vicious life; but I apprehend, that by far the larger portion, have been reduced to this situation by misfortune, and if their! history was made public, many instances, I no doubt would be revealed, of persever- j ing and determined efforts against l con tinued misfortunes, until beggary wastheir only possession. Besides these there are thousands of foreigners landed here every year, entirely destitute. These for the most part are not only ignorant t-f the customs of the country, but cannot speak the language. Poverty and persecution drive them from their native land, and the lew out of the thousands yearly landed at this port—who have any means on their arrival here, are very soon reduced to a level with their fellows. While I am passing about the city and sea all this distress, the question is con tinually rising in my mind—where is all the benevolence which we hear so much about as pervading the north to such an extent that it reaches away down south ? That benevolence which pretends to be the only friend of the afflicted and op pressed, and for whose operation, this continent does not afford sufficient scope. Is it true (as has been whispered) that our abolition brethren are not so all-fired be nevolent as they would have all creation and a part of the other country believe.— Is it true their “bowels of compassion’ are so strongly stirred within them that they sent delegates to the “World’s Con vention” to devise ways and means to free the poor down-trodden, stamped under, skinned alive, and us;d-up generally, ne groes of the south, and at the same time turn a deaf earjo the piercing cry for help, which goes up from the poverty-stricken masses which surround their dwellings, and mingles in the chorus of their hypo critical “Freedom song]” Is all this true! Yes! This is God’s truth. The very men aye, and women too, who will give their money to aid a negro to run away—to fee counsel for his defence if retaken, or to shield from the penalties of the law, the villain who would steal a negro and in vite him to murder hie master to gain his freedom—would thrust from their door the poor beggar, ready jto perish for the want of food. And this is not the worst feature in the case ; these things are done under the garb of religion. To such an extent have the pulpits of the north been pervert ed for the last five years from the propa gation of the principles of the btblc, and the leligion which it teaches, to the pro motion of abolitionism, thatthe generation now on the stage* as well as the one pre paring to take its place, is thoroughly im bued with its principles, and look upon slavery as a curse, to be got rid of at any cost. In many sections and churches it is made the standard sentiment. It is very easy to see how soon whole communities would become affected when subjected to this sort of tuition. You may rest assured that this feeling of hostility tothe institution of slavery, and a fixed determination to abolish it does predominate here, I care not what representations are made to the con trary or by whom made. The fact does exist, and I apprehend that a very short time will developed. I came to this con clusion from personal observation several years since, and every subsequent visit to this section since,” has but confirmed it. If the south wish to preserve their proper ty id slaves, they miust look at home.— You cannot count on the conservatism of the north. ’Tis all gammon. I hope cer tain parties undeceived in regard to this matter, before ’tis too late. I do not pretend to deny that there are some national men at the north; butthey are in a hopeless minority. They are using great efforts to turn back the tide of fanaticism that is sweeping over the country. But to effect this, they have got to undo, what has taken years of perseveringeffort on the part of the abolitionists to accomplish, and what they will sustain at all hazards. This is my opinion. There is a desperate struggle in the N. Y Legislature for Sena tor —the result of which you will probably receive by telegraph before this reaches you. Mr Beckman one of the represen tati yes from this city, and of the “Silver Gray” classification of politics has taken the “studs” aqd refuses to vote for Gov. Fish, who is understood to be Seward’s man, and as he cannot he elected without this vote, it leaves Mr Fish in a decidedly bad pickle. From the Columbus Times, September 1844. DE. FBANXLIN, AGAINST STEPHENS, MEBI WETHEE AND TOOMBS. Messrs. Editors —When I was a boy my father used to tell me to read Dr. Franklin’s works, as he considered him one of the wisest men that ever lived, in this or any other country. My father was an old fashioned sort ol man, and preferred the opinions of such men as Franklin, to that of all the ups'art demagogues of the day, and l have no doubt, if he were alive that he would still prefer Franklin’s opin ions of Free Trade and the Constitution, to those of the three gentlemen at th- head of this article, though I know he would be laughed at bv the modern Whigs, who would tell him that any one of those dis tinguished gentlemen had forgot more than Dr. Franklin ever knew. As there may still be a few left who think Dr. Franklin, to sav the least, as well acquainted with the Free-Trade system and the Constitu tion as the above named oentlemen, please publish the annexed extracts from his works, and obi ee Onk,of yo nn Sun sc mu krs. DE, FEANKLtN ON FP.EE TEADE. “Perhaps, in general it would be better if government meddled no further with trade, than to prelect it, and let it take its course—most of the Statutes or acts, edicts, arretsbnd placards of Parliaments, Princes, and States, for regulating or restraining of trade, have, we think, been either politi cal blunders, or jobs pretence of public good. When Colbert assembled s me wise old merchants of France.m and desired their advice and opinion how hecould best serve and promote commerce; their answer, after consultation, was in three words, “Lais sezi o is faire.” “Let us alone.” It is said by a very sacred writer of the same nation that he is well ad vanced in the science of politics, who knows the full force of that maxim, ‘ Pas trop gouverner.” “Not to g< vern too much,” which perhaps would be of more use when applied to trade, than in my othein public concern. It were therefore to be wished that commerce were as free between all nations of the world,as it is between the several counties of Eng. land; so would till by mutual communrcu tion obtain more enjoyments. Those counties do not ruin each other by” trade, neither would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by trade even seemingly the m> st disadvantageous. Wherever di sir able superfluities are imported, industry is excited, and thereby plenty is, produced ” Dr. Franklin's remarks on the power of Congress , under the Confederutio n to protect Manufactures, “Many persons skilled in manufactures imagining that America must be in want ot them, and that Congress would be dis posed to encourage them, have proposed to go over. Such persons on reading the Articles of Confederation, find that the Congress have no power committed to them, or money put into their Jiands, for such purposes, and that if anv such en couragement is given, it must be by the government of some separate State. This, however, has been rarely done in Ameri ca; and when it has been done, it has rare ly succeeded, so as to establish a manufac ture which the country was not yet so ripe for, ns to encourage private persons lo set it up.”^ [from tli# Augusta Constitutionalist.] DESECRATION OF WASHINGTON’S BIETE-DAY. A more barefaced and reprehensible piece of denntgogueisin than the following letter, has never before been exhibited to the public gaze since the foundation of the American Confederacy. It deserves the sc >rn and contempt of every citizen who holds in veneration the memory of the Father ot his Country, and would consider it foully desecrated when dragged into the arena ol politics to subserve party purpos es. It appears in the Savannah Republi can of the 12th inst., a id is, as the Edi t >rs state, in an approbatory notice ,au in vitation lo them to unite in this party cele bration. Will the public sentiment of the country tolerate this effort of a party that dubs t ell “The Constitutional Union Ear ly,” presumptuous y ‘o appiopria'c to their own ephemeral political schemingsa name and a day dear to every good citiz nos this country —dear to every true votary of lib erty —dear to every heart that can admire nobie virtuesand lofty pntrii lism? There is either Imllovv and disgusting Itypocricy in the professions of this letter, or it is the emanation of a narrow-mindedness not less deplorable—emanating from men, from some of whom, ai least, we should have expected better things. If the aim be solely to bolster uy a polit ical party, a Gnat National Organization, as it is termed, but which, in fact, has no organized existence out of the Stale o( Georgia, it is hypocritical lo invoke the venerated name of Wash in gt n for such a purpose. If it be prompted by a feeling that there are no citizens of this great re public worthy to unite with them in offer ing homage to a common benefactor—to one who was “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen,” except those who agree in sentiment with them in approving these miscalled Peace Measures, such bigotry and intolerance are unworthy of the enlightened age in which we live. They afford a melancholy spec tacle of the effect of parly raucor and pol itical ambition, to darken fine* intellects, and to eradicate magnanimous sentiments. Is this mode oi celebrating the Lirth-day of Washington, a peace measure? Are the intelligent and virtuous citizens of Geor gia, who are unprepared to say that the Compromise Measures of the last s-ession weie happily passed, to he forced thus in to a separate celebration of Washington’s It maySvell be doubted whether 41 the il. ‘lostrious slave-holder and planter, who sleepson the banks of the Potomac” would have this day been, were his spirit now gmong us, arrayed on the side of this mon grel party association, formed by political schemers and demagogues, calling itself the Constitutional Union Party? or wheth er his sympathies, his principles—his love of right and justice—his hatred of tyranny and wrong—would not have arrayed hitn with the great Southern Rights Party of his own native south. We should never have desired to provoke a discussion on such a point. The name and the fame of Washington beloqg now to no Stale or section “No clime can claim, no country can appropriate him. He was the boon of Providence to the human race.” But when a handful of men who have from selfish political motiyes vainly striven to create themselves into a National Union Patty, but who cannot muster a corporal’s guard out of the State of Georgia, attempt in their desperation to convert a day sacred to every American—sacred to liberty and to man, into a political bacchanal, there is no language tpo strong to stigmatize thq desecration. Macon, Ga., Feb. 7, 1841. Dear Sir —The friends of the Union in this phee, cjjgtemplate a public celebra tion of the approaching Anniversary of Washington’s Birth-day. As the Romans were accustomed to carry the Statues of their early Heroes, in their processions, to remind them of the virtues and purity of the better days of their Republic, so we deem it the part of patriotism, in the pres ent crisis of our public affairs, to keep be fore our eyes, the examples and teachings of ihe founders of our Government. We embrace the occasion as especially oppor tune tn invoke the spirit and warning voice of Washington, to frown upon the bold designs ts-Disunion, so alarmingly avow ed in every pail of the Confederacy. Asa committee appointed for the pur pose, vve invite you to join in the proposed celebration either by your presence or your counsel. We desire that your inftu. ence may be felt, in restraining the spirit of insubordination and sedition, wherever in our wide spread country, it seeks to dis integrate the proud fabric of our Govern ment. We desire that your voice may go forth to the people pleading for the obser vance and abidance of those great Peace Measures, which so happily passed the lasi session ol Congress, And above all that you may unite with us in pushing for ward that great National Organization which we look tounderGod’s Providence, as the l est, i( not the only protection of our cherished Union, against the danger ous attacks of faction and fanaticism. Your obedient servants, A. H. Chappell, “j lames A. Nisbet, James W. Armstrong, I Committee Samuel Hall, j of S. T. Chapman, j Invitation. Rout . S. Lanier, “ The Soil of the South.” —'The pnb lication of this work has be en delayed sole ly on account of the unexpected delay m receiving the type. They were ordered in time to enable the publishers to issue the first number by the 15ih of Januarv, but from the carelessness of agents to whom they’were sent at Savannah they have not been received. The publishers are ex pectingall the necessary material daily, and as soon as they are received they will proceed wuli the pulic lion commencing, with the January number. This will be done in order to make the volume complete. The friends of the work need have no ap prehensions as toils success; that is already ensured by the response which has been made by the public. The patrons of the paper will no doubt excuse the delay in view of the circumstances. The publish ers will be obliged to the press for a no tice of this explanation.— [ Columbus Sen tinel. Cheap Postage —-Coming to the Point. —The Baltimore Clipper learns from Washington, that Barnabas Bates the original ad vocate of cheap postage in the U. S. has made proposal to Congress in consequence of their hesitation to pass the cheap postage bill to transport the mails on all the existing routes in the U. States, and give for the privilege tor ten years one million of dollars. He proposes lo charge o:< letters only two cents for each half ounce end fraction ofan ounce prepaid and deliver them to their address free of any additional charge in all the towns and cities containing ten thousand or more inhabi tants. Newspapers, periodicals hand-bills and any printed matter, at half the present rates. To each member of Congress, for the r franking- privilege, he will furnish twentyrfive hundred stamps per annum. Mr. Bales, in behalf of himseifand asso ciates, offers to give satisfactory security lor the fulfillment of the conditions of this contract, which shall go into operation on the first of J.iuuaiy, 1852. If this offer be refused, we cannot see how Congress can any longer hesitate to give the people the cheap postage they have petitioned for. We understand that several enterprizing capitalists of New York and New Jersey have united with Mr. Bates in this offer, and are willing and anxious to obtain that contract. Columbus, Ga., Friday Morning, Feb. 21, 1851. Dr. Crane’s lecture on Monday night was attended by a very large and highly respectable audience. We were much delighted with many ofhis practical views touching the education of children, physi cal and moral, as well as intellectual. Ilis denunciations of some of the nuisances of habit prevalent in the south, accorded pre cisely with our own long settled opinions. And who that has observed in our coun trymen and countrywomen, the bent bodies, the stooping gait, the sallow faces, the attenuated limbs, couldfail to be struck with these evils, when Dr Crane, laid bare their causes, in the feather beds, close sleeping rooms, want of athletic out-door exercise and the barbarous style of bolt ing (noteating) food which prevails in the south. The neglect of a groat medicine, which the doctor did not allude to, is an other cause of the physical feebleness which marks the present race of men. We refer to Cold Water. We speak not of Temperance—but cold water for bath ing. We verily believe that we owe what health we possess, and our present exis tence, to the habit of daily immersion in cold water. Confined to our desk, with much reading and writing, with few op portunities and little inclination to active exercise, Cold Water has compensated for the wear of sedentary occupation, and stood in lieu of exercise. No man knows the value of it, who has not tried it. It invigorates the young, and renovates the powers of life in the old. Too little attention is paid to the bodily education of our children. The body, as well as the mind and the morals, require training. The body is the casket of the mind—it must be sound and healthy, in order to preserve the brilliancy and vigor of the jewel within, Every school should have a gymnasium attached to it: and physical exercise should be a part ol daily discipline under the teacher’* eye. Mod ern times might learn some useful lessons on this head from the customs of the an cients. The greatest people of antiquity were those who were most attentive to these things. Read Gibbon’s account of the individual athletic training to which every a-Mier of the Roman armies was subjected, and then cease to wonder that their legions conquered all surrounding nations. Let no parent hope to see a sen grow up, with an erect and manly form, full chest and square shoulders, and mus cles well developed, and the health, vigor and happiness consequent on a robust 1 constitution,, who neglecting this tinpor tant branch of education, gives him over to the natural lassitude of our south ern climate, and suffers him to grow up, the crooked, moping, deformed and gan gling caricature of the noble figure of a man. In this consists the great advantage of military schools. Whoever saw a.slouch come out of the West Point military Academy ! Boys and girls, too, should be encouraged in all active sports, running, leaping, riding and dancing—any thing to develope the bone and muscle which God has given for use, and which without it, stiffen and shrivel into premature de cay. The lecturer who enforces these useful practical lessons on a people so heedless of them, as the American dollar-hunting people, are, is a public benefactor. And in this light we regard Dr Crane, without reference to the truth of his science of phrenology or his ability to delineate I character by the bumps and cavities on the human cranium. Gen. Tom Thumb, the Prince of little dom is cn his way to Columbus, and will exhibit his tiny proportions to all admirers on Monday next. His levees will of course be well attended. ISLAND OF CUBA. We have been permitted, says the New Orleans Delta, to publish the following ex tract of a letter, addressed by an English merchant of Havana to a friend in this city. The writer in another portion of his letter, observes that “the contest between Spain and Cuba, once commenced, can neither bo long or doubtful.” “ As to the political condition of the island, let me assure you that all your hopes of reform are fallacious. The bur thens ot taxation, instead ot being lighten ed, have been increased, as you already know, and will, it is said, be made heavier still by the imposition of new taxes. The Bando de Buen Gobierno is also to be amended ; but from the out givings of the official organ, these amendments will con sist of additional and more stringent re strictions upon the people. This is very apparent from the editorial of the Diario de la Marina upon this subject, in which the writer descants at length upon the ne cessity that all the acts of the subject should be known to the Government.— There was enough of this espionage of private life bet ore—there is to be more of it! This is the spirit in which the work of reformation has commenced and will con tinue ! In truth, such is the inveterate habit of abuses, and the corruption of the offi cials, that all expeditions of a change are, in my opinion, visionary in the extreme. The inhabitants of this island know this well,and are only awaiting a proper op- Eortunity to throw off the hated yoke.— iscontent among them is universal; it is extensive even among tire troops. Depend upon it, those who cry peace! either de ceive themselves or wish to deceive oth ers.” The Steamer Atlantic. —The news cf the this noble steamship has dif fused a general feeling of joy. It was gen erally feared that she had shared the fate of the steamship President, which sailed from New York and met a late, the nature of which will never be known on earth.— It appears that the Atlantic had been nine days out when she encountered terrible weather, and wasdisabled inher machine ry. She put back and reached Cork on the 22d ult. making an average of one hundred and fifty miles per day, under sail. The Africa brought her mails and a portion of her passengers. THE PUBLIC LANDS. Those of our readers who wish to know something about the schemes before Con gress, lor the squandering of the public domain of the Government, are referred to a letter from Mr Meade, of Virginia, in another column. Nothing so strongly marks the degeneracy of the present race of our public men, and their want of inde pendence, as the almost universal yield ing to the clamor which is besetting Con gress for free farms. It seems to be a settled fact, that the lands are to be thrown away or given away in some shape, and the only questmn with statesmen, like Mr Meade, who oppose the policy, is, how can it be done with the least evil and in justice to the rights of the people and States having an interest in them. For our part, we have ceased to expect either wisdom or justice from the men who have got possession of the Government. Its power, its patronage, its treasury and its lands are all so used as to effect the pur poses of selfish ambition, personal ag grandizement and sectional domination. This “glorious union ’ of ours issa lly out of joint. The Southern Quarterly Review.— The January number of this able periodi cal is on our table. The table of contents is as follows: History ot the Polk Admin istration ; Mental Hygiene; The genius and Writings of Thackeray; The Rights of the Slave States; Battle of Buena Vista; Is Southern civilization worth Preserving! (This article is worth a year’s subscription to the work.) Writings of Professor Fran cis|; Elementary sketches of Moral Philoso phy ; Tallulah, and other Poems (a brief and complimentary review of the jioems of our H. R. Jackson ,of this State;) Critical. Notices. We cannot too strongly recommend this Review to the patronage of the Southern literary public. It is published at #5 a year by Walker be Richards, Charleston S. Carolina. Rail Road Junctions. —The Macon Journal and Messenger of Wednesday says: “The contract between the city au thorities and the Railroad companies, for the junction of all the Roads, within our corporate limits, has been signed, sealed, and delivered.” THE LADIES OF COLUMBUS. In copying the subjoined paragraph from the “ Sentinel” of yesterday, we comply with the request to give publicity to the notice it contains. It furnishes an other evidence of the ever active enter prise of our fair “better halves.” The gallantry of the men of Columns is thus challenged to make good, a movement con ceived in the noblest, spirit of usefulness; “The Ladies to the Rescue !—The la dies of Columbus, the never failing re source for help in all that the gentlemen undertake, are aroused in behalf of the Muscogee Railroad, and have set ou loot a project-for raising the wherewith for the purchase of a magnificent passenger car. The idea ia, prepare a collation, at which every body that has a dollar may find something firjt rate to eat, o^aotte- | NUMBER 10 thing equally first rate to buy. The de tails are not yet arranged, and we have been requested to give notice that a pre liminary meeting will be held at the Tem perance Hall, to morrow, (Friday,! at 11 o’clock, A. M., which all the ladies inter ested in the subject are invited to attend, for the purpose of devising the mode and measure of action.” (Ej* In consequence of Ihe resignation of Gov Quitman, says the Mobile Register, the Hon John I Gui- n. President of the State Senate, has assu med the office of Governor of Mississippi, and en tered upon its duties. His term however as sena tor expires in November next, and unless the Ben ate is in tho meantime called together to elect a President, the Executive office will devolve upon the Hon John J Mcßae, the Speaker of the H >u*e of Representatives. This would cert- it. ly be a sin gular state of affairs, as Mississippi would thus have three different Governors in one year. QCj*The True Delta, one of the most violent of a*! Gen Quitman’s opponents on the question of Southern Rights, yet has the justice to remark: *• G v Quitman says he is innocent of crime ; if so, a grave responsibility will rest on the shoulders of those who have advised these prosecutions.” From the Richmond Enquirer. MR. MEADE’S LETTER. We take great pleasure in republishing the following letter, marked by good taste and fine feeling,addressed by Mr. Meade to the editor of the S uth Side Democrat. We are olad that Mr. Meade has set him. self right on the question, and we cannot doubt that his constituents will cordially support his re-election. The circumstan ces which called forth the letter, are thus explained by the South Side Democrat. “We have not hesitated to express our unqualified condemnation of the scheme for distributing the public lands among the individual States lor educational or in ternal improvement purposes. Such a policy is in direct contravention of the fundamental principles of the Democratic party. It is not an equitable or constitu tional mode of administering the common property of the sovereign States; nor do we think the General Government possesses the authority to undertake directly or indi rectly, internal improvement schemes in the respective Skates. Wherefore, we have never wavered in our hostility to the various land distribution schemes which ihe whig party are striving to fasten upon the country But some of our political friends have demanded more of us—they have required us formally to dissent from j the conduct of our faithful representative j in respect t > the public lauds, and have ! taken umbrage because we have declined j to adopt n course not called for by the oc c tsxn, and which could by no possibility | result to the advantage of the Democratic i party, We would not have hesitated one j moment to withdraw our support from Mr. : Meade, had we suspected his fidelity to j the Democratic party, or deem* and him ca- i pable of deserting one principle of its cher ished creed. The course of Mr. Meade in regard to the public lands may have given some shadow of pretext for the opin ion that he was an advocate of land distri bution. It was possible, that ignorance ot the motives by which lie was guided, may have permitted some of his friends to fall into this delusion. But we never doubted the soundness of Mr. Meade’s up-’! iiiions upon any political question, anil were persuaded thatnothing but an oppor tunity to explain bis course was needed, in order to ns complete vindication.— • ■dence, we apprised Mr. Meade, by letter, of the construction put upon hiscoiirseby some of his political friends, and of their consequent dissatisfaction. In reply, yve j received the following cominutiiction, ! which completely confirms our opinions j md silences every possible objection. We I invoke from every Democrat in the dis- j trictan impartial perusal of this letter.— 1 It must be entirely satisfactory. It de monstrates that a representative who stood by the rights of the South in its conflict with abolitionism, with such unflinching fidelity, has not vet forfeited the confidence of that party, who will never abandon him so long as he shows himself altogether a Democrat.” LETTER FROM R. K. MEADE, ESQ. Washington, Feb 1, 1851. To 11. A. Pryor:— -I received yester day your very kind letter ofthe 29th u!t., apprising me of some riissatifactii ij in my ditiict respecting my course here in refer ence tothe public lands. Unless my consti- j tuentsare predisposed to condemn my ac- ; lions here, have with their motives, been j greatly misconceived. I have ever been, i an#am still opposed to any other disposi tion ofthe public lar.ds, than to .put their proceeds into the treasury, to be disburs ed as other monies, in paying the debts j and expenses of the Government, for which allure bound. Titus every State and every citizen thereof, would derive an equal benefit from them. -To prevent , any other disposition of them has been my chief aim. and failing that, to secure to my constituents in some other way their just share in the common property. While I should resist to the last every attempt to take the lands or any portion ol them from the treasure, yet if 1 were re duced to the alternative of giving them to one section, or dividing them among all, I should certainly prefer the latter, and thus endeavor to Secure ('in a very exception, able mode, the object for which the lar.ds were ceded or purchased, to wit: the equal good of all. Am l wrong in this? You now, sir, have the key to my whole course here on this subject. If that has been injudicious, in that have I erred—in nothing else. In my object and motive, my constituents will not Jail to concur with me. A system of local appropriations and par tial donations, sectional in their character, has been progressing here for some time, gaining strength with each year* And now the public domain, as a source of re venue, is in danger of total annihilation. Must I witness this in siience? My own State gave to the General Gov- j eminent, as a common fund, übout 200 millions of at least 100 mil lions of dollars. It has nearly sold for that already, and not one half has been disposed of, Louisiana and Florida were purchased at $20,000,000, which was paid chiefly by the old States. About SSS,CKM),- OOGmorebave been expended in purchas ing, surveying and other expenses—mak ing in all about $75,000,000, of which Virginia and the other Atlantic States had to pay their due share, which cannot be estimated at le3S than $60,000,000 Add tp this .their quota, say one-half of the cost of the Mexican war, by which new territory was acquir ed, estimating the war at one hundred millions dol lars 50,000,000 It is estimated that 200,000,- ‘QOO must yet be paid for surveys, Indian titles,&c., for the unsurveyed portion of our territory. Set down cne-feurth, of this to the cdd> Stafes 50,000,000 Making a total cos! to the old £ 4 (Is [if f jp fl[ jtg £2 PLAIN AND vePeswrav hhembmi “•“*"■**"* EATLVAIfn VSOJU-TI.T EXKCVTXO A*®** OSWtSt OF let! t ©olumtms ITCma. Pamphlets, j Hand Buaineas Cards, Wsy Bills, Visiting? de Cirenlars, Ball Tickets, Blank Notes andeverythingelaeintkisline ofkssiasss, 6HSE and with Dispatch. BLANKS OF ALL KINDS PRINTED T 9 ORDER. States 9100,000,000 Virginia’s proportion of the cosf is not less than an eighth 20,000,000 Add the value of lands given by her 100,‘000,000 And you have as her portion of the expense *120,00040a There has been received in to the treasury from public lands (most of it being from the territory ceded by Virginia,) 9135,000,000 Supposing Virginia to havo received her quota, or au eighth, say 17,000,000 And substract this amount from her share of the cost 120,000,000 There remains to her credit 9103,000,000 ii costs the Government to defend this territory, not less than eight millions of dollars per.annum, (for, but for thisterrito*’ ry, we should have little use for any army,, ns one fourth of our present force would serve our purposes.,) which is an annual nix on Virginia of at least hall a million of dollars, or a sixteenth of the whole, and in the same ratio on the other old states, i The receipts from public lands do not ! now exceed two millions, s“ that their pro tection costs us now si* millions per annum more than the income from them; Virginia’s portion of expense being 375,000 dollars per annum. To this is to lie added also the ; cost ol surveying the lands nr.d other ex penses, which are estimated at 22 cent® per acre. . The domain which rennins to bn soldi, is estimated at about 1284 million of acres which at only2scrnts nett, would amount, to 230 million it dollars; Virginia, a Kith, ot which would be about 20 mtlliunr. ( have before said thuttlie cost of surveying those Imds and bringing then, into market is estimated at 200 millions. share of this expense ivooldbe 124 million, sothalany system by which thepubhc lands were taken from the treasury, would cost Virginia alone 124 millions i” money be-, sides the ji.ss of the lands themselves amt the annual expense of an army to defend, the sel'lers on them. Mr. Fetch, senator from Michigan, I mm. whom I derive much of my statistics, iu. an able speech >n opposition to a b’II ced ing the public lands to the Slates in which they lie, used the foil- wing language;. It might be well also to tike another v'ewjof thissul j.-ct, tn refer, n e to the ex pense -f the gratuitous cession of the pub lic domain—Lei us see by another esti-. mate what it would Cost the Government/ to bestow tracts of IGUacresol land tn ev.-- ery settler. The average cost to the Gov ernment per acre, as before staled is 22 cents, ([taking for each grant of 160 acres <832 $), unremuiieruled expense to thy giantorqandas it is proposed to distribute the entire public domain in this manner let us parry our estimate a little further, slid ascertain how much it would require to proceed with settlements at this rale. It wouldjjcost to give aumy the unsold por tion of Wisconsin, 26,327,079 acres, 95,502,060 lowa, 27,153,265 “ 5,973,716 Michigan, 24,804,853 “ 5,470,029 Missouri, 29,119,173 •• 0,427,558 Minnesota, now ju.-t opening for settle ment and where|scaicely an acre has been sold, 53’ 120,000 acres - . *11.630,400 These ure sufficient as examples, mere ly to present an exhibition of the effect of the principle.” There is not a representative in Con gress from the Atlantic States, who does not feel that the interest of those States it| the pqblic lands is in extreme dangety The numerous kids now before Congress* would, if passed, grant away at least 404 millions of acres. The question is how to arrest it. I deemed that h counter de inonstimien from the old Slates was the bust met hod and hence I introduced some* weeks ago, resolutions of enquiry, looking to the policy of taking the lands themselves from the Control ot Congress. 1 believed that a serious threat of this sort from the old States, which, with the Western states that hnye now but a small quantity of pub lic lands of value, such as Alabama, Ten nessee, Kentucky and Ohio, hare still the power in their hands, would bring back our brethren of the West to their allegi ance to the nun-distrihuiing policy. Tim distribution merely of the proceeds ofsales would be altogether idle, for the power to make partial donations would still remain* and by improper combinations would be often exercised. The West has already received up wards of 43m ill ions of ucres, 22 millions of which, were granted by the last Con*, gress. The North wants a tariff, the Wes| the lands. If the temptation proves too, strong for human nature and its frailties,, the South of course becomes the victim*--. We all remember how narrowly we esca>. ped a protective tariff’ lust session. The experiment was tried agaiu a fevy days ago, and failed by 15 voles, a lev/ South ern Whigs (thanks to North Carolina) coming to our assistance, There are now before Con gi ess 2 bills , witli powerful advocates, which threaten a total annihilation of our interest in the public lands, and a third, which would subvert our most cherished ideas of the limitations ol the powers of Congres*. One of these bills proposes’ to cede to the trganized States, all the public lands lying within their limits, amounting to about 284,000,000 of ay res. Another proposes to give every actual settler 160 acres. As the settler is the ul timate consumer or purchaser, there would of course be very few sales in future, as few would buy of another when laud could be had for nothing. Not one in a thousand of my constituents would avail himself of this privilege, it would be enjoyed al most exclusively by the landless in the West, and by toe hundreds of thousands ol emigrants who yearly flock to our shores, The :1J bill provides that in place of tho ifie 16th section in every township, now granted to public schools, inhabitant; a that township shall be entitled to 2 sections, and may select those Jseciioiisfinquarter sections if they choose) from any part ol the public lands’in the State in which they live. ,Yott ate aware that a township contains 40 sec tions of 6i acres each; this bill then con-*, fers upon the pub.ic schools of tb West one 18th quantity ol all the public lands now owned by the United Stale. T,hgJ| amount as I before stated, 1® fiieh-* millions of acres; oe-lBih would tha’n 70,000,000 of acres in quant..*:.*,- as a consequence of the right t*- the grant is equivalent tout lm * value, or tu 253,060M00 iim.i tity. My peiSonM # vaiion of the lands n .some^. States which l have visit|;HKien; , , V-’ £^r that a selected fourth of * worth more than all R| rt/ . “ of a township is U sect v being more than a fifi,;. thr | given by this & £ lie land, to be w , , w,„*r t ‘#e-J or 2D6 millions M-J confer upon the