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JOHN FORSYTH,
T OHN FORSYTH, R. ELLIS & CO.
PROPRIETORS AND PUBLISHBRS.
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Columbus, Ga.. Wednesday Morning, March 5. 1851
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1852.
PARTIES AND PARTY PLATFORMS.
To keep our readers “posted up” on the
party movements in embryo ami in pro
gress, we copy from the Constitutionalist,
an article under the above caption. It is an
other proof of the wisdom of the policy of
keeping the Southern Rights party erect
on the basis of great principles, and aloof
from the Presidential maelstroom in which
Southern Rights have always heretofore
been wrecked. If either or any of the
new organizations will come to us with a
platform in which justice to the south, in
demnity for the past, and security lorthe fu
ture. are cardinal principles, there is no
reason why weshould not join our standards ;
and inarch with them to political battle
otherwise, it is the policy and duty of the
Southern Rights party to preservo \an
armed neutrality, arid be ready to strike j
where the most efficient service can be
rendered to the gieat cause of preserving
the south from the ruin # which is to follow
the destruction of her institutions.
The programme set forth by the N York
Herald, speculatively, sounds pretty fair,
as far as it goes. But it is not enough.—
Besides this, we must be sure of their sin
cerity. The south has been too often
caught with salt, not to know the savor of
that article. We shall distrust the Greeks
bringinggifts. The Constitutionalist lrue
ly says: “the difficulty is, that no nation
al party exists now which has not a large
infusion offree-soilism in it; anti-slavery
influences will control it, or seek to do so.”
Such must be the difficulty with every na
tional party, we care not whether it he Na
tional Democratic, or Whig party, or a
national union party, like that attempted
to be formed at Milledgeville.
If we go into any sort of a copartner
ship with the north, all experience shows
that the north will get the lion’s share of
the profits. From the copartnership of the
union, the north Jias already got nearly
all the protection, the favors, the money
and the lands of the union. In party co
partnerships she will be sure to impress
her principles on the united creed and
carry things to suit her interests and prej
udices. Hence we eschew all political ‘
arrangements that have the odor of na- ,
tionality. We know we shall be cheated, !
whatever bargain we may make with !
them. We are, therefore, for setting up
business on our own hook. We would
have our public men look to the south and
not to the north, for the rewards of public
strvice and the gratification of honorable
ambition. While these are dispensed at
Washington, by a Government, controlled
by northern majority influences there is
no hope of fidelity in the representatives
of the south. This temptation growing i
stronger every year, as the Government
becomes more powerful, and as its expen
ditures are enlarged, must be removed
from the gaze of* our Toombs and Ste
phens, and Footes and Cobbs and Clem
ens, it we would have our rights in safe
and pure hands. If a man appoints an j
agent to transact, his business with anoth
er party, and his agent looks to the other
party for his pay, the temptation to infidel
ity is overpowering. The south must
hold its public servants to a southern res
ponsibility. The only way to do this is to
form a southern party, powerful enough
to make and to unmake southern states
men, and to chop their political heads
_off, at the first symptom ot their coquet- j
with Federal and Free Soil tempta j
tioiis.
“ By’ the way, will the Times inform us
what connection there is between “South
ern Rights” and Cuban invasion ?—N O
True Della.
The same (we fear) that there is be
tween the True Delta and northern inter
ests —a strong sympathetic attraction.
05” At the Rev Theodore Parker's meet
ing in Boston. on Sunday, the 16th ult., that
gentleman exclaimed, in the course ot his
services, “ I thank God the fugitive has
escaped!” whereupon the audience gave
him three rounds of applause. Beautiful!
SLAVERY IN CALIFORNIA.
The California correspondent of a lead
ing anti-slavery’ paper, writes as follows:
“ Our Legislature is on the eve ot elect
ing a United States Senator, and we fear
the result, thousandsof our people are from
the Southern States, many of'whom in the
highest offices, and are constantly urging
the introduction of slaves into the State.
All our journals, and we have many, are
either silent upon the subject, or speak
openly in favor of the institution. A
wrong impression obtains at the North in
regard to the adaptation of California. to
lave labor. In point of tact, no State in
the Union is more favorable ; none where
slave labor could be more profitably’ em
ployed. No State in the Union has so fine
and extensive marshes, called “Tolures,
the finest land in the world for ice fields.
while our valleys will grow the best to
bacco, and our extensive mines aflord an
additionally strong motive. The climate,
too, is highly favorable to the colored race.
We who are educated at the North in tree
principles feel our danger, and will soon
issue a paper of an order ‘to astonish the
natives.’ ”
Here is another proof of how the south
was humbugged w.Ui the idea that in los
ing her light of soil in California, she
lost only an abstraction —a right ot no
practical value. We have hero the con
fession of an abolitionist, that so strongly
does nature indicate California as a slave
country, that thousands of the population,
and nearly all the Journals are in favor of
a change in the constitution of the State
prohibiting slavery, and thatforboth farm
ing and mining purposes, “no State in the
Union is more favorable; none where
slave labor could be more profitably em
ployed.”
Now how has the south lost this country!
By Submission. By the belief and knowl
edge that she would submit, if she was rob
bed of it, and that the north never would
submit to the acknowledgement ot her right
to an equal participation in it. It was
this that induced Tom Butler King to say
to the California convention, when ar
ranging the boundaries of its usurpation,
“ Foj God’s sake take the whole of it.
And it was this that made California an
anti-slave State. The convention believ
ed that that was the only passport into the
Union, and that the south would submit to
the fraud upon her rights, her dignity and
her honor. It must be confessed they
1 ‘ .
VOLUME XL j
judged well. The south has submitted, and
lost the best out post, and bulwark of her
institutions afforded by the continent.
05” There is to he a third trial to elect
rrpresentativ es to the 32d. Congress from
Massachusetts on the 7th of Apriniext.
05” The five concerts of Jenny Lind at
New Orleans have produced $90,000. —
There are to be five more given.
05“ Amin Bey has returned to Wash
ington, after visiting various portions of
the Union.
“The Masked Battery.”— Keep it before
the people that (in the language of she Hon
Robert Toombs of Georgia) the “cry of
Union is the masked battery from behind
which the Constitution and the rights of
the south are to be assailed.”
A Connecticut Democrat.—John M
Niles, the late senator from Connecticut,
has come out in violent opposition to the
Fugitive slave law. This gentleman it
will be was for many years
the very head and front ofthe Democracy
of his State. The Lowell Amerlean says :
Hon JohnM. Niles late senator from Con
necticut, and formerly Postmaster Gener
al under Mr Van Buren, holds the follow
ing hold and manly language in reference
to the Fugitive slafve law :
“This law is not only a palpable and
dangerous violation of the Constitution,
but is equally subversive of all the great
principles of liberty, which a free people
should cherish. The duty of the people
in respect to,an unconstitutional and op
pressive law, must always be in some
measure a question of expediency, depend
ing on the circumstances of the case.—
W hen danger is imminent, and redress ran- i
not he hoped for in any other way, resistance
by force is not only justifiable but a duty.
This looks a little like an invitation to
proceedings similar to those in Boston.
05”Mr Rantoul, (Dem) elected Sena
tor ofMassachusetts, in pursuance of the
bargain between a portion of the Demo- j
crats and the Free Soilers, to fill the unex- j
pired term of Mr Webster, temporarily
held by Mr Winthrop under Executive ap
pointment, has taken his seat in the Sen
ate. His honorsand his term endure about j
two weeks,*a('ter which he goes home a |
free soiler, by the terms of the bargain, for j
life. ‘
I
Albany, Baker Cos. Ga., )
Feb. 28,1851. \ )
The Cotton Crop.—ln the report of our |
Cotton Market in our last issue, we re
marked that the Flint River crop was near
ly all in, and instead of the crop exceed
ing last year’s by 10 a 15 per cent, as was
generally believed, until the first of Dec.,
it is found that it turns out short of the last
crop. Since making up that report, our
attention has been particularly called to
this subject, and we have made inquiry as
to the number of bales of cotton yet to be
received, and the crop as compared with
last year.
From the best information we can obtain,
we find there is not 300 bales of cotton to
be received and not GOO bales left in all
for shipment. This is unprecedented for
the Flint River, for there has been no sea
son until the present, that there has not
been a large part of the crop on hand i
awaiting shipment alter the first of March.
It is believed now that the whole Flint
River crop falls short of last year fully 15
per cent, which is the shortest cotton crop
that has been made for some years, not
withstanding the increase of planting.—
Patriot.
Correspondfjnce of the Courier.
Washington, Feb 23.
The proceed nigs ot the Senate, yester
day, upon the President's message, were
ml productive ofnny result. Air Down-,
of Louisiana, took the floor, and as a well
known friend oi tiie compromise measures,
defended them, and attempted to show
that tin- iiad, in ail their parts, betm car
rieiLoui,-and that there was no reason to
believe that, in any particular, they would
tail.
The speech of Air Clemens, of Ala.,
commanded much attention. He was
originally opposed to the compromise mea
sures, but, he said, he had determined to
to give them a fair trial, If. as was now
asserted by some, the fugitive law could
not be sustained, he was ready to say that
the Luton could nut be maintained, out lie
went on to show that tiie law had been,
substantially, observed, and went through
the various cases in order to prove it.—
\ colloquy between Air Clemens and Air
Hale was amusing.# Air C. gave a picture J
of a professed fugitive calling at the door
of a Senator, in New Hampshire, and
claiming succor; of his cordial reception,
and ol his ejection after it was ascenumed
that he was not a fugitive. Air Hale de
clared that, il he was the Senator alluded
to, nothing ot the kind had ever happened
to him. Mr Clemens stated that Le re
ceived the narrative from Mr ilaie him
self. Air Hale explained that a man call
i mg himself a fugitive can e to him, and
spoke to him, with his hat on, which no
well bred slave would do, in the presence
of a genil"inan, and, that, therefore,
he discarded him. as an impostor. This
created much amusement, and in ihf Sen
'ate and among the auditors, the laugh arose
on all sides.
Ido not find that any one i* disposed, it:
this debate, t > reply to Mr. Butler upon
one point —to wf: the hardships which
the fugitive slave or free negro is exposed
to in the free States. Mr. Butler, as you
will see, dwelt forcibly upon it. showing
that the condition of the black man was
not improved, but deteriorated, by his re
moval to the free States, and that in them
he received less sympathy and bad less
consideration, than in the Southern States
and that, therefore, nothing bnt the bases',
hypocricy could maintain the views of
the abolitionists. There can be no doubt
thaj, before Song, the movement already
commenced, for the ejection of all blacks
from the free States, will be carried out.
An experienced and practical man trom
New-England, formerly au influential
member in the House, told me, yesterday
that a feud was rising even in Boston, be
tween a class of whites and blacks, which
must lead to extreme measures, on the
part of the former, and that the latter
must be expelled, by forcce, or by legisla
tion, which amounts to the same thing.
After all the long discussions on the
President’s message, which have occupi
ed two days in the Senate, we cannot tell,
! n or can Senators say, whether they will
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY. MARCH 11, 1851.
I
give to the President the enlarged powers
which he requires or not.
The President has the power, under
existing laws, to make use of the"army
and navy to carry the laws into execution.
There is a doubt whether he can call up
on the militia, without a proclamation. It
might be, in some cases, more advisable to
make use of militia, organized companies
of volunteers, for instance, ir cities, than
to call out U. S. soldiers or marines. But
if he has to wait till a proclamation be is
sued, be must wait till the mischief is
done.
I have looked over the documents accom
partying the President’s message and found
that, on the 17th instant, the day when
the first telegraphic intelligence of the riot
was received by the Executive, orders were
issued from the war and navy departments
to employ all the disposable force, ir aid
of the execution of the law—the force to be
under the direction of trie U. S. Marshal.
That force is now available, but has not
been called upon, for the immediate occa
sion is past. Another occasion may arise
but it is generally believed the city
authorities will, if properly advised of any
difficulty, render piompt and effective aid
to the Marshal. The Senate will resume,
on Monday, this topic, when Mr, Berrien
is to have tiie floor.
For the Times.
COLUiIBUS GEORGIA'S PRICE.
BY SOLON ROBINSON.
Where Chattahoochee lastly fails,
From mountain height adown the vale,
The steamer’s whistle loudly calls;
To wand’ring spirits on the trail,
To turn and view the mighty power,
Tiie white man o’er the red man wields,
To see him curb the current wild,
Till power to power the current yields.
Where Chattahoochee’s foaming tide,
O’er granite rocks resistless pour,
Wiiere wild woods grew and wilder men,
For ages trod thy forest shores ;
Wiiere oft i lie maiden pour’d her song,
With Indian lover by her side,
A giant young, but giant strong,
There stands your Georgia’s boasted pride.
Where Chattahoochee’s wild wood stream,
List gives the rocks her mountain roar,
As down the steep she tumbling fails,
In foaming waves from shore to shore.
There dwelt along her wooded banks,
A race of men the stream beside,
Who never knew the power that wields.
The power that built your Georgia’s pride.
Where Chattahoochee leaves the hills,
And gently flows th ough fertile plains.
And boars along her swoolles stream,
The golden freight that lals§r gains,
There turns the wheel, the spied le flies,
The loom and lathe work side by side,
Just where the Indian eotlage stood,
And stands your boasted Georgia’s pride.
But prouder still than all the power.
Oi Chattahoochee’s foaming stream,
And prouder stili than all the skill,
That makes the steamer’s fearful scream,
Your lovely town may proudly boast,
What ne’er could boast the Indian bride,
Columbus Girls miy proudly claim,
’Twas beauty built your Georgia’s pride.
From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 18.12—PARTIES AND PAR
TY PLATFORMS.
The JV. V. Herald of the 18th ult., has
an editorial under this caption, in which
some shrewd speculations on the subject
are indulged. Thexauses of the break
ing up of old party lines and platforms are
pourtrayed, and the prospects of new plans
new combinations new organizations uud
ne ’ platforms, discussed.
The National Union Parly, which was
to have been organized at Washington City
on Washington's Birth Day, and to which
95 delegates u ere appointed from Geor
gia, is cavalierly disposed of as “an abso
lve idea ” On this subject the Herald says:
“In the settlement of the great issues of
the late adjustment, sectional interest and
sectional opinions and prejudices necessa*
rily resulted in sectional combinations up
on the several bills; and it was only by’ u
conjunction of the conservatives—whigs
and democrats—that those combinations
could be overcome. This was the basis ot
the present dissolution ot the whig and
democratic parties.
“If the same conservative elements could
have united in a great national party, there
would be no difficulty in predicting the re
suit in 1852. But the several uttempts
made to this end, by the Union Safety
Committee of New York, and some of the
leading compromise men at Washington
have signally tailed. The idea of a Union
party has become an “ohselete idea.”
The leading democrats are not quite ready
to make an assignment of their stock in
trade to the administration. The / have at
least an equal chance of carrying up one
cat.didate to ‘.he House, and there the ad
vantages of a nominal majority are in their
hands. The congressional circular has
failed; and in relinquishing the prospect ol
a Union parly, the question recurs, what
is the prospect before us?”
But the following is a portion of the ed
itorial of the Herald which arrests our at
tention as disclosing a project on foot
among the politicians at Washington,
about which we are entirely in the dark.’
It will be news to nn - st of our readers :
“We are in possession of more definite
and interesting foreshadowings of the in
clinations of the democratic party. The
siaveri adjustment, without damaging be
yond restoration this party in the North
has completely divided it in the South.
The remnant of tin* party in the Southern
Slates is formed o: tiie Southern uicr is, the
conservatives acting with the whigs, ns
the Union party. It is a paramount ob
ject to re-onite the two wings of the de
mocracy in the South—the conservatives
and the ultras. It can only he done by
liberal concession to the more powerful
faction. And these we understand, it is
proposed to offer. The national democrat
ic party is to he reorganized upon anew
platform. We are informed that some of
tue leaders ofthe party at Washington,
have already’ been consulting upqti the
subject, and that the Southern ultras are
favorably inclined to a reconciliation on
the basts of the-protection of Southern
interests. The platform which ha3 been
suggested is. in addition to a po iti ve sup
port of the the rights of the South under
the Constitution—
1. A partial reduction of the tariff of
184(3.
2. A reduction of th offices ol the fed
eral government.
3. A reduction of the naval establish
ment.
4. A reduction ofthe salaries of federal
offices, and the abolition of sinecures.
5. A suspension of further contracts for
mail steamers.
t 5. A modification of the navigation laws
in favor of the South.
7. A suspension of grants of the public
lands to internal improvements, and the
diversion ofthe w-hc!e proceeds to the pub
lic treasury.
“THK rsios OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
8. A per centage on gold dust extract
ed from the public domain in California.
9. The acqusition of Cuba.
Here is a broad field of retrenchment
and reform. It was the war cry under
which Gen. Jackson was elected, when
the annual expenses of the government,
under John Q. Adams, were 13,000,000
a year. New they are 50.000.000, and
constant 1 y increasing. Retrenchment and
reform will be good capital lor 1852, and it
will certainly require ail the reductions
proposed to purchase the island ot Cuba.
We shall have, probably, further informa
tion of the movements of the democratic
politicians at ashingion before the ad
journment.”
Now this is a very good platform for any
party to adopt which desires Southern sup
port. If, in addition to the 9th aiticle, tiie
purchase of California south of 30 30. front
that new State, and throwing it open to
slave immigration were added, it w> uid
probably propitiate even the South-Caro
lina ui ras and make the platform com
plete.
Bui the Southern Rights patty, ultras,
as they are called, will hold aloof and wait
patiently to see what sort of platforms will
he presented by the various national par.
ties firmed and forming.
Th* difficulty is that no national party
exists now which ha* not a large infusion
of free soiiism in it: anti-slavery influences
will control it or seel, to do so. This fact
impresses on the Southern Rights party,
and should upon ever,’ Southern man the
necessity of holding aloof until they see
what are to be the principles of the sever
al parties which nay be organized from
the wreck of old platforms and parties.
Columbus, Ga„ Friday Morning, March 7, 1851.
THE BOSTON MOB—FEDERAL PRINCIPLES.
The Enquirer, as in duty bound, up
holds the President in Iris course in refer
ence to the Boston Riot. To this we have
no objection. It may be that the Presi
dent is acting conscientiously in the dis
charge ( t his duty, and no doubt he is act
ing on his Federal ideas ofhis constitution
al powers and of the theory of the Gov
ernment. We have only to say on this
point, that it is a great pity, the President
had not thought of all this before. As on
the old adage, “ an ounce ot prevention
is worth a pound of cure,” it is to be re
gretted that the whole ofhis political life,
anterior to his accidental elevation to the
Presidency, has been devoted to fanning
the flame of anti-slavery agitation, which
he now proposes to quench with blood let
out by Federal bayonets. If Mr Fillmore
was right and conscientious and honest
while fomenting the spirit of hostility’ to
the south, for his own ambitious purposes;
he is amenable to just suspicion when he
sets himself up as a defender of the rights
of the south. His old abolition friends of
Erie county, N. Y. may well exclaim, Et
Tu Brutes
But it unfortunately happens for the
south that Mr Fillmore’s remedies for south
ern safety and rights against abolition fury
are worse than the disease which he has
had so large an instrumentality in creat
ing. And it is to this branch of the sub
ject, as presented by the Enquirer, that we
wish to invite attention. The Enquirer
taiics in a very apostolic strain about the
duty of the Government, to see the lAws
of the Government enforced, and asks,
what sort of a Government it is, that is not :
permitted to use its stiongarmto put down
a mob of negroes, defying its authority!
Alas ! if this were all— if the whole case
had been stated, the question would be one,
of easy solution. But is it only a mob of
negroes'? If so, what need we ask, of the
interposition of the President with his ar
my and navy? Bring tiie case home, and
suppose that a mob of blacks or whites,
were to enter with force, a U. States Court
in Georgia, or any southern State, to seize
a culprit from the hands of justice and de
fy the execution of a Statute of the coun
try’ ? Will our neighbor say, that a corps of
United States troops would he required to
crush it? He will not; because, the civil
power ofthe place—the Sheriff with the
whole people, if necessary', as a posse comi
tatus, would be at hand and competent to
put down any’ such outrage. Now, why
was this not done in Boston ! Not surely,
on account of the formidable aspect and
power of a mixed mob of a hundred ne
groes and whites —not because the police
were not strong enough to overcome it—
but, because the community, including
police, posse comitatus, judges, justices
and officers, warmly sympathized with the
mob in the cause in which it was engaged.
The very fact that the President thinks
his armed interposition necessary proves
the condition of universal rottenness in
the public mind of Boston on the subject.
Otherwise the law would peaceably take
its course, and require no soldiers to en-’
force its mandates. What then is the case
presented? Nota conflict between the laws
ofthe United States and a mob (as the En
quier would have il) but between the Uni
ted Slates and .'\Tassachusctts —tiie gener
al, strong, overpowering sentiment of
Massachusetts hostility to the law; and
its fixed and manifested determination to
resist it, by force, if necessary'. Nobody’
has attempted to clothe the Boston mob
with the attributes of “Sovereignty”—but
the. Massachusetts Legislature we appre
hend, represents the Sovereignty of Mas
sachusetts ; and that Legislature has put a
law on its Statute book, not on’y forbid
ding the use of the jails ofthe State for the
detention of fugitives, but making it high
ly penal in any officer of the State to aid in
the restoration of a slave. Here then is the
sovereignty’ ot the State, opposed face to
face, to a clear constitutional obligation;
and the mob, in question, hasonlv carried
out the spirit of tke legislature of the su
preme law-making power of the State.—
The Enquirer, therefore, does not look at
I the case, either fully or fairly', when it
I says that it is only a question between the
| law and a contemptible mob. It is a ques
tion between the constitution of the Uni
ted States and a vitiated public sentiment
that has taken deep root in the public
mind, in determined hostility to the act.
This being the case, we now ask, is it
right, or proper, wise or useful, to attempt
to eradicate this disease by'the stern reme
dy of the bayonet? We say no: because
the first gun that is fired, converts the
Government from what it was intended, a
Government of peace, consen t and moral
; force, into one of military power. Such
a Government, we do not wish to live un
der. Such a Government, will run rapid
ly and surely’ into a central, military des
potism, and the President will be the mili
tary’ dictator of conquered States and a
conquered people, instead of the chosen
magistiate of a free people. Such a Gov
ernment, is not worth preserving; and
when ever the time comes that the people
iota whole State, rebel against acts, passed
j in conformity with the constitution, and
j enforcing constitutional obligations, it is
; better for all to admit that the Govern -
j ment has failed: than to rush to arms to
| bolster up an exploded system. At such
Ia time, the Government has failed, aqd it
becomes the people, peaceably’ to assem
ble, to devise new combinations, new
forms of Government, and new safe-guards
for their rights and liberties. If this union
is to be preserved by gunpowder, is it
i worth preserving? that is the question.—
I Does not every man see, that we at once
| descend from our lofty position of a free,
; constitution-loving and law-abiding peo
| pie, to the level ofthe military Republics
i of France and of Mexico? IfMassachu
‘ setis is tired ot her fealiy to the constitu
i tion; if she is sick of her bargain, to restore
fugitives from service; we hold that Massa
j chusetts has a perfect right to say so, & act
I accordingly; and we would resist the use of
: the army and navy against her, asprompt
lly as we would if the Federal arms were
I turned against South Carolina, Georgia
or Mississippi. But, when Massachusetts
| clearly manifests her purpose,not to obey
j the constitution (as we believe she has
i already done? then the union is dissolved
jso far as she is concerned. She has vio
j lated ihe articles of copartnership, and the
j partnership should he dissolved by mutual
! consent— not held together by force.
rut we said Mr Fillmore’s remedies for
aboliiion were worse than the disease, to
the south. And here we are again called
on to wonder tit the infatuation of the Col
umbus Enquirer; and we ask the Editor
to look at the consequences ofhis doc
trine that the President has a right to en
force a Federal law in Massachusetts at
the point of the bayonet. What a precedent
is here establislied ! and how fearfully
may it not be turned to the account of abo
litionism in its future warfare upon the In
stitutions of the south !
Has the Enquirer thought of that? or if
it has, does the thought give it no concern,
because it will be the “ultras” south, only,
who will feel the vengeance of Mr Fill
more’s armies? It will be civil war, and it
will involve In its horrors “unionists” as
well as “Southerners”; “submissionists”
as well as “ fire eaters.” We protest
against the doctrine, as dangerous in the
last degree—as putting weapons in the
hands of our enemies, which in time, will
surely be turned against our breasts No,
no, let their be noforce. It the States can
not agree to live together, in the union (
let them go, peaceably out of it. As sov
ereigns they have a right to do it. An at
tempt to prevent it, upsets the whole basis
on which the theory of the Government
rests, and plunges the country at once,
into the horrors of civil war. We are op
posed to the use of Presidential arms,
gainst either the State of Massachusetts
or ihe State of South Carolina.
(S”A small quantity of vinegar will
generally destroy immediately any insect
that may find its way into Ihe stomach ;
and a little salad oil will kill any insect
that may enter the, ear.
05” The Chattanooga Gazette of 2b‘h
ult., says:—The damages on the Rail Road
from this place have been repaired and the
Cars are running regularly.
(5= The Union ot 24th nit., says “ im
portant despatches have been received by
this government from Brazil, through Mid
shipman Thomas H. Looker, who has just
arrived in this city.”
05” The British and Foreign Bible So
ciety have had space granted to them in
the Chrystal Palace, to exhibit Bibles in
one hundred and fifty different languages.
DANIEL WEBSTER.
Mr Allen, of Massachusetts brought for
ward in tli§ House of Representatives, on
the 25th ult., a serious charge against the
Secretary of State. It was in substance,
that previous to his acceptance of the
State Department, he informed His friends
in New York and Boston, that it was ne
cessary for him to have $50,000 ; that Wall
street and Statp street, undertook to raise
the plum for the Secretary in equal parts
—thar Wall street did iaise its share of
$25,000, hut that in Boston only $19,600
could be raised: “the gentleman there
(said Mr Allen) having been so freely
bled before on the same account, could
not be brought to the point.” Mr Allen
charged on Mr Webster corruption in this
connection —“he stands in office, under
these arrangements with business men
and bankers, and is the most unfit person
to have the management ofthe pecuniary
negotiations ol the Government. A man
ofindependence instead of seeking, would
have spurned the gift.”
So much for the charge, and that it pro
duced a very lively interest in the House,
may be well imagined.
Mr Ashman, of Mass, denied the charge
in toto, and concluded the denial as fol
lews:
“I have nothing more, to say than this,
that in its length and breadth, in aggregate
and detail, I am authorized to say, and on
that authority I do say, that it is an un
qualified falsehood.
Mr Allen—l take the issue.
Mr Ashmun—The challenge is accepted.
Now let the defamer of the Secretary car
ry out his designs. This is all I have to
say.” *
After some further personal altercation
between the two members, the committee
rose, and the House finally took a recess
without action on the subject.
Whether .Mr Alien will make good his
charge remains to be seen. We hope for
the honor of American Statesmanship he
may not. Yet it is suspicious that the
odor of pecuniary largesses hangs about
the “Godlike’s” name. It will be remem
bered that, not many years ago, Mr Web
ster’s friends raised a iarge sum to send
him to “lioneze” in England on account
of Yankee vanity of then big men. MrC
T Ingersell also preferred a very simiiay
accusation against him in Congress within
a few years; and it is generally under
stood, that Mr Webster’s millionaire ad
mirers in New York and Boston have of
ten been called on to “bleed” to supply
his wants. Mr Webster cannot let the
matter rest here.
JOHN RANDOLPH, ON COLONIZATION.
We have always regarded the “African
Colonization Society” as the parent of
Abolition. It is enough to damn the whole
concern with suspicion, that Henry Clay,
the “great Emancipator” is its friend,
champion, and was for a long time its
President. A Virginiapaper has brought to
light the opinions of John Randolph of
Roanoke, on this subject. They hit our
fancy and are approved by cur judgment.
The grand defence of slavery is; that there
is not now, and never has been a spot on
the Globe, where the negro race is or has
been as happy, and well provided for,
spiritually, morally and socially, as in the
Southern §tatesin their condition of slave
ry. And we take into the comparison, their
condition in Africa, Jamaica and St Do
mingo, and the free States of the North.
As Mr Randolph says, God alone can ef
fect their Exodus, and he has not yet indi
cated to man, the form and manner of it.
Until he does, the best interests ot both
races demand that their present relations
should not he disturbed:
“ I atn against all Colonization Societies
—am for the good old plan of making the
negroes work, and thereby enabling the
master to teed and clollie them well, and
take care of them in sickness and old age.’
—John Randolph of Roanoke, letter of Dr
Brockenbrough, Jan 30 th, 1826.
* sfc * * *
“I will refuse to present to the Senate
the petition of the Colonization Society,
although earnestly entreated to do so. I
think the tendency of it bad and mischiev -
ous ; that a spirit of morbid sensibility,
religious fanaticism, vanity and love of
display, are the chief moving causes of
that society.” * * * *
The Exodus of the Jews was effected by
th” visible and miraculous interposition of
the hand oi God ; and without the same
miraculous assistance, the Colonization
Society will not remove the tithe of the in
crease ofthe free blacks while their pro
ceedings and talks disturb the rest ofthe
slaves.” —.John Randolph of Roanake, letter
to Dr Brockenbrough, Feb 20, 1826.”
The people of Jamaica seem anx
ions that the free negroes from the United
States sho*rid si ttle on that Island. (Offers
are made of one acre of land with a house
on it, pasture for one cow, and fifty cents
a day for labor to all who may emigrate.
THE HYPOCRISY OF NORTHERN PHILAN
THROPY.
We wonder if a northern negrophilist,
especially a “conscience” man of Massa
chusetts, can read the following article
without a blush of shame. It is one ofthe
thousand facts, constantly coming to light
to prove the intense hypocrisy of Free
Soil philanthropy. It is ot a piece with the
war of castes rapidly coming to a head in
all the free States, the end ot which, is
nothing less than the expulsion of the
black race, which they profess to love so
much, from their borders. This first as
sert, that all men are “ free and equal,”
that color should make no distinction in
the political and social rights of men.—
Practising on this; they condemn the
blacks among them to the lowest menial
employments. Boot blacks, waiteis and
barbers are the highest employments to
which they can rise under the white ban.
If they drive a hack or a dray, the
Jehus and Cartmen, run over them, break
their carriages and thus drive them from
an occupation which they cannot safely
pursue. Next, they are relused political
rights, and can only vote in some States,
under to them, a high property qualifica
tion—social privileges they have none.—
Next, they steal Southern slaves, harbor
them when they run away, and will con
clude the farce by driving the poor devils
from the land, where they have been pro
mised liberty, equality and peace.—
And during all this time, it is the free
States that are carrying on the African
slave trade with Brazil; and no doubt with
Cuba too. Comment on facts like those
is unnecessary. A northern paper blush
es to publish them. And with ail this
hypocrisy, the south, under the policy of
submission is constantly going down, urw
der the weight of influence which Free
Soilism is able to bring to bear upon the
action of the General Government. By
it, we have been jobbed of our territorial
rights, excluded from the gold ol Califor
nia, seen our property reprobated by the
Legislature of the Union, and a strong sett
given to heady current of agitation,
which, if unchecked, leads inevitably to
ultimate abolition. And this has been the
work of the vilest hypocrites—ofinen, who
pretending to teach us humanity, are them
selves, crushing the race of their affected
love, beneath the iron heel of prejudice ;
dealing in the toreign traffic in flesh, and
are now preparing to expatiate them
from the land of ’heir birth and of promis
ed liberty to those of who fly to it. Who
would’nt he a submissionist ?
THE BRAZILIAN TRADE.
It will be a matter of some interest to
our readers to know what States of the Un
ion contribute most to trie Brazilian slave
tiade ; and for the purpose of information,
rather than a desire to reflect upon any
portion of the confederacy, our Washing
ton correspondent “Imprimis” compiles
for the Epress the subjoined figures from
official documents.
Years. States. Clearing from Entering
Brazil for Africa, from Africa
1844 Massachusetts 2 for the years
Maryland 2 enumerated
in full.
1845 Massachusetts 8 Massachusetts 9
New York 3 Maryland 10
Pennsylvania 2 Pennsylvania 1
Maine 1 New Yo r k 12
Rhode Island 1 Maine 1
1546—Massachusetts 5 Florida 1
Maine 2 Connecticut 1
New York 5
Maryland 1 35
Florida 1
Connecticut 1
1847 — New York 2
Rhode Island 1
1848 — New York 2
Mass chusetts 2
Maryland 1
1849 Massachusetts 2
New York 1
Pennsylvania 1
Unknown 48
95
Now let us proceed to recapitulation,
for that will explain how far the “Aboli
tion” North iscommitted to this traffic, and
how far the “blood-apostate’’South. We
| NUMBER 12.
■wri’ ****** w/.-ra
confess that it is with shame that we give
the record, but we know that the great
body of the Northern people hold in de
testation this traffic which the Constitution
declares “piracy.”
RECAPITULATION.
Free States.
Massachusetts 19 Maine 3
New York 12 Rhode Island 2
Pennsylvania 3 Connecticut 1
Tntal .... 5
Slave States.
Maryland - - - - 4
Florida 1
Total - - - - 5
These tacts deserve to be remembered.
We have it here, notoriously obvious, that
the odium of this foreign traffic does not
attach to the South, but to some of the ava
ricious men of the “Free-soil; Abolition”
North. Massachusetts, too, is in the ad
vance, and runs up a bill of crime against
her of nineteen out of the 43 vessels divid
ed among six States while her share, by
the simple rule of division, should be less
than 7. New York, withle§s“conscience”
multiplies seven into twelve—and her sin
is great even at that; but, compared with
Massachusetts, so meek and philanthrop
ic, her offence will scarce reach an u .it.
These figures ought not to be overlooked,
for they deserve to be. treasuied among
the archives of New England, in the same
nook with the summary proceedingsof the
Abolitionists against the claimants of the
Crafts, They afford ample material for
future history.— N. Y. Express.
JUDICIAL IMPEACHMENT.
A memorial has Been addressed to the
House of Representatives, asking the im
peachment of the Hon. John C. Watrous,
district judge of the United States for the
State of Texas. The following >s an ab
stract from the memorial :
“The H in. V. E. Howard has present
ed a memorial from William Alexander,
Esq., a citizen and a member of the bar of
the State cf ‘Texas, t >the|House of Represen
tntives of the United States, charging the
district judge of Texas, the Hon. John (\
JVatrous, with various offences and misde
meanors, and asking Congress to institute
an invi stigalion, and prosecute the said
W; struus by impeachment. Among these
charges are the following, to wit: That
said Watrous, district juuge of the United
States, as aforesaid, was engaged in the
sale, purchase, and transfer of fraudulent
land certificates to a very large amount, in
open and direct violation of ah act of Con
gress of the republic of Texas prohibiting
the same, and imposing very severe pen
alties on those who were so engaged, as
he, the said judge, is alleged to have been ;
that the said Watrous has been engaged;
since his appointment as judge, in the
practice of the law, in giving opinions,
and otherwise in violating a statute of the
Congress of the United States in the prent
ises—U S Statutes at large, vol. 2, p. 7 88;j
that the legislature of Texas, being appri
zed of the facts above stated, passed a joint
resolution requesting the said John Ct
Watrous to resign his office as judge; th.it;
at the next session of the federal court for
the district of Texas, the said John C.
Watrous, being tire district judge as afore
said, procured the grand jury attending
said court to make a presentment or re
port, by meant of statements willfully, and
with intent to deceive said grand jury made
by himself exonerating said Watrous from
the oflences and misdemeanors charged.
LIP We profess to be pretty well “post
ed up” in regard to the course of Northern
Whig- and Northern Democrats on the
“nigger questions” Up to the late; session
of Congress, the votes of Northern Whigs
will be found recorded in every instance
along with the free-sotlers. Not so with the
Democrats, as the Journals will show. Let
us now turn to the record of a much later
date. Our Whig friends in-Tennessee all
profess to be in favor of the recent fugi
tive slave act, and we are not disposed to
question their sincerity. How many North
era Whigs and Northern Democrats sup
ported that Bill? Here are the names arid
States. The vote was taken in the House,
geptember 12, 1859.
Northern Eemocrats. Northern Whigs.
Alberston, of Indiana. lElhott, ol'Mass,
Itimeil, <l Illinois, McGaughev. of Ind,
W J Brown of Ind., ■ Taylor, ot Ohio,
Buel of Michigan, ‘ jj whigs”
Dummick of Pennsylvania,
Dunlinm, ofindiana,
fuller, of Maine,
fterrv, of “
Gorman, of Indiana.
T L Harris of Illinois,
Hibbard, of N Hampshire,
Hoagiand, of Ohio,
I, elfler of lowa,
Littlefield, ofMaiue, j
•lob Mann, ot Pennsylvania!
McClernnud, of Illinois, J
McDonald, of Indiana. }
McLanahan, of Penn.
Milier. of Ohio, ,
Richards on ot Illinois,
Robinson, of Indiana,
Ross, of Pennsylvania,
J Thompson ol Penn.
Walden, of .New York.
Wifi’rick, of New Jersey, i
Wood of Ohio,
Young, of Illinois,
21 democrats !
We would not give one fact for one
hundred arguments, What have our W hig
cotemporaries of the press lo say in
reply to the above facts? —Nashville Un
ion.
REMARKS
OF
HON A. P. BUTLER, OF S. CAROLINA
In Senate, Feb 21, 1851,
The Message of the President in lefer
ence to the rescue of the Fugitive Slave at
Boston, being under cooperation, Mr
Butler satd :
1 came into the Senate this session with
a strong resolution not to speak on this sub
ject at all. But there are some topics in
volved in this discussion which imperious
ly cad upon me to notice them. Now
what a commentary upon the Constitution
of the United States does this debate pre
sent ? It is gravely proposed that the laavs
of the United States shall be so amended
as to enable the President, without pro
clamation, to call into execution the army
and navy aiid the military force of trie
Uni’ed States, To do what? To enforce
an article of the Constitution of the United
States, because I choose to speak rather of
the Constitution than of the law 7 enacted at
the last session for die purpose of carrying
the Constitution into eff-ct. Why, sir,
our simple ancestors, governed by good
faith and a just regard to the constitutional
compact, required no legislation for many
years to carry into effect the article of the
Constitution for the reclamation of fugitive
slaves. I assert it, in my place, that for
several years it was a self-sufficing article
of the Constitution ; and in Boston, Phila
delphia, or New York, or in any other city,
a fugitive from labor would have been de
livered up on demand and upon proof of
identity without any litigation whatever
How is it now ? A single runaway negro
has it in his power to call into exertoin the
very highest powers committed to the
President of the United States.
JOB PRINTING,
PLAIN AND
JATtViSD PROMPTLY EXECUTED AT TUI OPPICX
OF
STije Columbus Ctmfs.
Pamphlets, I Hand Bills,
Business Cards, | Way Bills ,
Visiting do Circulars,
Ball Tickets, | Blank Notes
andevervthingelse inthis line ofbusiness.CHKA
and with Dispatch.
BLANKS OF AT.J, KINDS PRINTED TO
ORDER. >
I will make another remark in connex
ion with this subject. Ido it with a firm
belief of its truth. That in Boston, in the
community cf Massachusetts, you may
throw as much blame on the marshal as
you think proper, but the federal officers
will find it impossible, by their mere ex
ertion of power, to carry into effect this
article of the Constitution, and the law re
ferred to for the purpose ofgiving force to
it. If they cannot call out the posse
comitatus, the very highest power wlticha
sheriff or a marshal has, it is in vain for
them to resort to federal agencies as a lim
ited and important means to perform the
duties of their offices. Why, you are now
attempting by auxiliary legislation to do,
what? To breathe life into an extinct arti
cle of the Constitution , f the United States.
You are to supply from time to time, from
j session to s< ssion, acts of legislation to
; compel people who are opposed to the Con
stitution to observe it; to resort to the army
and nuvv. to military force, to compel citi
zens to do the duty which honor, honest}',
justice and good faith had previously im
posed upon them. It is perfectly in vain,
as has been said, in consequence of the sen
timent which o’ tains in some of the North*
era States, and especially in Massachu
setts. with the limited number of officers,
and the limited power which they exert
ov- r the community, to enforce this article
t i,f the Constitution. Sir. they are recon
ciled by a mere casuistry to see it violated)
they are reconciled l< it by the pulpit; they
are reconciled to it by designing politi
cians; and so I mg as the question of slave
ry forms a * element of poetical agitation,
volt might as well attempt to hush the
winds by saying to them “Cease.” As [
said the other day, you might as well ex
pect to keep a .maniac quiet by singing
lullabies, as to undertake, in this way, to
compel a reluctant people to do their du
ty.
It iias beet) said that this law has beetx
executed in good faith. Allow me to make
one remark in this connection, and I repeat
it from what was said by a member of the
other house. Fifteen thousand slaves have
escaped, and are in the free States. How
many of them are reclaimed under this or
any other law? I would just as soon have
the law of 1793 as the present law, for
any other purpose, so far as regards the
reclamation of the fugitive slaves. I said
so when this law was under discussion.—-■
The Senator from Kentucky has alluded
to Indiana and some oilier States. What
is the fact in relation to Indiana! Why,
Indiana. Ilhnoiand lowa, and some of the
other States, have come to the conclusion,
while professing philanthropy at one breath
to exclude these people from their borders*
I cast no concurs on their policy, Their
policy.is to keep out-all colored people,
bond or free. It is a matter cf policy that
they have consulted more than any thing
else They have avowed it to be their po
licy that they will allow no black man to
enter their borders hereafter; and the time
will come u hen every black man who has
escaped from bis master into the State of
Ohio will be expelled, not for any thing
like a regard for the black man, but from,
a policy, and a policy which I see is likely
to be introduced into California, These
persons would have been far better to have
been left as slaves than to have been se
duced under this philanthropic advertise
ment that they will be free. They have
been in the nominal position of freemen on
ly to be crushed, degraded, and excluded
from employment.
Gentlemen speak of the case in Boston
as a mob of negroes. Gentlemen may
speak of it as they please, put it as a symp
tom thus far, that they will take the part
of the fugitive slaves as long as they can,
not with a view to protect them ultimate
ly when they are tree, hut to exclude them
from employment. This very act in Bos
ton will have been communicated ('through
speeches delivered here,through speeches
such as have been delivered by the honor
able Senator from Ne a Hampshire, which,
have excused the actj to every southern
State in this Union. Why, gentlemen
are abso'utely holding a spark over a pow
der magazine. Ido not know that they
can succeed in exciting the slaves ot the
south to insurrection, but it will dissatisfy
them, and the creatures are becoming eve
ry dav more dissatisfied with their condi
tion ; although it is alsolutely certain that
their condition will be worse under the
system of policy and miserable philanthro
py which has been preached and practiced
in some ol the free States—infinitely worse.
I am the friend of the black roan compar
ed with them, and he is a hypocrite who
undertakes to preach in favor of a degrad
ed race when in tact he takes less care of
them than l would. Ido not know how
far this law is to operate, but i will say
that it a slave of mine escaped I would not
go through any course of litigation to re
claim him ; and if he had escaped at a for
mer time arid acquired a status, l would
let him stay sooner than disturb him. So
far as regards the free people of color who>
have gone to the north, the most of them
would be glad to come back. I know it,
because I have hud some experience on
the subject. I was the rnpans myself of
sending some fifteen to Ohio, arid I think
they would be glad to com” back.
The consequences ofsuch anactasthis
in Boston, is not limited to the particular
act itself, but its c sequences are now per
vading tins community and creating a dis
turbance ami dissatisfaction among these
poor degraded creatures which gentlemen
cannot measure. My friend from Virgi
nia has v ry properly said that when the
States will not execute this law, tha* when
the people of the Commonwealth of Mas
sachusetts are averse to it, it is perfectly
vain to rely upon Federal legislation to
supply what the Constitution imposed up
on them as a duty. 1 will never give up
that it was a duty imposed on the people
of the States themselves to surrender fugi
tives from labor. Never was it expected
that we should have to resort to the army,
to the navy, or to the rnilitia, and to the
proclamationa, to supply this piece of leg
is.ation and that piece of legislation, and
preach to the country that the law will be
executed. I say it is but preaching. I say
there will be but very few cases in which
you ccn reclaim a slave, for the reason that
you cannot detect where he is, because
persons in the free States will conceal him,
will throw ail impediments in the way of
his apprehension; and after his apprehen
sion,you will have to go through a course
of litigation to reclaim the property which
the Censtitution required the States them
selves to deliver up. The recovery of tne
property, it seems, is to depend on the
ph}3ical arm of this Government. The
army and tne navy are to be invoked to en
force an article of the Constitution, because
a runaway slave has gone to Boston.—
Now, what is the situation of this Govern
ment when a runaway negro can produce
such a state of things, such discussions as
this,and can make such issues? It is a
symptom of the times ; and just as certain
as I am speaking:, the notion which the
Abolitionists are inculcating is increasing,
and the power is coming down upon the