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yar. Tei-Weekly per annum maavance. |
No panes will be discontinued wbtlo any
arrearages are due, unless at the option of
the proprietors,
ADVBRftSKJtBJIfs conspicuously inserted
at Ons DoLti-tlt per square for the first in
•ertiou, and FIfTV Cbnts for every subse
quent continuance.
rFfi<n ih Chiihrrton Mtrcury.]
sotrra CABMJtfA ahd gbeat britadt.
We quote to-day a sensible f n<! timely
article fruit the Southern Press, called out
by anew kink in the question of the right
of South Carolina to impose restrictions or.
colored seamen from foreign ports. The
London Chronicle, received by the last ar
rival front England, in a long article on this
subject, marked by that peculiarly sweet
which characterizes all its efforts
■where slavery falls in the way, gives cur
rency to the statement that Mr. Webster j
lias re-opened the discussion with the
British Min : st r, and that they are now
Uisy in readjusting it. The purpose of
such a step can only be to shuffle out of
the position assumed by Mr. Clavton.
The Taylor admmistration put an end to
the eregotiation, by staling that the Federal
Government had no jurisdiction h the
premises: the Fillmore Administration-re
news it, by claiming that the Federal Gov
eminent luefihe exclusive control of it.—
And this is specimen of the foreign pol
icy of the Wh : g partv for the first half of
a single Presidential term !
We are not surprised at this behavior
of the Administration. We are not sur
ptised that it should exhibit, in any given
case, an equal mixture of dishonesty and
imbecility.
Its foreign policy has no connection, di
rector indirect, with any systeiy of states
manship. It is the mere dribbings of its
pettifogging efforts to secure n foundation of
northern popularity fora Fil'more Presi
dential p r ty. Hostility to South Caroli
na, in every possible fi rm is to be the charm
xvhich to convert Abolitionism from its.
anger; while a game of Imv trickery, tend
ing to the restoration of the protective sys
tem, is to secure them the adhesion of the
tnanufacturer.
If this is not the true explanation what
conceivable motive could the Admmistra
tim have for thus stultifying itself; for
eating its own words; for volunteering to
re-i'*otve itself in a dispute from which it
bad a few months before so openly retreat
ed ; for subjecting the foreign policy of the
Government to the mockery and derision
of the civilized \y< rid ! For it is an insult
to the understanding of the simplest man,
to pretend that the present Executive is
mVet responsible for the fullest extent for the
nets niid policy of his immediate prede
cessor. The-, were all brought into pow
er by the sme election, and claimed the
snest entire party sympathy.
We have given the explanation of this
(proceeding before, and the last act is aiii
iple confirmation of the truth of *hat expla
nation, The party in power wished a pre
text for abrogating the commercial treaty j
•with England. To this end they referred j
the British Government to South Carolina
for ratisfaction in the mutter complained of.
They expect'd the State would refuse all
favorable consideration of it, and that the
British Government would persist in the
complaint, and thus afford the pretext they
(longed for,to give the stipulated notice
for the abrogation of the treaty. To the
Eraro'r usvd dutnay of the whole brood of
jiettifoggvYS, fourth Carolina received the
application in he best spirit, and put the
li alter in sin li train as ipriv-in sedan ami- I
cable Jidpustiiientof it. “rite piospect of
sHilirtg tire dilute, was to the Ad- i
ministration the prospect of loosing a \
pack otf the mark'd) cards with which !
they had li opt'd o cheat all the j
great interests involveUin commerce, for
their aiui selfish*advatw\*g<‘, vukl the ad
wnneomeut of the protectee interest, li
wnsimore than this—it “as robbing them
*>l one i t ebeir weapons oGiquiity against
tlluk S ate. They have esqeWalfy rejoic
ed in this chance of'a feud hnwoeo the
south and tbe great nations vvtllk v fe<>m we
trade. Abolitionism aUthe uoitikeasdoue
its uianost to strengthen itself wqh
Abolitio!iistß of Europe. It has bought
over eveiy dirty demagogue it cou!A, )IC k
Hip, to delight i.s ears with infamous cay tn .
sties against the southern po,.fe. It
*nught openly to incite foreign goverfi
meats ega nst us, en account of .regala
itions which if-<swi* biu*r hatied
intrigt* have mainly.ft“ ~ ; isaMic
Olut the Empire, but a
’L-psed humbug, and Jar more a subject
of derision titan respeot- The sentiment
-of the British people and of t lie it Gove n
tnent- •*> or, persuaded, is not inimical to
r.is, and does pot impel them to aggravate
any matter iU dispute. The State has been
assured that such was the case, in a man
*wrr,to uo reasonable doubt. °
‘We dee plainly enough the motives that
influence Administration wt reviving
ghis discussion. They mean mischief.—
They tmean rto make South Carolina the
instrument for doing a great injury to tin-
Commercial .interests of the southern Slates
*,id oHEngleud- jßut -he niotiies which
could prompt the British Minister to lemi
them his aid in sveh a scheme, we ctfiiuot
divine. We trust it will turn out that lie
has not done so; that he has not failed to
see that important interests of hie own coun
try dejiend upon his leaving this question
to the peaceable progress which there is
every hope will end rails sw&iaCJory ad
justment here.
For any interest that South Carolina
may have in this negotiation at Washington
we eare exceedingly little ivhat course ii
may take. She will be out of ;he Union, in
ah probability, before Mr. Webster will
have finished his long-winded essay in
stultification if the essay of his Whip
predecessor, —at any rate before any resit I;
can follow from them. But we do not wish
to see South Carolina made the pretext and
the instrument for inflicting a great injury ,
upon the commerce and prosperity of her
sister States of the south.
A Bem: Brcxxell ixoxe the Work
ing Mux.—A correspondent of the New
York Sunday Courier thus describes Dun-
Can, 4 the Jewel Fancier,” whom we have
already immortalized ui the columns of ihe
Delta. Baruum missed a hit in not tak
ing Duncan to exhibit him, in his golden
array, as an American laborer, tie fore the
starving, ragged workies of Europe.
* 4 We have* man here b$ *uie name of
Duncan, who has a must singular las,te in
regard to clothing aud jewelry.* He wear*
r g “in..ibraid,^^. l 7cUhes'Vta.
cost, in Paris, over sßtlv. tiy has a goh)
sob is valued at S7OOO, which he wears
only oea Suhday. T lie re is no dirty t:.is-
Aqthrop/ about him,sooljen taken for true
democracy, but a desire to grat v this odd
VOLUME XI. 1
For Governor of Georgia. —The |
Columbus Times nominates the Hon. W il
aoN Lumpkin, the stern old patriot, and
one whose history has been so long iden
tified with that State.— [Mont, Advertis
er 4- Gazette.
Another Steamboat Explosion.—The
sleamerl George W. Kendall, on the !sth
inst„ when above Brandenburgh, Ken
tucky, and while under full headway
in the river, burst the cylinder head of the
j larboard engine, the wind valve and stand
pipe. The carpenter of tlie boat was in
st.ntly killed, and some deck hands were
severely scalded, Seven horses were kill
ed, and a number of persons were scalded,
and jumped overboard. Turn men on the
shore staled that they counted twenty per
sons in the river at one time, not one of
whom were saved. Among them Were j
two men. The officers of the boat, how-I
ever, think that the persons on the shore
took some of the horses for persons, as it
has been since ascertained that ttie carpen
ter was the only person kil ed.
THE CASUS BELLI.
We find the following statement in the j
Philadelphia Ledger, after its appearance
in one or two other papers. We can hard
ly believe the law has passed both houses
of the Ohio legislature bill it may nave
passed the lower house. If it has been
adopted, or shall be, the compromisers ar ■
committed, for the -ecuud time, and it will
be somewhat amusing to see how they will
perform. When Vermont nullified, the
Editor of the Union said if another State
did so, the Union was gone. What will
the Virginia Legislature di? YVe shall
have to appoint a committee of the regular
southern ultras to hold the compromise dis
uniouists.
Ohio Fugitive Slave Act, —The Ohio
Legislature,on the 22d February, passed
“an act securing the benefit of habeas cor
pus,” which comes quite up ti the Ver
mont iict. It makes it the duty of the At
torney General olthe State, and the prose
cuting attortiies of the counties —
To protect pnd defend all persons arn st
ed as fugitive slaves, and to make imme
diate application to specified Courts and
juilgeE for the writ of habeas corpus; such
) courts or judges to grant the writ, and up
ott its return to grant a trial by jury on ail
questions of fact at issue between the par
lies, provided either party make applica
tion for such trial. If the verdict of the
jury thus called shall be in favor of the
person claimed us n fugitive slave, he shall
forthwith he restored to his liberty ; ami
if the claimant shall again claim owner
ship in the slave, within the State, he shall
be deemed guilty of felony, and, on con
viction thereof, shall he imprisoned in the
penitentiary for riot more than five nor less
than two years.
Since writing ihe above, the Ohio pa
pers come to us with iheinteiligence of the
passage by the lower house of :he Legis- j
luture of the following:
Resolutions Relative to the Fugitive
Slave Laws.
Resolved, By the General Assembly of
the State of Ohio, That our Senators in
Congress be instructed, and our represen- .
tatives lequesti.d, to ise all honorable means
U obtain an immediate rep. al, modification
or amendment, of the act of Congress, usu
ally styled the Fuginvb slave la.t, ap
proved September, |lB, 1850.
Resolved, That the Governor of the State
ot Ohio, be requested to fonvaid each of
our Senators and Representatives in Con
gress. a copy of the above resolution.
The vote's loud, 40 for, and 20 against
the adoption idilie resoluti n.
Anda telegraphic dispatch has been
received of the election ol Benj. F. Wade
to the U. States Senate. He is from Ash
tabula cunty, the greatest freesoil county
of the State,.and although vve Have no cer
tain knowledge of his politics except that
he is said to he a. Whig, we have litlle
doubt that he is a free soiler, since it look
the freesoil vote in addition to the Whig, to
utdeyldiim.
ton,
that the —log T niTt T T T- r “——
reliable than the democrn.ic party oT the
South, upon the all-absorbing question of
preserving the Federal Union.
‘1 here is an old saw about ihe bud that
fouls its own nest.
Tolerably Shari* Hit.— In alluding to
i die relusal of Com. Downs to take etfi-
I cient measures to secure tile slave Shad
rach, when petitioned so lu do, tile Boston
Post has the following:
YVe hope that when Coin, Downs is
done with the t avj yard at Charles
town, he will lease it to the United
| Stales-
From llie AXgusui Cos stilulioualist.
PSOGEESS OF NULIFICATION.
. ‘lhe “higher law” party are evidently
ou the increase at the North. Ulrio ha’
just elected a “higher law” Senator in the
person of Mr. Wade,and the Lower H use
of her Legislature has passed a bill, sim
ilar in its scope and purpose, to the nulifi
•a'ion act of \ erenont. New-York has
elected Mr. Hamilton Fish, Mr. higher
law Seward’s friend and candidate to
Ahe Senate.
The tune seems hastening on when the
Constitutional Union Party of Georgia
will he ca led upon to redeem their pledg
es, and become a disunion party. Yet thi.’
latter very patriotic party seem at present
absorbed in the amiable business of abus
ing and deuoixicing their Southern Rights
frieu Is, as traitors and disuuioiusts, for**x
posiug the rottenness of public -sentiment
and action in reference to the Constitu
tional Rights of the Slave Sta es.
Webster, Fillmore, and other first rate
Constitutional Union meu at ihe North,
were f,Memostand m> si efficient in putting
this anti-slavery excitement in motion, arid
keeping it up for the purpose ot oyer-’
whelnitiig the Northern Democrats who
stood manfully up for .Southern Rights
out gdiiilfuieu received Lae iiuoied
praises and plaudits of the Coosuuuu#mt j
iest blows at tiicir rights tu this Confeder
qrjMvp3.idence of tie Baltimore Sun.
New York, March 19.
The steamship Arctic will be due to.
j morrew with a week’j later intelligence
j from Europe. Tae utost interesting item
expected is he formation of anew inims-
It was reported th?t Major
Noah had expired frojn he effects of the
attack ofjjaralysis frujn which he has keen
suffering for nit-iiy dirspast. This proves
to be fake so fax, he is still in dun-
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X- S ■ ■ * J
Columbus, Ga. Wednesday Horning, March 26,1851
THE PHILADELPHIA PEHNSYLVAHIAH.
We copy the whole of the following ar
ticle trom the Pennsylvanian, because we
desire to answer the whole of it. We
pray the attention of our readers to it:
“Mr Cobb at Home.— Some of the “re
sistance” papers in Georgia, have taken !
us bitterly to task for our comments in fa
vor of Mr Cobb, whose position as a pro
minent member of the National Democra
cy, was never more established or more
enviable than at®e present moment. Dif
fering from him only in the necessity that
has compelled him to take partin a Union
organization, we differ still more widely
from those who do not regard him as the
friend of the South, or who try to ostracise
him from the De mocratic party, because
of his identity with a peculiar, and Jet us
hope a temporary local organization. It
is an instructive fact that while those who
assail Mr Cobb as a foe to the South, and
while they are taking strong grounds in
favor of secession, as the best wav to pro
tect the South, most ot them vehemently
deny heivig in favor of Disunion—a para
dox which answers itself. What more d■-
struetive or disorganizing proposition
could be imagined, than the following,
from the Georgia Times, of which the gilt
ed sou of John Forsyth is the editor 1
“ Let us form a Southern party (don’t j
be alarmed, our submission friends, for
this is a remedy in the Union) and organ
ize it, purposely, to make fight with the
Northern parly in the maintenance of our
equal rights in the Government. Let us
eschew all National Conventions—pul up
a southern candidate for the Presidency ;
unite on him, and senu him, if need be, to
the House of Representatives, where the
States each having one vote, Georgia will
b as powerful as the greatabolition States
of New York and Ohio, and where we
will be in the best condition 1o struggle
for the control ot the executive branch ot
the Government. Now there is nothing
unconstitutional, or un-unionish in this. It
is a mode of fighting the battle of the
South in the Union. It is the only mode
that promises success. Any other will be
defeat. It lias an equal chance to succeed:
but if it fails, the South can exercise the
power of deciding between the opposing
candidates, and choose the least objection
able ofthe list.”
Our friend of the Times, whose paper
we always read with interest, forgets that
while charging Mr Cobb with leaving the ,
Democratic party for a Union party, and
while protesting his own devotion*to De
mocracy, he is by his own motion prepar
ing the way to create a merely Southern
party, outside of all parties This is a sad
and painful inconsistency.
But by your rule of nominating an ex
clusively Southern candidate, (in which
you cannot reasonably expect to be sus
tained by all the South,) we contend that
you will effectually degrade and destroy
Southern interests and influences. Do you
not know that the freesoil and whig com
binations in the North, which those who
agree with you on the great constitutional
question, have always contended against,
would be made doubly fonmdable by your
attempt to combine in the Sodrh 1 Thus a Se
ward, or a Hale, or some man in their in
terests, may be chi.sen, and the disap
pointment and chagrin that your move
ment would occasion among true men in,
(he North, would go far to consummate it’.*
No such proposition, carried inio effect,
can end in any way but in disaster to the
South.”
*
We are not of those “resistance papers
in Georgia that have taken bitterly to task”
our respected contemporary of Philadel
phia. If the people of the North and the
press o£.tlm North, had all been animated
by the catholic and truly union spirit that
brealhed in the editorials and consistent
political conduct of John W. Forney ofthe
Pennsylvanian, anterior to the “adjust
ment,” our tongue should have been pal
sied, and our fingers struck with paralysis, j
ere they should have spoken or written a
word against the Union of the American
States. We ask Mr Forney, as a high
spirited gentleman, to change places with
us, and to contemplate with the mind and
heart of a citizen of one of these infamous
ly used, and basely betrayed Southern
States, the insults and injuries which this
Government has inflicted upon them. To
so back from the early history ofthe Gov-
South has doWJirr^TriTO-^Tir^X^^^
Union ; the millions of treasure, the se s;
ofblood her sins have contributed to it
the uniform, undeviating, holy devotion
that has marked the course of her people
—ready to fight for the common country,
no matter whatthe quarrel, whether North
ern, commercial or territorial; their only
question being, is my country engaged in
the war 1 We ask him to point to a cir
cumstance or a period in Southern history,
wherein the South has been false to patri
otism, unfaithful to her union vows, or has
made one demand ofthe common Govern
ment not sanctioned by the Constitution
and hallowed by right and justice. Wheth
er a whimper of complaint wgs ever heard
from the South—until the iron heel of in
justice bore with a weight of anguish upon
which even the worm of the dust will
turn. • An unconstitutional tariff, grossly
unequal in its burthens, and outraging
justice in its exactions, was antecedent to
the first voice of nullification in South
Carolina. Before that, the union had her
whole heart, as it always commanded eve
ry sword that her sons could draw. We
then ask him to contemplate what this
Government has done against the South.
Behold the systematic spoliations of her
share ofthe common territory. We start
ed in this union with 100,000 square mites
of territory, and the North 165,000 square
miles. In the revolutions es years, the
South stands nearly where she did, while the
North has added to her possessions until
•they reach the enornaoixs disproportion of
2,400,000 of square miles. How came j
aboutjthjs unequal distribution 1 Did the
North buy it all, or conquer it all? Did she :
come by it all by gift, or by a distinct title? j
No. History with her iron pen writes the
and fair dealing-that the whole of it was
a common acquisition, subject to a common
enjoyment, or an equitable division. And,
it will write the other fact for the perusal
of our amazed posterity, that the North,
seized upon the lion’s share of it, by the
arts of a sharper and the policy ofthe rob
ber, and the South was $o base as to sub
mit to ihe plunder of the heritage ot her
children. The South has the bones often
thousand of her sons whitening the banks
of the Rio Grande, and the battle plains
of The tears of her motherless,
her ,widows and orphans, reudereu so by
that war are not yet dry, yet every acre of
Jie magnificent conquest has passed from
he people, who contributed these heca- j
onibs of human life to its acquisition. j
Look again, Mr Forney, at the scen.es m j
Congress, these 15 years back. What fiay |
“THK UNION OP THK STATKB AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OP THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY. APRIL I, 1851.
the capitol been but a bull baiting arena
in which we and our institutions have been
the objects of ferocious, unrelenting and
fanatic worrying and assault? Ten mil
lions of our property is now at large in
your free borders,andyet,ifunder the sol
j emn obligations ot the constitution toyield
| it up, we get one slave, the while livered
partizans of submission and degradation,
fill the a r with the din of their rejoicings.
Is Boston my cotn ry, Mr Forney? Can I
go there with my household ? Am I not
safer under the despotism of old Spain, in
Cuba, without a passport; than I am with
my body servant in a free city of my own
country ?
We say change places with us, and as a
man having a man’s heart in your bosom,
would not your whole soul rise in rebel
lion against injustice like this ? Your coun
trymen ofthe North would have re-enact
ed Lexington and Concord, under athou-l
saudth part ofthe burthens, persecutions
ami wrongs, which mtne, fin God’s name,
I write it in shame) have tamely borne.
But, we thank God, there are hearts that
burn under these indignities. These
” longs, like blood spilled on the ground,
cry aloud to Heaven for vengeance. They
cannot go unrequited. A craven spirit
and a corrupted statesmanship may post
pone the hour of retribution —but it will
come. The Union was founded on Jus
tice. It has been upheaved from that
foundation, and the effort is vain to main
tain ils equilibrium on the substituted ba
sis of injustice. A besotted, sectional ma
jority have built its funeral pyre.
The South has been led step by step so
her present humiliation, under the disci
pline of National parly organizations. —
There was a time, when the Democratic
party ofthe country had it in its power to
have saved the South and the constitution.
It is mainly the faulfof the South, that that
power was not effectual to that great end 1
For years, the conventions of that party!
enunciated principles that were as broad J
as the Union, true to the constitution and j
just and salutary to the South.
The South was mad enough to refuse
that party its united support. Henry Clay,
a Virginian by birth, a Kentuckian by
adoption and an emancipationist in senti-.
ment, headed the Northern or Whig par- j
ty, and maintained it in such force in the
South as to make its struggles with the
Southern or Democratic party, of doubt
ful issue. Here was the first great error.
The consequences were soon apparent—j
Northern Whiggery had already wooed
and won the Abolitionists to its ranks—
Democrat aftfer Democrat in Congress
from Northern States, fell before the com
bined assaults of the new coalition. At
every fall of one of these Southern cham
pions, Southern Whigs shouted “victory”
—lt was a double victory, over Democra
cy and the South. The Northern Demo
crats became aiarmed as well as disgust
ed. They said, “we are fighting the bat
tles ofthe constitution in which the South
has the deepest stake—we are Jailing be
fore combined Whiggism and Abolition
ism, and the South rejoices at our destruc
tiion.” Their course was obvious. It was
what we foresaw, predicted, and a thou
sand times warned our countrymen of.—
They too began to wx>o the new power
that had grown up in the State—the arbiter
ofthe ballot-box —the dispenser of office,
and the engine of public opinion—Aboli- ;
tionism. A few brave hearts stood firm 1
and resisted the mighty tide that was
sweeping its heady current over constitu
tional barriers, the union of the States,
and’ the destinies of a mighty people. No
one has been more conspicuous in oppos
ing his manly breast to the dark wave
than John W. Forney. Ht has made a
“ good fivlit’T hut fin ri„.„.,i.> n,-_Qnr grati- I
conquered the field. The sesssion of 18§L
gave it its Watsrloo in the so called “au- •
jusiment.”
All this, has been done under National
Party organizations. Does Mr Forney con
tinue to wonder then, that we, as a South
ern man and Southern Democrat, should
be chary of confiding in these National
parties ? Our deliberate judgment was that :
duty to ourselves and to our posterity, as s
weli as honor, demanded ofthe Southern!
States to secede, immediately from thel
union, on the completion ofthe Congres
sional “adjustment.” In that we have
been overruled. Our politicians, redolent
of Washington political atmosphere have
persuaded a majority of our people tha
submission in the union, was better than
liberty and justice out of it. We bow to
the necessity, but shall die protesting
against the wisdom of that decision.
But because we cannot serve our conn
try in the way we think best, it no par
of our duty to abandon its cause
er. Failing in secession, we elect the nex
best mode. We go in for fighting the
North in the union—and we are for.givingi
the battle, when, where and how, it can!
be most efficiently waged. We strike for
entire Southern independence—'non-inter- .
course, retaliation, taxation, and every
thing that one people may do, to testify
their sense oft and to chastise, the wrongs
dorns by another people. In politics vve
advise a total divorce. We have nothing
to gain by affiliation with any party at the
North that does not dare to do usjnstice.
There are bu.t fwo classes at the North—
the supporters ofthe “adjustment” and ab
olitiouists. Cur best friends at the North
are those who consented to the legislation
that plundered us us our Pacific Empire.—
And even these are gasping for existence I
amidst the prejudices of a people who
think the “slavocracy” were easily let off
by that gigantic robbery. How can, and
why should a Southern Rights man, de
sire a political affiliation with the North 1
What hope have we in it ? Qq what com
mon ground can we unite ?
We put the question to the “Pennsylva
nian”—is the Northern Democracy worthy
of the trust and confidence of the South,
or the great —the vital question to her — ’
slavery?—to say nothing df Pennsylvania
Democratic leanings towards tariff duties,
and Western proclivity to internal im
provements. Can we trust the Demccra
cy of Pennsylvania ? A pregnant negative
is Jgui|d in the fact that the law to cripple
and baffle the efforts of the slaveholder to
recover his property remains unrepealed
by her Legislature. Is the New York De
mocracy reliable ! We reply, by pointing
to the repudiation of Daniel S. Dickinson
and the taking up of John A. Dtx, as be
tween whom and Fisjh, his successful rival,
the South could scarcely have a choice.
Is the Ohio Democracy reliable 1 If we
are not greatly in error, every one of her
members elect, Whig or Democratic, are
pledged under instructions to the repeal
of the fugitive bill; and both her Senators
are notorious freesoilers. Is it any better
in Massachusetts ! Witness the election
of Rantoul and the infamous Democratic
coalition with Sumner. Are the public
men of the Democratic party North relia
ble! We point to the vote on the fugitive
bill in the Senate. Three only of the-
Northern Democratic Senators had the
courage to vote for it. Gen Cass himself
openly dodged the responsibility, and al
though in his s at, would, not vote.
t But, says the Editor, the proposition to
form a Southern party, is “destructive and
disorganizing.”—To the hopesofaNation
al Democratic party, we admit it is. But
the National Democratic party is already
destroyed. On our theory it cannot be re
organized. Democracy threw down its
standard of equality of rights among Ike
sovereign States, when it consented to the
legislation ot 1830. Until itcomesforward
to raise the flag again, pledged to retrace
its false steps and repair the wrongs to
which it consented ; it can no more rally
its ancient hosts to its folds. There is,
therefore, no “sad and painful inconsis
tency’, in our course. We have never
abandoned one Democratic principle. We
nailed to our mast one of its cardinal
points, the sovereign equality of the States.
Our allies of the North have let it go down
—nay, have been forced, under abolition
pressure to consent to it, as the last hope
of saving the Union. Torn from the mast
of the National Democratic party, aban
doned by Cass, Dickinson, &c. we have
raised it the truck of the Southern Demo
cratic party. We are for a Southern or
ganization, because a Northern one on
Southern principles is at this day, impos
sible. 4
But, says Mr Forney, ibis course, will
weaken the friends of the South at the
North, and give strength to the freesoil
and Whig combination; and, what he
seems to think, is something very terrible,
a Seward or a Hale, may be elected. Well,
will a Dix, or a Cass serve the cause of
Southern Rights a whit better!
There is nothing that Seward as Presi
dent can do, superior in outrage to the
South, to what has been done. If a Se
ward administration were to decree aboli
tion in Georgia, it would be an act of ty
ranny and usurpation, not a whit darker
than that which robbed us of territory
bought with our blood and money. Geor
gia is our soil by the accident ofbiith.—
California was ours, by the titles of pur
chase, ot battle and of life. We cannot
be worse off in reality. Our onl} hope is
that our people might think so, if a Seward
or a Hale were to teucli their property
nearer home, and assert those rights of
freemen which they have in the other case
surrendered. v
We can now tell the Pennsylvanian
why we have opposed Mr Cobb. Not on
ly, because he deserted his democracy
but because he abjured andturned his back
upon his country, A southern man by
birth, he has not stricken one blow for the |
south in all this war, wherein honor and
a Pacific Empire were the stakes. He
has been puling about “the union,” “the’
union,” when his hearthstones were in
deadly peril. He has “joined the ene
mies of his country” in sealing her dis
honor by helping to make a compromise on
the false plea that the union was in danger
— when, admitting it wns true, his first du
ty was to his constituents of Georgia. Mr
Qobh was the first southern mantosurren
a year before Hie pitched ukule was
Unlike Toombs and Stephens, he did not
even make a show of fight. While he has
none of their bluster and back-out to an
swer for, he slands convicted ofafoiegone
purpose to sacrifice the rights of the south
to the northern Juggernaut. _i -
article, let us tell Mr Forney, that the de
mocracy of the south cannot be rallied on
the basis of the compramise of 1850. You
may carry the trading politicians, the of
fice hunters of the party —but the Southern
Rights masses of them, never. We think
we have a good right to know their feel
ings and opinions, and we say, that they
can discover in no northern statesman
now in public life, whig or democrai, one
who they can consistently support, as a
true man to the cause of State Sovereign- I
ty and Southern Rights. These men may
be few or many in numbers—but they will
be enough to render ineffectual any at
tempt to consolidate a National Party.—
Their dr orce from the north is, a vinculo
matrimonii. They* will have a Southern
Candidate, a Southern organization, for :j
n these alene, can they put their trust. Jr
The .WobTTe’Ad vertis w r (s übuiission) ad
vertised it as a significant .circumstance
that J.dio A. Calhoun, a son of the great
Carolina Statesman had been defeated as
a candidate for the S ; ate Convention. Ii
is so far from iru , that ijdr. Calhoun - left
no son of that name. The Columbia Tel
egraph, says . If the origin and descent of
any delegate elect is a matter of in teres!,
the Jidirertiser can state that a son of Gen.
James Hamilton has been elected to the £tate
convention,as a true Southern rights man
on the anti-submission basis.
i-W We are indebted to the politeness
of Judge Wellborn for the acceptable pres
ent of four volumes of the Congressional
Globe and Appendix for the year 1849,
1850.
Some editor says that the success of Jen
ny Lind and of Parodi in this country,
will’ have the effect of drawing to the Uni
ted States “whole shoals of cgntaschreech-
Mississippi.-. The census shows 300,00 Q
whites, 311,568 blacks—-total, 611,577.
The Secretary of the Interior has offi
cially declared that MiHiury Jjatid War
rants are not assignable. ‘ ’
Ey Some of the submission prints are
rejoicing in anticipations of the downfall
of the Southern Press. vVe hear no such
rejoicing anticipations in reference to the
‘National Era,” the abolition organ of the
same city. In nothing, does southern sub
missionism so exhibit its treason to home
and its deep depravity, as in the
sion of its fierce hatred to those whose
crime is, devotion to the Rights of the
South. They can forgive anything but
Southern patriotism. Strange mystery!
If the South falls she will fall, by the pari
cidal hands of her own suns. Such will
be the verdict of ihe grand inquest of his
tory, when in future ages, toe rise and fall
of her institutions is written. It will be
recorded that with all the elements ot a
successful defence, with power and re
sources boundless and uurivalled, the
South became felo dc se.
The pre-nccupied state of our columns
forbids a lengthened reply to the Enquirer.
We stize a place however to answer its
jejune question, whether we endo-se G >v.
Lumpkin’s letter to Mr. Cuthbert. We
might as w< ii be asked if yre were in fa
vor of the Nashville Convention, whether
vve are the advocates of Southern Rights,
whether vve were opposed to the Clay ‘‘ad
justment,” whether vve believe resistance
to wrong to be the’ true policy of the South,
whether we are the editor of the Colum
bus Times, or whether the Enquirer is the ■
organ of submission. Os course ween- f
dorse it.
The Rail Road Connection.— The j
Journal 4* Meseenger says: “We under
stand that tbeEngineeis have nearly com- i
pleted the necessary surveys for the Rail-
Road connection through the city, and
that the work will be commenced at an
early day. The bridge across the river
opposiie'Sixth Street, will be constructed .
and probably the whole work completed,
during the present summer.”
Alabama, —The census ot this State
shows a population exceeding 800,000.
SoMKTiiijro Nbw.—The Columbus Enquirer
takes an affectionate leave ol “ Father Ritchie.”
Politics does make strange bed'fellows. Mr Ritchie ;
used to be characterized I y our neighbor as a
“ hoary headed liar.’’ a “ political pimp,” and other
like euphonious expressions. N<<w, Mr Rilchie is
a venerable old gentleman, carrying info his retire
ment our neighbor’s most affectionate solicitude for
his happiness and early return to public life. At
the present speaking, all the pimping and rascality, j
and iniquity belong to the Southern Rights Party I
according to our Thersites ofthe Enquirer.
Tile whole'unount of stock taken in the
in the M tiiphis and Charleston Railroad, ■
up to the 6th ins i.jtoras $2,300,000.
[F'om the Charleston Mercurys]
The following article of the Mississip- ,
pian contains a pregnant truth. In confir- j
million ofthe last part of'it we should re- |
mark that Mr. Owens of Georgia has re
ceived the consulship to Havana, and thus j
“the price ofthe noble and patriotic stand” \
ol his b late, has been paid with creditable
promptitude.
The -way divisions are created in the South.
- We have often argued that it is useless i
for the friends ol lilt south to postpone the |
adoption of measures of resistance to the j
oppressions of the Federal Government, !
with the view of securing unanimity. It;
is idle to expect such result, when so imi- j
ny causes exist to prevent it. Punminent >
among these, is the power which the Fed. I
eral Government pi sseses of buying up 1
with office, leading men in our own section, j
The douceur is held out to corrupt aspir- !
_io.g politicians, and th -y are sure by parti- !
piTi-t of ihe powers —ran ip- ‘T7C —*-• U |.. jyj n, [
number to create the divisions which vve
so much lament.
Thus tii? National Treasury which is
supplied to a great extent by taxes upon
southern labor, i.s used for the purpose of
pr .ducing discord in the south and render
ing her jiowerless iu the hands of her op
pressor^
Will de lay remove this obstruction in I
the path ot resistance? Will it destroy
the glitter of Federal gold or break the
charm of Federal office? Surely, it will
not. The nature of man will remain the
same, and the means of enticing the de
praveil* vvi I but increase with each revu.v
inc year. •
Who knows ihe extent ol the bribes that
were held ..ut to the curiupt demagogues
of both parties in Get rgia, who deceived
and misled the people ol that Slate? The
i Washington correspondent of the Louis
ville Courier fWhig) oper.ly announces
that the President promised to one of them
the most lucrative office in his gilt. Tile
writersa-ys:
“The consul-si-ip at Havana, the most
lucrative consulate in the gift, of the execu
tive. has been placed by him at the dispos
al of the delegation from the Stale ol Geor
gia, provided they present a proper per
son for i'. ‘1 his of c. they will do, as
there is, no doubt, gs goyd material for i
in that State as in any other of the Union.
The claims of Air. Langdon, the Whig
Mayor ol Mobile, were strongly urged by
his friends for this consulate ; and, but for
the promise made by tne President to the
Georgia delegation, there is no doubt but
what he would have received it„
the noble and patriotic stand, however, that
Georgia took during u.e recent slavery ex
citement, in which she resisted South Car
olina nullification, and .Mississippi disun
ion, and successfully checked the head
long course of secession ; she was entitled
nolonl” ‘.l this, hut much more at the hands
of the T'neral Government.”
Meiv Hampshire. —The New York |
Tribune, in summing up the reAlts of the
New hampshire Election remarks;
•/So much—be the Legislature and Gov
ernor as they rijay—is secure! There is
a popular majority against the Fugitive
Slave Law, and there are two members of
Congress chosen to express thai sentiment
from Districts manipulated expressly to do
the other thing.”
“Such is thg general result of the first
State election in .1851—-a Whig gain in
Congress and in the'Stale Legislature a
majority against the Fugitive Slave law- 1 —
and a decided impulse to the cause o> In
dependence of party shackles. We hail
it asap indication of heathful vigor in the
k° d^.,P ciitic ’ a H<! as auguring well for
| NUMBER 15
Columbus, Ga., Friday Morning, March 28,1851.
- ‘■ ■’ -==•
Benefits. —Prof. Hale proposes tc give
a lecture & experiments on Saturday eve
ning, for the benefit of the Female Orphan
Asylum, and one on Tuesday evening
next for the benefit of the Young Men’s
Lyceum.
THE SOUTHERN RIGHTS PARTY.
Reflection forces on our mind the con
sideration that it is not only a high duty,
| but a tixgd necessity on the part of the
friends of Southern Rights (and in this
‘ class we include all who are opposed to
the Olay compromise) to maintain, a se
perateand distinct Southern organization.
’ The duty arises from the fact, that by
| any other course, the righ's of the South
will become swallowed up and forgotten
in an absorbing National party struggle,
in which nothing better is to be gained or
lost than a worthless party victory, or an
’ equally unimportant party deteat. If the
Southern Rights party does not hold its
banner of principle and of justice, aloft,
amid the corrupting and jarrings conflicts
i for the patronage of a Presidential triumph
—who.will do ill It will be a cause with
; out champions.
The necessity arises from the fact, that
; there is no other political party extant,
north, south, east or west, with which it
can at presept upite, without lowering its
standard, abandoning its cause and sacri
ficing its principles. In our last we under
took, and we think successfully, to show
that, affiliation even with the Democratic
I party of the north— that party in which
’ alqne, even a show of friendliness to the
] south was manifested, was impracticable,
I except at the expense of mergipg qur
| principles and our cause in a general me
lee tcy Presidential honois. If the South
i ern Rights Party is in earnest—if it be
lidwes in its principles, if the great wrotigs
tq its section which have given it exis
tence, are realities—there can be no hesi
tancy in rejecting any alliance which of
fers them hopes of office and power in ex
change for. principles. The Southern
Rights party holds out no allurements to
entice the ambitious politician and the
place-hunter. It is an armed neutrality,
organized for the purpose of keeping
“ watch and ward” over one great object.
It believes that the institutions of the south
are in great danger—that iis power is the
only shield that now interposes between
abolition and its victim—that if that shield
is withdrawn, the arm of fanaticism uplift
ed for the final blow, will descend with fear
ful certainty and terrible effect. Its re
wards are simply and purely patriotic.—
It fights for no pay. It hopes for nothing,
but to beablp to defend the weak against
the strong, and to rescue its country “as
a brand from .the’ burning” and save it
from the peril to which a demented sub
mission has exposed it. Its object is to de
-1 fend the south from its enemies; to make
no compromise with pretended f'Ftends,
and to hold all men and parties, at home
and abroad, as “ip peace friends, and ene
rgies in war.”
There is no question of the power of
such a party to do good to such a cause.
Granting it no larger numbers than is in
dicated by the poll for the State conven
tion, in November last, it is powerful
enough to determine the position of Geor
gia in the next Presidential ejection. But
it is a party that is obliged to grow. The
increasing abolition action of the north
will build it up and force the most timid
into it, as the only citadel of southern safe
ty, But its moral influence on other sec
tions is destined to be great. The article
from the “Peu.isyivanian” a leading Dem
ocratic organ of the Keystone State, tp
which we replied last Wednesday, shows
with what sp.licitude the northern Demo
cratic party observes the movements of
the Southern Rights Party. It ifis desira
fuTSo uth errTR igtflS ‘p&Yty
importance to create them. If they need
our help—and without it they are helpless
—let them have it only on condition of full
justice to the south. They may come to
us on this platform—\ye can nevergoto
them, on the platform of submision. The
strength of the Democratic party has al
ways been at the south. It was this that
made that arch hypocrite, Martin Van Bu
ren, a “Northern man with Southern prin
ciples”—a mask that he put off, only,
when the southern Democracy repudiated
him for his recreancy on the Texas ques
tion.
■ ,
The Southern Rights party, now occu
pying this pr oud position, can exert it
power successfully in moulding a great
party co-extensive withthe union on the
basis of justice to the south. But if
this cannot be done, the union is gone.
—lt is the only way of saving it. We
look upon submissionism as the high
road to either disunion or to a consoli
dated despotism at Washington. The A
merican onion as it was created, can
only be saved on Southern Rights princi
ples. Resistance to the centralizing ten
dencies of abolitionism and Federalism is
the shibboleth of the “Union as it was,”
It-is the mission of the Southern Rights
party to save it from its militant enemies
abroad, and its more dangerous and pas
sive foes, the submissionists at home.
Highly significant in this connection are
the following remarkable expressions
which are said to have fallen from Gener
al Cass, in the course of a late speech in
Tammany Hal}. It mustbe confessed that
Gen Cass is a good witness in such a case:
“ It is useless to conceal that the south
has been injured. I say it boldly and
without hesitation. Wehave vilified them
and their institutions—we have not acted
towards them as we ought to have acted—
—wehave not carried out towards them
the constitution in its true spirit.”
There is no mistaking the meaning ol
such declarations. It is a delicate sop
the Certjerus of the south. We
should be too silly to biteat it pnder pres
ent circumstances.
In the same connection, we copy, for the
attentive perusal of our the specu
lations of the New York Herald, on politi
cal Affaire. We have not the least confi
dence in the integrity or pur% of the N.
York Herald—but we a gdofi deal ip
its shrewd sagacity.
(From the New York Hera';
“What then, is the position qf tfap South
pase ol the South, up-
eati.v ako mobmiv txsqyttti nmt
p hleu I Hffnd gills*
Business Card*,
Visiting; de 1 C,rcu)a^*’
Ball Tickets. J Blank Piojes
andevervt inff* se *
and with
—* 3
BLANKS OK 11,1, KINDS P !*>*s **
OP HL’D
on this question! Titer#.have been sev
eral attempts at Washington to organize a
great national Union party b,ut they have,
failed. It is well , understood that they
have originated with Union
of the South, as the most effective schemes
for crushing the Southern ultras. But ihe.
Northern Democrats, believing in the re
vival of the nationality of the party, dis
sented,, and hence the abandoriwjent of
the project of a national Uniop. party,
which lea ves the fragments of the old par
ties as they were, broken up and severed
into the most charming confusion.
“The first attempt of the Demoejja,tic
leaders at Washington, to reorganize the
party, was in caucus upon the River
Harbor bill. It appears that in this cau
cus, the Southern ultras demanded the re
jection of the bill, as a party test, and the
debate in the Senate is conclusive that
Gen. Cass, Mr. Douglass, and other lead
ing Northern Democrats, were resolved
to sacVifice the measure in order “to con
ciliate and bring Back into the church the
ultras of the South.—This matterhas af
reet Bearing upon the Baltimore Conyep-.
turn, The Northern Democrats s evidently
count upon healing the breach with the.
Southern ultras, and securing their,
support to the Baltimore ticket. The pro-,
ceedings upon thn River and Harbor Bill,
indicate that the £soutliem Democrats may’
be persuaded to support a national candi
date, provided he stands upon a Southern,
platform. The Baltimore Cqnveqtion vyillj
bi compelled to qometo it.—Tj’he strength
pf the Delude ratio party has bpen
in the South, and in its support of the pol
icy of the, South. With any idea of suc
cess, ihe Baltimore Convenfipn, must lay
.town such principles as popular in
the Su^tli.
“It seems to he conceded that the North,
is entitle to the next President We are,
not aware of any movements in, the Soufh.
for any Southern man by either party.
The Southern Whigs seems to be satisfi
ed with the administration, ajnyi perfectly,
indifferent about the campaign ot 1852.
The Southern ultras compri.-qiig the con
trolling’wing of the Democratic party of
the South, stand qippommitteiito any man
or to any pledge, Without fiieir support,
the parfy 18 powerless, and they know it.”
If the Southern ultras’refuse to meet in,
the Baltimore Convention, the Baltimore,
nominee is good for nothing. If they re
ruse tn support him, he loses every South
ern State, excepting only Texas.
“In this view, tlie prevailing,indifference,
in the South to the Presidential question,
is easily explained. Both sides e,\ppi;t t the
ga,me to be commenced in the.north, and,
they are waiting with the coolest
ence, satisfied that the south holds thp bal
ance of power. We are not apprised of,
any movement in the South for a Southern,
Presidential candidate. The issue will de
pend uppn the Baltimore platform and the,
Baltimore candidate. If they are satisfac-.
tory to the Southern ujti;as, the party wjilA
be re-united;.if they are not. \ye may safer,
ly count upon an independent Southern,
candidate, which will give t£e e'fectiop,
to the Whigs, or rup it into (he
‘(he Democrats are in. this fix, and there, ta
uo help for i,t. They must builjd up a plat-,
form of Southern timber, or they fail to,
re-unite the party in the South, tiut
whether in any evenj the barnburners and
Southern ultras—whether npllifiers and
sec.eders, can be brought U> coalesce, is
another question.
The first important objectwitluhe Dem
ocrats is to conciliate the S,>uth. But
while the northerly nul lifters (hreatfji/to,
prostrate the Constitution u/ider,a higher,
raw, and while the South Carolina oracles,
of secession threaten toblow up the
Itself; and while Father Ritchie ip cabling
for help upon old Virginia ; and while;
Cass and Douglass aijte overflowing with
solicitude for southern support—the body,
of the people, of Ipoth parties in the soufiij
seem to be perfectly indifferent about the;
future, and satisfied with things as they
are. We shall probably have no yery.
definite party movements for the Presiden
cy before the rq-assembling of Coughs*
in December next but sufficient is knowi(
to justify the prediction, that the
democratic ultras must “dictate the Balti
more platform of 1852, if the party coynt
either upon an election by the people, or.
an election by the House.”
“The pill seems bitter, but our Silver,
Gray friends must swallow it, and will (ind
no relief in contortions of visage. Ha,miu
ton Fish, is the Senator, and nothing short
of death or resignation will displace hint
for six years to come.”— N. Y. Tribune,’
The New York Tribune thus rejoices
over the election of Hamilton Fish. Well
it may. It is a marked and substantial
triumph ofSewardism and “higher, law”
in a regular pitched battle with the “Peejqp,
Measures”-Party. The Constitutional Un
ionists of Georgiashould wear the cypress.
New York is not satisfied with a compro
mise, which the Empire State of Georgia
has consented to swallow for tne sake of
this “glorious Uniop.” What a fix is fiiis
for the proud State pf Georgia! Sjruggjiqg
to submit to an unjust compromise, whjcdji
those who hqve imposed it on her, do. not
pretend to respect, Submissionists iq
Georgia may erv “Union on the basis of
the compromise” till their, throats blistef,
but it is beyond all diapuie, (hat the nqrth
does not feel bound by, apd does not in
tend ip abide by that “ adjustment.” Al
ready js the “Georgia platform” trenched
on—already has a contingency hpppeped,
on which the Subs are, pledged to beepme
fire-eaters. When Vermont passed her
“free nigger” act, Mr Ritchie threatened
p-etty strongly that if another State fol
lowed her example, it would be casus belli
—“ the devil would be to pay, and po
pitch hot,” sure enough. Wejl, Ohiq has
followed the suit of Vermont, yet we do
not discover that this “ glorious union”
has lost one spangle of its “glpriousness.M
If the people of the south wait foe the sub>
missionists of the south to indicate the
“ proper time’l for resistance, they wil|
wait until doomsday. Submission politi
cians will never be ready, until they
find the people are determined to go
ahead withontthem. When that happens,
Toombs, Stephens and Cos. wijl be perfect
salamanders. We poor firg-eaters will
have’ to stand aside to give rqpm for these
rushing comets with their ppd
blazing tails. Mr Toombs has given us a
sample of what he can do in this line, —•
He has genius for the Hotspur part Py?
rotechnical oratory is his fate. Pity ha
did not stick to that role of character.
What the Constitutional Union Whig
Press of Georgia used to think of How
ell Cobb. —Just after Mr Cobfi’s election
to the, Speakership, it syas charged by tha
then Whig, now submission Presses, Jhat
bis ejection was brought about by tamper
>ng3vith the Freesoilers. The Macon Jour;
nal and Messenger said :
“Mr Cobb and the FREEspifKits.—lt
would seem as if Mr Cobb were resolved to
carry n n hit frecsoi! yraprvtit Its ill the ap-