Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

THE WEEKLY TIMES. JOHN FORSY TII —E DIT OR. J. FORSYTH, R. ELLIS & CO., PRO I’ HI E TORS. Thn WEEKLY TIMES is published every Tues Mnriihur , $2,50 per annum in advance, or T ,, R r.F, Di.i. fat the end of the year. the tri-weekly times, Published event WEDNESDAY and FRIDAY Mornins;s, and S VTERD\Y Evenings, Office on lh*’ West side of ltro.nl Street, nearly opposite Winters’ Exchange. TKRMBI Kive Dor.r.tns per annum in advance, or Six Poti.ars alter six months. Vo paper will he discontinued while anv arrearages arc due, unless at the option of the proprietors. YnvcRTrsCHF.MT* conspicuously inserted at One Poi.i.s* pe,r squire lor the first, insertion, and I’if rr rents for every subsequent continnanre. Obituary Notice® exceeding one square (or eleven lines) will be charged as advertisements. THE TIMES JOB PRINTING OFFICE. Every description of Job Work, either Plain, in Color* or B’ w onze f elegantly and promptly execu ted. Such as nooks, Pamplilets, It it Hi lies* Cnrtls, Visiting Cards, Rill Heads, Notes, Receipts, Bills of Lading, Hank Checks, Circulars, i'nslrsa, Hand Kills, lia.il Tickets, Dray Receipts, Ac The office having been lately furnished with a large stock of NEW TYPE, comprising some of the most elegant designs, we are prepared to exe cute all kinds ot Job Work in a style not tube ex ert ted- Wo particularly invite the attention of our mer chants and others who have heretofore ordered their work Irom the north, to our specimens. Our prices are fixed at the lowest possible rates. Orders from our co in’ry friends will be promptly attended to. YT Wank Legal forms of overy description, kept on hand and for sale. To th y Creditors of the Bank of Darien. Centum. Hank op Ceorkia, ) Milledgeville, Max 10, IKSI. ( rpflK (Icni wl Awinbly having pasf*od .hi Act, approval 1 Frbniaryi&l. 1850, in which it i> cwictfd ‘•that the Di rector of tlie CVrarat BnVik In; ami In* In hereby rctr.iiivd to enquire Into tin* outHtnniling claimsI'’ 1 '’ against the Batik of Oariew, a ;t^Myi?KV. , rfain and report on what terms they can lie comppunifc'C dh|>oundl or *et!fcd.” —And inasmuch as claims are unknown to ihis Banks— Notice is hereby given to ail and singular the creditors of tin* Bank of Darien, to report their claims to Ibis Institution, Blether with the terms on which they can he “compromis, ii|, coin|K>Mfided or s*Hl#*d,” on or before the Nt of August next, in order that the rejxirt require*l by the act aforesaid may be submitted to the next Ijeghdattire. By order of Iho Director, may JO—wilt * A. M. NIFBKT, Cashier. FANCY ARTICLED Or all kinils. and In suit all lnte—such as I’ockcl lland kvrchluk, Cravats, Nock Tics, Stork Socks <every qtial . ily and color, silk aral cotton), Silk, Cotton amt l.ittcn Cu ller Shirts—nml in fact everything necessary to a gentleman's Wardrobe, can lie tound at nprilS—wtl WILLIFORD Sc DANIEL’S. Harness, Saddle and Trunk Manufactory, liiimpkin, Ga. fI'MIK subscriliers bevf leave to announce to the citizens ol 1 Htowart, and adjoining counties, that they are now* pre pared to m.iaufncturo to order, in unperior style, or repair, all description of Harness Trunks, Faddles, Bridles, flu*., which they warrant not to lie interior to any in finish or du rability . < >rders from the country promptly attended to, and chertn*s light. jum JO- 1t ZITCKKR flt HIDDEN BACH. BOOTS AND SHOES. A lfK have just opened a tine lot of Bools and Shoes for i T Summer wear, consisting of gentlemens 1 Light French Calf Boots; do Patent Leather Boots—fancy legs; do do do Half Boots, do do; do do do Congress Baiters; Morocco and CUrth Top do do Patent Leather low quartered Shoes and Pumps; Ladies 1 Silk anti Lasting _(hi itor^—every color; do Linen Cattcrs and Hail'Gaiters —light colors; do Kid Flippers and Ties—light colors; do Kid lhisfcins—thick and thin soled ; do Morocco Boots, do do do Misses, Bovs and Childrens’Flmes—all kinds. JulyO -iwim WYNNE & CHANDLER. RIVER PLANTATION FOR SALE. rjA|IE undersigned having decided to change his business, I will sell the Plantation where he now lives, together w ith all Corn, Fodder, Tools, Flock. flu*., I hat may be on hand at the end of the year. The Plantation is on the Chat tahoochee river, running out to the Florence road, thirteen miles below Columbus- It contains 850 acres, iJOO acres of which is river land, the balance g*od pine land. There is ;lOOD acres cleans! and in cultivation, and a considerable quantity besides under fence and partlv deadened, The place is well improved, and buildings all new: amongst them a good framed Lin-house and Screw, < >vcrseorVhouso, A®c., Ate. The Dwelling (situated on the Florence road! is large and well arranged, containing sexen rooms, and h pi azza in front sixty feet long, with all < hit-buddings necessary K*r the convenience and comfort of a family, in the yard .s a Well a lion ting an abundance of excellent water. And the henlfh of the place is good beyond a doubt. To sum up, it Is-one of Ihe most delightful residences in Southwestern Lcor- On the |ihn* is tin* b*4t Steamboat I .anding At A i ood \ ard fikuji i ‘uhimLiiu t'li'Aunuice, with an jibMudaiM c ol wmhl cou v-nlciti. The place lias many advantages, but (lie under- S'gued dtH’ins it su)M*rliiioiis to enumerate them, as parties w ill be apt to examine the premises before purchasing- it is deskuble to sell, if at all, by the first of Ot Ud.erjuxU- £h> the first applicant will stand the best chance h*r a bargain. 1 1 W.M. W. GARB \BD. MusiNigeo county. July B.—wtl NOTICE. KIMIK EopnrlmTsliip In ivlolor.- t-ximiiig Ihilwwii lh<-stil>- K HorilnTH uniter flu* nimit- :ill Myln ol iiinmas l>u\\ ii- j ini;, is fhisitnv In mnlii: I roiixi-nl, ilissolvi'il. bnsiiM'sK il tlir linn ill lie ‘ l"si <l In 1.. T. IJownmi;, j Mini, li.rvtoiore, :il llm various Cnnris, In <l. K. Tlminus. , Mr. IKnvniiiu, nl llu- “Id oltk-o, will ttivr hidiligent iilUn tion u. all business Dial may be conllded to t. downing. I iiliimbus, fin., .June 24, 1851—jylwtl GEORGIA MILITARY INSTITUTE, MARIKTTA, UA. riMIIS lusliliilioii will lie lipen lor Hie admission of CA -1 DF.TB, mi .Monpat rue T-rii ok Jrr.v, IB.>l. Tl,e Instil til inn is invmd by Sloi kliiilders, and is under the control ol'a IJonrd of Trusleti. . The I'neiillv elected ei.iisis's of Mai. A. \ . Brumby, f.en. ,1 nines \V. Armstrong, Maj. H. 11. Hill and Thoina* Steward son, M. I). , , r ... Tin* SuiH*rinti*iideit, M:j. Crumby, i* a graduate of mvi lViut. No comes to us with the host recommendations Irom tho \ endemic Stall of that Institution; and, also, from the Kttriiltv of the I ’niversi'y of Alabama, where lie bniKlil Ma lliem.-ilics and Civil EnjdneeriiiK several yeani. f.en. Ann ul mint and Maj. Hill are also vruluales ol U est 1 ..ml, and are experienced leaeliers. The latter is ai Hus time I’roles aor of Malbemalies in Washington (Xtfflene, \ a. The course of iiisiroelion, rertulalmns and disci| hne or the I - . S. Military Academy, so tar as lhey are a[i|.lieal.le to a Stale Instiliitmn, have been udoptiMl, and w ill be published In pamphlet form. . . The Institution is organized upon the usual plan ot four rolleirfnlo Classes. I’o reference to the following M V >l - OT S'H’tHKS, Parents and (iuarilians can, at once, see what are llie rei|uireinelilsfor joiaim,’ either class. Kol RTH er.vss. Arillunetic, Algebra, (hsonelry. Knylish Grammar, Geog raphy, Composition and Deelamalioti. trench. TIIIRB CLASS. Trieonomelrv, Mensuration, Survey ins;. Descriptive Ihs.m , -ry and its implications, Analytical Geometry,trench, Draw ing, Composition, Illielorie, History. Differential and Integral I'ldeulus, Natural and h.xpcrimrn l.il Philosophy, Xslroaomy. t'hemiMry, Draw ing, Evidences of Christianity, Moral and Menial Philosophy. FIRST CLASS. Xalnral History. Mineralogy, Geology and Physiology, I liliral Economy, laiw of Xalions, Civil and Milmiry Emri lieering, and Civil Architecture, Infantry I aclics, Science and l’r icliee of Artillery. N.. Cadet w ill he admilled who Is less than lour.eeii or .1 .. , .„iv-fiv.. v-rs of sure*: <r who is alluded with ;;;;; r ;,,J:„so or mrtrmiiy which would render him unlit lor “"nieGadet'VwiH ho occupied about one hour and a half each day in military exercises :bat at such times an not to i "tirfeu I'TItNITCKB, &.C. The n.iform coasisisol a light gray doth coatee, Ir,mined with v'ilt c itivi’.x bullous nd black cord—'’ hiti* Mst, ami winle Russian drilling |mta!ooiis, without trmimiugs lor summer, for winter, gray cloHi vest and pniijalooms eI to suit the coal black slock, white gloves and w Inn Ik and. Monos- shoes and a forage cap. .\ tbir / K .,rn nor Kilt ( a,lets be aUoKe.l lo keep other e.iititng'im their rooms. Knoll Gadel from a distance musl pmv tie him self will, a mattress and bedding lor a smgle l. s ~ r.-s . over and l>ed-slrap—one trunk, one domes ba„ ami six towels Ik.eh cadet'will unite will, Ids room-mat.-s ... ,mr .heing, for iheir common use, one pine .'able, one 1....kin e glass, one wash nan, one pail and one broom. T* of Hie iollow ing regulations par.-alsand gimrdmns sending Iheir sons and wards to this institution, arc to deposit with the Superintendent, or with worn Marietta, a sum of looney sulhrieiit to purdLus tin aIK c articles and lo cover all necessary expe.i*-* tor 0..1 • or Ihe sSuiH-rmioudeilt should he authorized, inici-,/ ... allow the Cadet to make an account for a s/a c..,i. ■<.* m. I rt‘h rre<l to is as f<*lhw.s > *z : ‘, , v , k.Tt. a small blank Isvok, in winch shall a- charge.!. v. rv article he may purchase. This book snail t-o ‘-inn <• < * the I‘nperinteu.lent for Ins mspm-lton al the < Did [ moiiili. Any Cadet who shah eo bract a deb. w tin n ) mission of the Superintendent, or la- furnished w h a v r licle whatever, by any sl..rekee|-r or other Ihts. il hat such permission, or whoso parent or guardimcd ; p- -> y tie!.! contracted by him dnr.ug his conneeln i “ ith the H. siitute, and m violation of this regulation, shall be dismissed. TER MB. . Tuition, Hoard, Washing, fuel, Eights, field Anisic, and nil other contingent cx|>enses, jper Session ot five ajad>Nj Tuition alone, [for resident Cadets] per Bession, -J JJ[J fi.4.1 Music and other contingents - ‘ * * , \nv Cadet entering the Instituie after the oominencement or a session, w ill be charw<i in projiortion to the abo\ e rales. raise ebaroes mast be paid in ailennee diir all cx|>*ui-w;s ex ctipt the ftv for luition. Kverv i adei leaving InMiPx t before the expiration of the period tor which lie has made an advance, shall receive the unexpended balance. f-xv- she Editor of anv newspaper in Georgia, Bouth ( ar olitML Florid:g Alabama, Mississippi or Tennessee, by insert ing this advertisement in Ids paper, ami sending a copy n'V tiln-iv to tin- ‘-G.s.rgia Military institute, shall be entitled to luilion for one Cadet, or his .trail al the rate ol twenty-five dollars |K-r session, payable tu tiuUon, and m favor or any , .let; w ill be accepted.’ DAVID „ t u IX. June 0, 185i.-jytß] Pres't. Boar.. Trustees. PANTALOONS. \ck and fancy English, frem h and American Doo 1> Skins; fanev plaid, English, french, Scotch and Amer ican CASAimeres i hlnek, drab d'ete, mat , black and fancy tnnltair ami Coburg Cord: tntx.xl TwOtxlN o, m, nv colors; white and finny Drills; planters’ lamm* vas Dock ; stri|KHt J.ineos, and a good vanety ot plum and *5S!5r 81 WHXtKORD & DA?nFX’ g . COATS. a s,l! FAB Dress frocks. Single Rreastv-d Frocks, Sacks, \ ) Mohair Cord, Alpaeca. Brown Buts, Phmtcrs Ch * Ck ’ S U DisUStW NOTICE. 4 I I iHTsons are herebv cautioned not to buy or trade for been stolen Ovm coAri.-V.N- llfie HI VOLUME XI. | \ Coldmbus, July 20, 1851. Uo His Horn Judge Nicoll, Smann/h. (ia.: I address to you, as from the friendly intetchange of opinion between us when I wtis last in Savannah, I know you will tak l no offence ; and that your ! independenclas a man, your attainments ! both as a sch larauda constitutional law yer, and you! sound logical mind fully ! ! qualify you toidmit truth as well as detect i j and expose er|>r, as the one or the other ] | may be exhibit id in the positions I assume. ! The actual oppressions ofthe North upon ; | the South, have unsettled the government j and produced ‘aieh great and wide-spread dissatisfaction, that something must be ! done in the wav of substantial atonement, ! for the wtotigs already inflicted and others threatened to lie perpetrated. Freemen and equals must have equal rights, and \ they will have Hem. We must have in- ! delimit}’ for the .ast and security for the j future, or collision will betheconsequence. j This government must be brought by the j States which font sd it, to a proper sense I of its true pharacler, or its constitutional i reign must soon tMinmate by a dissolution j of the Union, or a. consolidation ofall pow- • ersin the genera! government. As our Fa- | thers rnaiie it, it isl magnificent temple of j liberty,—as a majority of abolitionists and | federalists liave pe Verted and administer- j ed it, it is the form through which the le- ! gality ofthe oppressions ol one section of the Union upon tin other, is defended. The beauty ofthe equality of its structure has been spoiled an idefaced by ambitious and corrupt men, both North and South. The perversion of its 30 warns endangers the rights and liberties if the whole South. This danger cannot be avoided by hiding our heads: we mus look it in the face. What ought to be dolke then in such emer gency 1 We must unilt in defence of sound principles. It is unnecessary to talk of rights unless we have he power to defend and protect them, A right is a blank with out a remedy. If we have no power, we have no right that we cm enjoy or defend. It becomes necessary ia the outset, to look into the political relations of the States, as ! they exist by compact, I assume the po sition ofthe old State’s tights and republi can party, and defy successful contradic tion, that sovereignly ia act only inheient, but resides by compact in the people of each of the American States —that each Slate has the right and political power to judge for itself on ail matters which con cerns its own State government—and that each State has the same political right of judging ofthe constitutionality ofthe mea sures ofthe general govejmnent, as it has ( ot its own State government. Now, how 1 do I prove this latter proposition, the j Inner not being questioned 1 In the easiest manner imaginable;—simply by j reference to facts which cannot be dispu ted, the conclusions from ohich establish ‘ the position irresistibly, y/II the thirteen j States which formed this government, al- 1 though at one time under the dominion of j the British crown, were separate, distinct ( and independent of each oth/r. For fa mi- 1 liar illustration, let 11s examii'e into the po- ; litical condition of Georga—our beloved j Georgia—what she was and what she is. ! She was a colony of Great Britain, under | the royal charter of George the 2d, and j governed by her until she jolid the other colonies in the war which resulted in her j independence. She was by Hie treaty of J ’B3, acknowledged by the mother country ! j to be an independent Stale—toi.that treaty j did not recognise the thirteen ’Sth'es as one ‘ j nation, for they never had been ne nation, ! but as thirteen independent “k'lr/es.” She i formed two governments—as other j : Slutes did—-one a State govermbent. and j ’ the other a general government,jby which 1 she connected herself with the ntler States | j unde r the confederation. That ultrunieiit ! : in terms recognised her as holdi jathe sp- : | arate an<ldistiuct character of a jS|fe —for i ! although by article Ist it was l j declared ! 1 that tbe style of this confederation Yliall be ! the United States of America,” yet artifcle j 1 2d declared that “ each State retains i : its sovereignty, treedmn and independence, j I and every power, jurisdiction ani right which is not by this confederation express- I ly delegated to the United States in Coil- I gress assembled.” j Thus far in the history of Georgia, I pre- j sumo 110 man can be hardy enough tn dis- : pute her sovereignty. The constitut on is ! the next form of a general government into 1 which she voluntarily entered. Shi did * this by her own separate action, and that I constitution has not changed her condition, | except that she granted to the general Vov- 1 eminent inoie power than she had done to 1 the confederation, but still retained her ! sovereignty, almost in the same language 1 ! as was used in the confederation —foi by j article 10th in the amendments, it is stated j that “the powers not delt gated to the Uni- j j ted States by the constitution, nor prolrb- j ited by it to the States, are reserved to the I States respectively, or to the people.’ lit ! was unnecessary to incorporate this ari- 1 I cle, for the parties to f c compact beitl’ independent, sovereign States; and til ‘ ! character of the instrument being clearll 1 I for limited purposes only, proved beyenl j ! all doubt that a limited government \va| j j expressed,and the only government iiten j ; j ded to be established : and ot course with i outan express surrender ottheirsov- reigti jty and an express amalgamation t terri- j | tory and destruction of State lines at i State ( | government, the States retained nt :essa-1 i lily their sovereignty unimpaired, nd in ! the fulness of its power. To crown the argument m favor of the j complete s ivereignty of the States sepa j rately, I call your attention to the last I clause in the constitution, which provides j that the ratifications of the con entions of | nine States shall be sufficient for the es | tablishment of this constitution between the’Statesso ratifying the same. And while on the subject of ratification, we will call attention to the proceedings ofthe conven tions of New York and Rhode Island, in which the right to reassume the power by the people of the State, was distinctly | asserted. The convention of New York i declared that “the of government may be reassumed by the people, wheiiev j er it shall become necessary to their hap- I piness—that every cower, jurisdiction and i right, which is not by the said constitution clearly delegated to the Congress of the United States, or the departments ot the government thereof, remains to the people ofthe several States or to their respective State governments, to whom they may have granted the same;” and in the 3d ar- tide iu the ratification ot the convention of Rhode Island, the same language was copied from New York, and employed— by which these States expressly assert the right of secession, as one of the conditions upon which they enter into the Lnion. 1 Now, sir, it any doubt rested on year mind it must be dissipated, as you are too good a lawyer not to know that in mutual com pacts “between two or more parties, re servation by one enures to the benefit of the whole. You see that the independence and sovereignty of each State was acknowl edged by the British crown, acknowledged by the confederation, asserted by the States in their conventions, and lastly acknowl edged by the constitution itself. How is it possible for it to have been oth erwise with a State that makes a govern ment 1 How could a State, iu its conjoint action with others, have formed the L nited States government it it had not been in possession of sovereignty ? What power had it to restrict a government without the attribute of sovereignty 1 What authority could it have conferred if it had not been sovereign 1 Who would have obeyed the government that it made, it the State which made it, so far as it acts in her limits or is affected by its other relations with the gov ernment, had it not been sovereign ? Where theft, is the sovereignty surrendered! No where. Whatsortofcorporal, tangible thing is the government of the U. States, without the authority of each State! It has no peo ple—it has no land, houses or people. It lias not a single citizen without it. It is not like England, France or Russia, or even the Republic of San Marino. They arc all State* or Nations, but this United COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, [WEEITUESDAY* AUGUST 5, 1851. States government is nothing corporal or mental. It has neither bo ly or soul. It is nothing without the constitution, and but for that instrument it has no resting place in the minds or imaginations of men. Let the States withdiaw the constitution and where is the government] Can you find it anywhere! Withdraw the constitution and where is your Congress! Can you find a member of it from Henry Clay down to the lowest Federal Parasyte who sits in its halls! Withdraw your constitution will you find the President! And if he should re main at Washington who will feed him! He would have to pay his own expenses in hunting up a government that does not exist. Without your constitution where is your Supreme Court ol the United States! Has it a resting place on the globe! stripped of its ermine, u itliout a bench to sit upon or an exchequer to support it; what would be the condition of your honor if you attemp ted to hold the Circuit Court! What Mar shall have you! The power of his staff, becomes as impotent as your order, all is gone. I have indulged in these playful enqui ries not for the purpose of ridicule but to prove thatthe constitution isthe only foun adtion ofthe government and that all of its parts are necessary and indispcnsible to that foundation and that there is no gov ernment without it. The United States government is wholly unlike a State government and is inferior to it in dignity and power, The latter is substantial, it has boundaries, it has people and if the form of its govern ment was destroyed those people have sovereignty and could make another gov ernment. There is substance in the State government and whenever they choose to destroy the general government they made, there is not then a man left from whom Phcemx-like another government could be regenerated. There is nothing intrinsic in the government of the United States under a withdrawal ofthe constitu stitution. It hasno boundary, no jurisdic tion, no population, not a foot of land to rest on, nor asingle man, woman or child to act or be acted on, and yet in its attempt to pervert its power and become great er than its Creator. “Dressed in a little brief authority, Plays such Fautautic tricks before high Heaven, As make the angels weep.” Being a tenant at will its authority ceases the instant that will is determined. These positions are too clear to be con tested by the most reckless federalist or abolitionist and yet Seward and his coad jutors say thatthey are governed by a high er law, their conscience. Conscience!! Conscience never gave a seAt to a Sena tor. lie holds that seat by virtue of the constitution alone which liehas frequently sworn to support. What a man ! and “ mirabile dictu” what a set of men who act with him! The constitution grants power to the United States government and makes a perfect government of it, but it is at the same time a limited government which limitations are tube regarded and obeyed, let us examine, for illustration, a few clau ses; article first, section second, “all leg islative power herein granted shall bo ves ted in a Congress of the United States which shall consist of a Senate and house of representatives” mark —unlimited leg islative powers has not been granted, but only the legislative powers herein gtanted which are found to be specific when you refer to the powers of Congress, same section provides “no person shall be a represntative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty five.” This is a re striction as to age. It i® the law and must be obeyed; but I know young gen tlemen from eighteen to twenty three who would make much better and more patri otic members than many of our Southern representatives. Section 3d. The Senate shall be com posed of two Senators from each State. Article 2d- The executive power shall be vested in a President ot the United States of America, he shall hold his office during the term of four years. Article 3d. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in a Supreme Court and such other Inferior Courts as Congress shall from time to time ordain and establish. Very well: We have ail the departments of a perfect government granted, but the powers of each are point -1 ed out and limited and generally particu -1 larly described and defined. i In article 111 st, section Bth, it isdeclared ] that “Congress shall have power to lay ! and collect taxes, duties, imposts and ex cises ; ‘o pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general wel tare of the United States.” The abov i power is clearly granted, and is the mam section which the federalists and aboli tionists pervert, to give them absolute pow er over every subject and every interest, i The States rights party of former days contended that the clause was only inten ! ded to confer power upon Congress to ! raise money for the purpose of paying the ; debts, providing forth 0 common defence and general welfare of the United States, and ! they were certainly right, for if Congress had been clothed by this clause with an I undefined and general power to legislate | upon allsubjects which it might conceive for the general welfare, such power would i destroy every limitation and restriction in the constitution They might overturn the j State governments, and convert the Unit- I ed States government into an oligarchy or [absolute monarchy. Theie would be no ne cessity for any limitation iftliatclause was [j be so construed, —indeed under such j Linstruction that clause would have been the clause in the constitution as it re i rtials all others. The last, clause in the j sletiou enumerating the powers of Con | aess declares that the Congress shall hive power “to make all laws which shill be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers vested by this constitution in thl government of the United States orlin any department or officer there of’’ This is all right and proper, and which all constitution abiding men are wiling to grant, but mark ! it is restricted i to fiws to carry into effect only the pow- I ers granted. T'Vtv arc other clauses of tli j constitution equ:J'y j as the foregolig, viz: “The enum-T.iton ill L’lC constitution <f eeria n rights shall n it b.-eon suu (it-i deny nr dasjr.ige others retained by the p ->>p! Again—‘‘Tin.- jßavors not ileiogated to tho IXitko USutfea by the eoustituboti, nor prohibited by it to .and States, are reserved u> the Suites respective ly. <k the people.” Again, art-ek- fourth, section :!<i.<i . lares “that no person held a> service or labor in one and. te under the la.vs thereof, escaping into anoth er, sfctll in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from suell service or labor ; but sit*; 1 he delivered up on claim of the party to wltom W.ieh service or la!tor may be due. ’ Again, Congt-tk: shah make no law respecting an establish ment .Vt religion, or jvrrihihiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech; or of the prc%or the right-of the people pcaceahfy to as semble and to petition for a redress of grievances.— “The l ight <f the people to kt.-ep and bear arms shall not he iff.ringed.” I have r.-eited the foregoing clause* as a snntll part of the constitution only, but suflieient to prove its eltaraeter, and the limited powers conferred on the government. Each State was at liberty to rati fy or reject., It was not pretended by nine States or ev en twelve, that they had any right or jww er to eoerc- the thirteenth. North Carolina and Rhode Island were a considerable time out of the union, and h was not pretended by nny person of that day, that the other States would or could at tempt to coerce them. All this* proves the sovereignty </ each State, as well as the restric tions winch wh in its sovereign capacity imposed upon the new government in the act of its creation, and that having power to limit and restrain its crea ture, each die right to require the observance of such limitations, and to enforce such observance with all the meaiisl.il its p-wer as an independent State iu such lUodeLs iu her sovereign judgment she may think b-st. Suppose Congress, the Executive ;ind the-Judieiary V'hi.-h embi-aees the whole power of the governniek ail co nbine to take away from the people the priU-ge of bearing arms. Suppose they establish religiW or a monarchy ? Suppose they abridge the lib.yty of the press by passing a law that no prcssshail ptkji.-.h a political article against the govef lixueijt. mttH it pass a revision of sonte United “THK LX IO N OS’ THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OV THE STATES.” States officer appointed by tbe President to guard against treason ? Suppose they abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ? What say you to the political power (not revolutionary, for revolutionary rights be long to people of all conditions) of any one of the States to secede from the union for any such cause? Why, sir, Vermont who is now sharpening her sword for our execution would have a right to secede if Congress interferes against slavery in the District of Columbia, for though she is not interested for it ; yet she could properly secede, because the govern ment exercises power not delegated, and even that State would have the political right to say in conven tion of her people where her sovereignty is represent ed, we will no longer belong to this government, because it exercises powers which we have never consented to confer on it: the representatives of the other States have violated ihe compact, and we will no longer endure a connection with them; we reserv ed to ourselves al! power not granted: we have not granted such power and consequently we will se cede.” WIIO will say that this right .does not inhe rently belong to the sovereignty of a State, and who will say that it has ever been surrendered either ex press er implied? The surrender of sovereignty at once annihilates the Slate. The man who questions the peaceable exorcise of ties right of secession or de nies it as a political right resulting from sovereignty, must see iqwtt examination, that by annihilating the power of the State he merges nil the States into one nation irresponsible to any State, and therefore that he l imits at once all the limitations in the Constitu tion, consolidates the government and gives a majori ty in Congress the power of establishing religion, abolishing slavery, obliterating State lines, setting up a here litary monarchy or anything else that an absolute or despotic government could door conceive it proper to attempt. Each State singly, without recognizing the power or consulting the will ol any other State, adopted this constitution for itself, by which it imposed restraints as well asgranted (lowers. It is absurd to restrain a government, if the power which makes the govern ment and restrains it, cannot exercise a power oi'it self to command the observance of the limits which it prescribed to it in the act of its creation. It follows then that the government tints formed must not in its practical operation look beyond the powers grant ed by its makers. It must always enquire what it has the authority from its makers to do, and not con sult i's ideas of what act would redound to the gen eral welfare ofthe whole or to a particular section. The power of a State, in its relation with the other States, lias been compared to the feeble and humble relation which a county hears to a State: and it is frequently and ’.Auntingly asked if a county can secede from the rest of the State l No. A county can not secede, because it is only a part of the State, and lias no sovereignty. There is not the slightest similitude in the relation which each bears to the other. The State is self created-*—the State is one great community, with a fixed boundary which it has marked out, and the world is notilied’to respect it. It has sovereign jurisdiction within its limits, the power ol’legislation and taxation, and all other powers with which any independent nation is invested, except those granted to the United States Government, and those which it has agreed to forbear from exercising. It makes counties at its pleasure—alters their names and their lines, divides them and joins parts of two or more of them together without regard to their power', and often against, their wishes. The majority of a State has perfect control and command of a county because it is a part and parcel of its own community. The State makes compacts’ with other States and has the political power to enforce them. A county, on the contrary, can do nothing without the authority ofthe State, not even to levy a tax for a poor school, or to build a court house and jail. This comparison, reducing a State to the level of a county is so dissimilar, and inappropriate that it is ludicrous, but nev ertheless it proves something against those who are weak enough to rely on it; that is, that the federalists, to maintain their doctrines of consolidation, are pressed to introduce ar guments which will not hear examination. Having established, beyond doubt, the limited character of the government, and the soveipj-’ f.iontv ofeach State, with ils right of peaceable secession, it will not be improper, with serious ness and candor, to pass in review those acts of partial and oppressive legislation which have for a long time, disturbed the public mind, and which is now stimulating a large portion of the South to the anxious inquiry of “What shall be done to save the country ?” We have substantial complaints against th*.’ North for a series of oppressive measures for a number of years past. The constitution lias been repeatedly violated and wholly disre garded in ail those acts of Congressional legisla tion whereby the South has been indirectly, but practically taxed for the benefit of North ern manufactures and Northern ship-owners. The same selfish innovations upon the consti- 1 tution has been practiced in the appropriation of the public moneys, by a majority of Con gress, to sectional internal improvements, in which the ijouth has no interest. We com plained of the injustice of the fiirilF above a revenue duty, and after much excitement, ob tained a compromise in 1833, by which the principle of protection was expressly aban doned by a hill requiring from that time an annual reduction of duties upon foreign im portations, until they should reach strictly a revenue standard in 1812. lam sustained in this declaration as to the abandonment of pro tection by a reference totiie law itself: hut not withstanding the solemnity of the agreement, which for a time quieted ihe angry and en raged feelings of those who were oppressed by those measures, this compromise was open ly and faithlessly violated in 1841. But what is more to he deplored than even this violation of a solemn engagement, the party spirit in the South, won many of our own people to the vindication and defence of that act of extreme had faith. Yielding to one depredation invites another, and 011 account of our unfortunate divisions into parties, we have yielded so often and so much, that the North has boldly and daringly excluded the South not only from an equal, but any participation in all that vast territory won from .Mexico hv the common arms of the Union. Flushed with these repeated victories, and under the popular delusion that the will of the majority must and shall control, the North ern section lias thrown oil the mask, and openly arrayed itself against the South upon the question of slavery itself. Candor must force the acknowledgement from every honor able and well informed man, that the great question now between the two sections, which is shaking the government to its centre, is narrowed down to the existence or abolition of slavery within the limits of the United States. I take it for granted tliat the South does not intend voluntarily to relinquish her right to hold slaves, and the e\ idenet-s of a bottled de termination on the part of the North to pursue l such a system ol legislation it’ unresisted, as will ultimately, and indeed, in a short time, abrogate that right are so abundant and mul tifarious, and have Ren so fully laid before tile public, that it would lie trespassing upon the general intelligence of the country, to at tempt in this letter to recount them. What then is to be done in this fearful emergency, when contending sections of the Confederacy, equally tenacious of their opinions, and of then policy, come in dire conflict threatening seri ous and alarming disturbance to the quiet of Constitutional and well regulated Government ? Must the South, who is on the right side yield lor the purpose of peace, and give up their rights, and their property, or rather ought not every good man, every lover of law and order, pause, and with his hand on his heart reflect, and examine for himself, whether the North has not assumed, and continues to assume, an authority upon this subject destructive of our eouality and of our rights of property, and wholly incompatible with the limited powers of the Government, and in direct violation of solemn pledges to the South, independent of an officious interinedling with a right which is exclusively our own? To determine this ques tion of interference with the Institutions of Slavery, intelligibly and correctly the rights of the conflicting iections must be looked into, that justice may be awarded to the right side, and a remedy provided to enforce that justice. The North has no charge against the South for trespassing upon her rights, the South never invaded anv of her privileges. She has no complaint against us. We have then but one side to examine in regard to oppressions, which renders the investigation less difficult. We have a right to our slaves. But, as this is a broad proposition upon which the whole question rests, and is disputed by almost the entire North, and I regret to say by a number lat the South, it becomes necessary tor me to adduce proof in support of that right. I will comply with this demand, and present as testimony, the decisions of the Courts of all civilized Nations recognising African Slavery from the earliest times, and further, the fact of its existence, under our own Colonial Govern ment, as well as being provided for, supported, and protected by the Constitution of the United States.— Art. Ist, Sec. 2nd, and 9th, Article 4th, Sec. 2nd. These references I presume are satisfactory to all hut abolitionists; a right so well establish ed, I did not until lately, deem necessary to prove in a Southern State. Who proposes to disturb and abrogate this long existing, and until lately, undisputed right? The North. By what authority ? By virtue of a connection in Government with us, from which they claim the power of abolishing this institution, and boast that the late victory over the South in excluding slavery from California, and the territories opens the way to j its speedy extinction throughout the Union They look upon the battle ns almost won. The main question, then, is, slavery or no. slavery. But there is a previous or antece dent question which is now put, and if deci d and in iavor of the politics of the North, clears the way tor carrying by a majority the main question against us. This antecedent question • is, whether one of the States of this Union has ; the right to secede for any cause which, in her ! judgment, will justify such a course. The trial of this question is now going on before the ; great tribunal the people of the South. The i question is distinctly made by those who sup ! port the compromise as , ‘wise,; liberal and just.” In their declarations there is no reme -1 edy against a violation of the constitution Lmt war and revolution—that no State can peaceably secede. This, indeed, is a grave question, and more particularly as-a crisis is near at hand when it must he met, and it’ decided by the votes of the people of the South in favor of the Northern position, of course the way is open to the will of a major ity regardless of our right of property. The people should ponder well upon this question, as upon its decision clearly depends the existence or abolition of slavery. J care not what may lie the determination of the North, she is arraying all her force against ns: Imt the South is safe if she will hut main tain the government as it is, and not yield to the practical alterations which a majority is making. There is a moral power in truth, and a just cause, that will sustain any united people; hut if we divide upon this cardinal principle to an extent—for a majority of the South to yield State sovereignty, and the con sequent right of secession—is it not apparent to the most common mind that all the barriers for our protection are broken down ? What is our protection against the abolition of slavery but .State soveregnty ? but secession ? Can you, sir, point out any other remedy? It is impossible, for no other exists. If we were all upon one side the ballot box would be ineffect ual. as we are in the minority in Congress. If we do not claim the right of secession, and exercise it, too, if necessary, they will not regard our protests; but, as slavery is, in their judgment, a sin against God and a blot upon the Union, having the ma jority, they will use that majority in the destruction of the institution. If we give up the right of secession by our votes in favor of those men at the South, who deny the right, and are daily apologising for the North, and de claring what every body knows to be untrue— that the compromise was “wise, liberal & just,” the question is settled against us. If the South intends to defend its institutions, it is high time to take tin 1 course of the North and some pub lic men in the South into serious consideration. Tim-South must look at the allurements which arc held out bv tho government to corrupt her public men, which has already reached her in terest to an alarming extent, many of them not . only yielding her rights, lmt openly vindi cating her oppression. The advocates of tin* compromise say that the compromise is “wise, liberal and just”!!! Good Heavens!! —Wlnt wisdom is there in fraud and vio lence ? What wisdom in excluding a por tion of the States from an equality of in terest in California, and hazarding the sta bility of (lie-government th ."eby? What lib erality in the strong arm of the North, aided by ‘heir otiieial ally at the South, to “take all, for God's sake?” What justice is there in the South being excluded from the whole of a terri tory, which was won mainly by Southern valor and Southern blood? “Wise, liberal and just,” indeed! Was it wise, for fear of meeting the Wilmot Proviso, for the President to send agents to California to hurrv into the govern ment the then territory with a constitution for bidding slavery? Was it “wise, liberal and just,” to announce the existence of the Mexi can laws prohibiting slavery, hv which an nouncement the South was precluded from en tering tile territory ? And, was it “wise, liber al and. just” for Congress to refuse to repeal the Mexican law? “Wise, liberal and just”!! What must a man's feelings- be, if a Southern mail, who looks upon these measures of fraud, corruption and violence, as -wise, liberal and just;” they may he solacing to him, hut his con stituents cannot be greatly comforted, unless it he a pleasure to them to lose their equality and their property. “W ise, liberal and just!” We cannot argue so plain a case, hut we agree that we have been put upon a perfect equality, if Ihe ad vocates of the compromise, upon their own showing that Ihe Mexican law prohibiting slave, ry is of farce, can point to a single foot of all that territory on which a Southern man with his property may safely tread. If we Irive. any of the territory open to us, I bog that the advo cates of the compromise will point it out.— Where is it ? Let them show it to us, or with shame retire from the false position, and shrink rebuked from the majesty of insulted truth. Upon this question will not men he influenced by the truth, and look at the substance of the matter? What, then, is the substance? it is tint the North Ins all! Who can go to Cali fornia ? Nobody, with his slaves. Win can go to the territories? Nobody, with t heir slaves, tor although I never believed the Mexican law was of force, & always knew that ridiculous doctrine was announced by political men at the .South for party purposes, vet, unfortunately they suc ceeded in alarming the South, and preventing emigration to the territories, and the. effect, up on the Southern mind and Southern emigration is the same as if the law was in existence. No mail dares risk his negroes in those territories after the effort, North asweil as South, to fix up on the public mind the existence of the Mexican law, and the South is thereby as effectually ex cluded as if the law existed, or the Wilmot Pro viso had been passed by Congress. If this doc trine had not been advanced against the Clay ton compromise, thousands of Georgians would have been in California and the territories, reap ing their equal benefits from the gold mines. Men who are. in favor of the- compromise, as sert the existence of the. law, w hich Congress refused to repeal. Wild, then, h ive we gain ed? We have not even what Was satisfactory, last year, to a large number of our citizens— ‘•the best- we ean get!” We have gained noth ing! Oh. hut, say the supporters of the “wise, liberal and just compromise,” we have the fugi tive slave bill. Indeed! ha ve you? And w hat is it comp ;red to the constitution, which declares that escaping slaves shall be delivered up. The Con stitution is certainly stronger than any act of Con gress. The fugitive slave law is nothing, even if it were executed, as the constitution is strong er, for it commands all officers of all courts, whether State or federal. The fugitive slave bill is, therefore, nothing, as it could add no force to the constitution. Now', what have we gained in the territories that we fought and bled for? Nothing! What have we gained in the way of recovering escaping slaves ? Noth ing! And yet, the compromise is “wise, liber al and just!” Oh, shame!! Our object is to preserve the constitution inviolate and maintain the government pure as it was created. This cannot be done but by a union of the people of all parties upon the trurii. Let us not hide from it or conceal it from others to advance party ends, or the ambitious pretensions of men who will sacrifice the interests of their State to obtain office from the United Suites government. Let us all preserve our elevation upon a patriotic platform and pur suade a party ridden people that in too great de votion to party our country’ may be lost. The truth must have its proper influence if it be known to the people, and if they would give a little attention to pass ing events, they must see that unless the people of the North and the government of the United States manifest a bi tter temper towards our slave institu tions that a collision must occur. Georgia astray under an alarming and dangerous influence may tamely submit to increased and repeated aggressions but we have the best reasons for believing that South Carolina will interpose her sovereignty for her own protection, and those who blame her must show that she has no cause of complaint or they cannot justify their censures. If we choose to (Hit up with oppres sion and marked degradation, it is no reason for her following our inglorious example. She lias the right to judge for herself; and unless some of the other sovereign States by their votes maintain the right of secession, it is most probable that she will put the government to the test of reducing a sovereign State o subjection. If the Southern States were to assort he right of see ess; ott, it would put an lend to all the threatened collisions, fur the goverftment and the peo ple of the North would appreciate the necessity of abandoning their assaults upon slavery, and peace and quiet would lx; again restored. Do you not believe, sir, that if the South were uni ted, or only partially united, say even two States hold ing the opinions of Carolina, that our institutions would be protected, and peace and concord be imme diately and permanently restored? Whose fault is it that we are not united ! The fault certainly lies at the door of those who insist that we must yield to un equal and unjust, legislation, and that we have no remedy against the oppressions of the government but revolution .m l war, they use every effort to alarm Ihe people with the prospect of bloodshed, and de nounce the people of South Carolina as traitors.— Carolina is undeniably entitled to equality, and no man can sustain himself who maintains that it has boon meted to her. She cannot he blamed for do -11 landing it: indeed she is fighting our battle upon the field that we fled from, and we should he the last to condemn her. Her policy moreover, is peacea ble, if allowed to pursue it without molestation, for if she, in the exercise of her sovereignty secedes for what she believes to he a gross and palpable vio lation ofthe compact, and resumes her position as she was before site connected herself with the other States; then there is an end of it, she makes no war and attacks no Slate in any shape or form, but peace ably wends tier way. No war or blood will result from her movement, unless the farce doctrines pre vail in the South. I care not for the North. Unity at the South is all I desire for our complete protec tion and for restoring the government to a healthy, constitutional action. But if the force doctrines pre vail, it will indeed be truly unfortunate for the coun try in the advantage which it gives to the abolitionists to escape the battle themselves and impose it on North Carolina, Georgia. Tennessee and Alabama who from their Contiguity will be called on to cut tbe throats of their brethren. Who in Georgia or Alabama will fight that battle against Carolina ? Many have threat ened it, but few 1 hope lor the honor of the country, will execute those imprudent threats. Genius of liberty forbid such desecration of Southern honor!—lf tli o . force men though stand up to their doctrines as stoutly as they now sustain the policy of the North, this bitter cup cannot pass, and when Georgia and Alabama, Florida, Tennessee and North Caro lina shall be called on to furnish troops to light this I battle for ataditiou, Carolina will not be the only field | drenched in blood : the war will commence with j the proclamations ofthe Governors at home, and the I history of ihe world does not furnish a parallel to the | fierceness with which that truly intestine war will be ! waged. Yota's truly and friendly, ’ JOHN if. HOWARD. KEEP IX BEFORE THE PEOPLE. Keep it before the people, that lion. Howell Cobb wit hold his signature front the Southern Address, along with only seven other Southern members of Congress. Keep it before the people, that lion Howell Cobb believes that a State has no right to secede thereby showing that he repudiates the idea that ibis is a Government of consent and not of force, and that the States are sovereign. Keep it before the people, that. Hon. Ilowell Cobb believes in the right- ofthe General Gov ernment to coerce a State, in any attempt to as sert her sovereignty. Keep it before the people, that 11011. Howell Cobb, if elected Governor, would call out the Militia ofthe State to coerce a sovereign State that might .attempt to secede. Keep it before the people that 11011. Howell Cobb was nominated fur Governor of Georgia, at Washington City by Fillmore. &. Cos., which was ratified at Milledge.ville by Toombs & Cos. Keep it before the people, that the Savannah Republican , a rabid Whig paper, said eighteen months since, that “Whigs at least, could never vote for.Mr. Cobh, and (hat “ho sold himself for a mess of pottage.” Keep it before the people, that the. Journal. Jjf* Messenger denounced Hon. Howell Cobb as a traitor to the South, and said that he.performed everything Brown promised.— Fed. Union Horace Greeley, in a late letter to the Tri bune, gives a sketch of his journey from Geneva to Turin. Stopping at a road-side Inn to get breakfast, the landlord charged him three francs for the meal, while the other passengers were only charged two and a half. Upon inquiry, he was told that the ad ditional half franc was pul in tic bill for the use of a wash basin atnl towel. Query —Did not his fellow travellers wash their faces, or was J lor,ace’s extra flirty ? Perhaps the others had not been keeping such familiar'company with runaway negroes, and had not so much need for ablutions. Cor.. Bknto.n’s Nf.w Wokk.—The New York Mirror says the .Messrs Appleton have conclu ded an arrangement with ex-Renat or Benton for the publication of his political work on which he is now engaged in Itis retirement. It will form a single volume of about 800 pages octa vo: and, although in the main a compilation of selections front the speeches of Ihe author du ring the settalori.il debates for the last thirty years, will, we understand, furnish a. complete resume of the political history of the country during that time, and include a great variety of matters derived from the personal connexions ofColonel Benton with the Democratic admin istrations and political organizations of the same era, and Ihe experience which he his derived from Itis public file. The title ofthe work will be “Thirty Years ini lie. Senate of (he. United States.” Rencontre between Generals Foote jc Quit man.— We perceive from the Memphis Eagle, of the 21st inrt., that a personal difficulty occurred between the candidates for Governor in MVs'ssippi, Generals Foote and Qirimrm. on the iust., during tlietr discussion at Slodgeville, in I’anola county.- It ap pears from the Eagle’s account, that both gentlemen had agreed to refrain from all personalities in their discussion. Gen. Foote, however, deemed it no in fraction of this agreement to allude to G’ n. Quitman’s connection wit h the-late Cuban expedition, awl had done so at several .ap|s>inlmcnt:s previous to the one at Slcdgeviile, without provoking an interruption.—— At Slcdgeviile, however, when Gelt. Foote spoke of the Cuban allair. < Jen. Quitman stopped him .and said that it was “ unirentlemanly and dishonest'’ thus to violate their agreement. Thereupon Gen. Finite called Ifni “ a tint'.'’ Rio vs were instantly inter changed, but their mutual friends interposed and se parated the combatants. According to the Eagle, Gen. Quitman lias signified li s determination not. to speak with Gen. Foote, at any more of their joint appointments.— Charleston Courier , 2S In iust. The Work Goes Bravely On.—The ac counts continue cheering from all sections for McDonald and Southern Rights. Unless our informants are most woftilly deceived the peo ple ofGcorgi.t will give an overwhelming re buke to the man that tells them that the Com promise is wise, just and liberal. Personal in tervievvs with individuals from different quar ters of the State, and the uniform tenor of our letters, assure us th :t our cause is advancing— and that, accessions are made daily to the ranks of the Southern Rights party. We have ac counts from Cherokee w liieh assure us that so far from its sending down an avalanche t-o crush the strong slaveholding sections of the State where McDonald and the Southern Rights party are in the ascendant, Cobb is losing grouds and his chances grow. “Small by degree* and beautifully less.” Let our friends be warned in time not to be too sanguine. The election to be won must be worked for. Tho friends of the civil war candidate—of the State coercing Mr. Cobb—are desperately uneasy and working with energy to save him from'defeat Let their example be emulated by the friends of McDonald, and VICTORY WILL DE OURS. We will then have no millitarv drafts among our people to raise armies far the conquest of a Southern State. Abolitionism will not be allowed to gloat with fiendish delight over such a spectacle of civil war among us.— Constitutionalist. Thursday last we were visited with a very heavy haii-storm—accompanied with a considerable fall of rain though not enough to be of material service to the cr jps. The hail-stones were the size, of partridge t much injury to the corn and cotton in tte|JfiS|ij§fe —Cassville : ■ o’ t7;■; i,io ■ | NUMBER 33. Gov McDonald’s Prospects. —From every portion of the State we receive cheering news of Gov McDonald’s prospects. The people be gin to see Mr. Cobb’s true position before the country, as n betrayer of the Rights of the South, and they are determined to reprobate it. The ides of October will show that honesty and political consistency must prevail over trick ery and demagogueism, and that coalitions form ed for the purpose of promoting the personal aspirations of a few wire-working politicians cannot receive rhe sanction of the good find patriotic.— Dalton Times. Mr. Conn.—For the. present it will be suffi cient to say that the friends of McDonald here, do not. believe that Mr. Cobb’s wire-grass trip will pay expenses. Mr. Cobb is a very agreea ble gentleman, and has been well received and attentively listened to by ail parties. He is an eloquent speaker and in a good cause would be irresistible, lint with all the advantages of a pleasing manner and eloquence of speech, lie lias failed to shake the constancy of the Demo cratic party in their devotion to McDonald and their old principles, whilst he has continued Southern rights men in their previous convic tion, that he holds principles in relation to the government, and favors a system of policy, which render him unfit to be the Chief Execu tive of Georgia.— Albany Patriot.. The Triumvirate. —We find some of our cotemporaries trying to keep posted as to the whereabouts of Messrs. Cobb, Stephens and Toombs. They seem to be Hying over the State in every direction. At one time they are scattered in different, parts ol the State, and next we learn they are closeted together in secret session. We lean that Mr. Cobb and .Mr. Toombs were to meet at Ainericus yesterday. There is no doubt they are hadlv frightened. We have never seen the old line Whigs and Con solidationis/s work harder in any political con test than they are doing in this. Some of those gentlemen who use to “love to hate ’ Mr. Cobh, now say they had rather vote for him than any man in Georgia ! —Albany Patriot. ToM!!R gone to the Kescije.— lt appears that Mr. Speaker Cobb has got more t<> do among those obdurate State Rights men in Small-western Geor gia than he calculated on. That suppressed letter that Toombs thought smacked rayther too strong ot consolidation, State coercion, and annihilation ot the liberties of a sovernign State, and said it would not do, is hanging like a mill-stone around the neck of Mr. Oohb, and sinking him deeper, and deeper and DEEPER every day. So he sings out to his new ally, Mr. Toombs — “ Help me, Cassius, or I sink !” To day, the 24th, Mr. Toombs is announced to speak with Mr. Cold) at Americas, Sumter county. We hope the people will call for the reading ot Toombs’ Ilatnilear speech, and Cobb's suppressed letter. How beautifully will they chime together. Cobb and Toombs, Toombs and Cobb! 4 his is a queer teem to be working to the same wagon. But pull together as they may, and tug and strain as they please, tip hill, they can never carry that federal wagon to the top. It is freighted down too heavy with consolidation doctrines. Even it they put Mr. A. 11. Stephens, the great .killer of the Clayton Com promise, in the lead, and make a spiked team ot it, they will never get it up to the Capitol of the sover eign State of Georgia. The Executive ('hair, once adorned by that great champion of State Rights, George M. Troup, is not destined, in this our day and generation, to be occupied by one who lias de clared his readiness to join the Federal Government in conquering a State —a Southern State, too—which should, for its own security and happiness, see pro per to interpose its sovereignty and declare itself a free and independent people.— Constitutionalist. [From the Montgomery Advertiser & Gazette.] CHARGE AGAINST SENATOR CLEMENS The ‘-Spirit of the South,” of the 22d inst-, has the following in reference to Senator Clemens. From the day of his election to the present moment, a rumor has been prevalent from one cud of the State to the other, to the effect that Mr. Clemens obtained the vote of the whigs for Senator, in the last Legislature, by pledging himself tojthemin writing—before the election— to support the whig adminis tration. This is the fist time that the charge has been made in a tangibte and author itative manner, and we suppose that the whole matter will now be brought to light and made public. From the account of the manner in which Mr. Clemens met the charge, he does not seem to deny that there was a note, letter or letters, written by him on the subject, but in his reference to Mr. Shorter, he appears to allude to a j letter written to Mr. Wilson, subsequent to his election. The ljttei, note or pledge, I whatever it may be, that the public would , like to see, is the one said to have been; written by Mr. Clemens before his election j (the night before) —pledging himself, if ! elected United States Senator, to support Gen. Taylor’sadmmistration. The card below makes this charge direct, and says that the authors can substantiate it. Mr Clemens, it would seem, agrees to the publication of the letter or pledge written by him at the time. There is one little circumstance con nected with the matter about which some people will bo curious—they are mighty troublesome ai;J annoying sometimes — and that is this, why itso happened that Mr. Clemens’ presence should be needed at hom ejust at the moment that this card was made public, and that lie should have reached Montgomery twenty-four hours before the news of the charge did? Os course wo do notalledge that Mr. Clem ens’ private affairs do not call him hence, but people, we say, will wonder why it should have so happened that he was com pelled to leave at this particular junc ture. [From the Hpirit of the South.] TO THE PUBLIC. The undersigned consider it due to I be voters and the people generally in this district, to in form them that Mr. .lore Clemens, who is now canvassing this district in favor of submission, is charged with obtaining bis election to the U. States Senate by compromising bis principles, and being then a Democrat, in order to induce the Whigs to support him, he pledged himself secretly to them, in writing , to sustain General Taylor’s administration. We challenge Mr. Clemens to remove the obligation of secrcsy from Capt. Abercrombie, Jeff Buford, Paul Mc- Call, and .Mr. Davis of Limestone, and other Whigs of the caucus at Montgomery, so that they may give the public all the facts; if lie re fuses so to do, we shall hold him guilty of the charge. When public speakers leave their own section of country, at a crisis like the present, with a view to operate on the public mind amongst us, we hold that they should come with clean hands and pure hearts. The Southern people are at present looking with jealous anxiety to the conduct of their public men; is it not, therefore, our duty to inform our fellow-citizens of such outrages as the present, and challenge an investigation? We arc also aware that this is a grave charge, but we aver that it is made after mature deliberation, and with a full belief that we can establish the fact J. C. Wellborn, C. M.Couric, B. J. Iloole, Thomas Cargile, E. C. Bullock, E. Sheppard, G. A. Roberts, Johnson Wellborn, Alex. Mcßae, A. G. Smith, H. W. Laird, Win. Flake, John Colby, A. Baker, jr., O. C. Ingraham, Thos. S. Locke, R. Morris, D. McLean, John C. Myers, E. S. Shorter, Jno. Black, Cullen Battle, J. A. B. Besson, R. C. Shorter, James Bullard, Allen Lovelace, LauchUn McLean, and others. Mr. Editor: The. above card was read at the meeting held on the 16th inst., at Blue Spring, by H. D. Clayton, Esq., and in the presence of Col. Clemens. After the reading of the card ■Col. Clemens replied in substance that he had never written or made any pledge to support any administration tint was not truly South ern. He further stated that any letter that had been written on the subject might be published; but. that he. would lake no man's recollection about it. Afterwards, in the presence of myself and a friend, he stated that he was willing to have published any thing he bad wntten bear in’)’ on the question. On consultation with a number of my friends, who were present and heard all that was said, we concurred in the opinion that the above embodies the substance of the reply made by Col. Clemens on the occa sion referred to. He also stated to me, and wrote it in my memorandum book, that his let ter in relation to the Senatorial election was in the possesssion of Thos. Wilson, Esq., and Gen. J. P. Frazier, of Bollfonte, Jackson county, and that he presumed those gentlemen yet had it, Os eonrse this will authorise the public to Call for this letter. I had no agency in preparing the card as pub lished above—and when presented to me fotnty signature, I enquired whether if made a direet charge against Col. Clemens, and Icing assured that it did not, I signed it. From what passed between Col. Clemens and myself at Blue Spring, I deem it proper to shite wlrnt I have written. ELI S. SHORTER, Eufaula, July, 21,18 fr L WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 30,1851. MR. COBB. Tlie Augnsta Chronicle and Sentinel makes merry at our anticipations of fortunate results to the Bottth at the October i>o!ls. It thinks it has heard that note of “ fire in the mountains” before. W e think the Chronicle concern will feel it this time. There is no mistaking the indications which appear at every point of the compass. No man ever undertook to stem a popular current so strong as that which Mr. Cobb is but feebly opposing. There are a thousand reasons why he should la* ignominoiisly defeated before the people of Georgia, mid not one why he should Iw elected. He is condemned by the pliilosphy of tire very platform ho stands upon, and tho principles of the party that made it. For while he helped to make the compromise and now lauds it as “fair, liberal and just,” the Georgia Convention declared that it was scarcely to be borne—almost unendurable;’ and that the “next time'’ tliey would fight. Surely the en dorsers of that Convention will not willingly reward a man, and he a Southerner , who took a part in inak J ing such a compromise as that. The history of Mr. Cobh's progress on his grand electioneering tour, shows how adverse is this j>pn lar current. The Albany Patriot says truly, that “it has not paid expenses.” In the nature of things, it is not possible for any man to nmke such speeches as Cobb does make, and is obliged by previous committals , to make, and not lose ground every time ho opens liis mouth. Mr. Cobb, of course, in this contest relies on the strength of the old Whig party and yet wo find hint in Columbus talking at the Democracy, and in a way quite offensive to Whig feeling. At Tliomasvillo he is reported by a correspondent of the Albany Patriot as follows : “When he touched the Clayton Compromise, he address ed himself to the Democracy, and told them lliat Stephens and Toombs were to blame for its defeat, and not him, and that the fault must be at their door.” And yet it is Toombs and Stephens anil their friends, that Mr. Cobb depends upon for the mass of the votes that arc to elect him. It is very well known that Mr. Toombs differs very materially from Mr. Cobb on many phases of this Southern question ; and that Mr. Toombs is by no means enthusiastic in his support. Nor are Mr. Toombs’ friends fired and carried away by any sueli enthusiasm. We are somewhat of an observer of the Press, and we must say that there is “plentiful hick” of earnest devoted ness in the old Whig Press of Georgia which now forms Mr. Cobbs corps d'armc. They are fighting away for him to be sure —but they fight like soldiers pressed into an unwilling service. Their hearts are notin it, and they are dealing their blows like men who expect to le beaten. And no paper exhibits this weakness in the knees more palpably than tho Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel, which grows bo fun ny over our cheerful anticipations. And is it strange that the old Whig party should be cool towards this new coalition ? What are the Whigs in the party f Nothing but high privates. They are expected to do tho working and the voting, and to endure all the fatigues of the campaign. But who are the officers t Renegade Democrats from the top to the’ lxittom of the list. Look at the candidates, from Governor down to the lowest office—Congressional, Senatorial nfi<! all—who are they ? Why Democrats, \\ho have to 1 be well rewarded with the highest places for going over to the old Whig party, dressed up in its new alia*. ‘Why it is not inhuman nature to contemplate tliis state of tilings with complacency. And what is the result? A total want of any thing approaching toen tlmsiasm for Cobb in any part of the State. If Mr. Cobb is not beaten, there is no reliance on thesigns-of the political times, written with a pencil of light from one end of the State to the other. ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI* We continue to receive the most cheering accounts of the progress of the Southern Rights cause in these two great cotton States. Avery intelligent gentlc i man lately from the latter State (a union man, to : boot) states that Gov. Quitman’s election and the Little Pacificator's defeat, are regarded as “fixed | facts” out there. Mr. Foote, like our Cobb, has i shouldered the compromise and j sponsor for its excellencies and trumpeter of its bene- j fits. He too hits the audacity to hold that it is “fair, liberal and just.” The gallant Mississippians dont think so, and tiny witt bury Mr. Foote, “a feet” be neath it superincumbent load of honest and indignant votes. In the Mobile District, Bragg is giving Langdon “a little marc grape” than is wholesome for his Fed eral constitution. All accounts agree that Bragg will lie handsomely elected. lit the second District, Col. Cochran and his friends are in line spirits. They are working like men, and deserving that success which they are con fident of receiving. The Hon. Jerk. Clemens, the quondam Hotspur of the Senate, who was iiupirtcd from North Ala bama to dictate to the people of the East, has retired from the field. There are said to lx- some first rate reasons foi^llis leaving. We refer to the “card” in another place, instituting some curious examinations into an episode in this gentleman's political life, over which Iris always hung a cloud of mystery. Our friend Cochran might hurl, after the retiring Sena tor, the celebrated quotation from Cicero, which Mr. Foote on a memorable occasion sent thundering after “Old Bullion,” as he suddenly left the Senate House — Abiit, ecasit, cxcessit, crupit —language which the eloquent Tully used to express the modern word — sloped. TAKE CARE. We are afraid the “ EnqttirerV will lead some of his “dear union” friends over the river into a griev ous mistake, and cause them, unwittingly to eortimit a heinous sin. Speaking of McDonald's candidacy on this side the river, the Northern Enquirer says : “YVe all recoUcct that he was prominent in the A "ashrU/r Convention, that rite assemblage whiib endeavored to place the South in a wrong position ; we all recollect that he pre sided over the Macon Convent ion'where disunion was open ly avowed and vociferously applauded ; we alt know that he is in favor of & Southern Congress, the very object of w hich is to form a Southern Confederacy and dissolve the T’nion.” Right below this, is a most imploring article to the Subs in Alabama not to be beaten next week, far goodness sake! and it winds up with a warm eulo giuril on Capt. Abercrombie. All of which we cordiaflv endorse and agrte to —we mean all the per sonal part, which by the way, is not particularly per tinent to the public question to be decided at the bal lot box. For a man may be a most “ charitable neighbor” ited a capital fellow every way, and yet bo terribly fishy in his polities and highly unfit for a public trust. But let this pass. What we wanted to guard the. “union-” folks over tlie river is, against voting for any body that at on that “ vile assem blage at Nashville” — which thing Capt. Aber crombie did do. Or if they mill vote for him in spite of this warning theuwe insist on their coming over here & telling the editor of the Enquirer, that “sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander,” and that it is very Ju dy-ish in any body to abuse a man in Georgia for do ing what he finds no fa bit with a man in Alabama for doing. Ob Samuel ‘. Oil Mr. 4’ eller ! positively you must nor drop ho stitcher.. The “union ibts” will really have to get a more careful patefier of the worn out brieecbCc of this “glorious union. You often hear of a man being in tw vance of his age, hut. yon never heard ot a w. n in the same predicament. ✓ ..