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FRIDAY MORNTNG, AUGUST 15, 1851.
Cot. Henry L. Benning— We regret to state
that Mr. Benning has been forced by a violent at
tack of sickness to postpone some of his earlier ap
pointments to speak to the people in behalf of the
greitt cause of the South at the suit of the North ,*■
and to come home to recruit his health. He
reached home on Tuesday, and we arc happy to
learn, that his health is improving, and that he
will soon bo able to take the held again.
THE LATE MOB.
We seat oureclf, according to promise, to
give a history of the late outrage on the laws
of the country', which has fixed an indellible
stigma on the (Character of this city. In writ
ing this history we derive our facts from our
own knowledge and from a careful enquiry
of others. We omit the mention of names,
because the agency of individuals must be
come the subject of legal investigation and
we desire to prejudice the cause of none of
them. The laws of the land and the peace
of tho community have been violated—the
majesty of the law must be vindicated, or this
is no community for any civilized, or christain
eitizon to select for his abode. The law of
the land and the law of the mob, cannot main
tain a divided jurisdiction. One or the other
must reign supremo.
Some time last week whilo sitting in our
office, engaged in writing, a gentleman and a
friend, accompanied by another person (we
omit names) came in and said, “allow us to
interrupt you a moment —we are on an errand
of mercy” and thereupon presented a patition
for the pardon of the slave Jarret. This was
the first lime we had heard that such a petition
was in contemplation. We italicise this para
graph, because we desire to impress it on the
readers’ mind ns our assertion or. the honor
of a gentleman, and for other reasons that will
hereafter appear. Our reply was in substance
this—“l know nothing of the facts of this
case, gentlemen, except from public rumor, I
did not attend the trial—l have not read the
evidence and am not competent to decide
whether a pardon should be prayed for or
awarded.” Our visitor then entered into the
reasons that had convinced his own mind that
the prisoner ought not to suffer, and mention
ed many circumstances to throw doubt upon
his guilt, and the names of highly respectable
gentlemen who had investigated the testimo
ny, and who were persuaded of his in”
noccnco. The finale of the interview was
that we agreed to sign the petition, on the
representations of these gentlemen. Our visi
tor said, I now ask of you the favor to write
a letter to the Governor—wo replied, yes,
but it must be of our own dictation and it
will not be likely to serve your cause. We
accordingly rote and put into his hands an op
en letter to Gov. Towns, in which we stated
in substance what we said to our visitor—to
wit: that in signing that petition we had done
it without knowledge or opinion of the guilt,
or innocence of the prisoner; that we had
not heard the trial nor read the evidence, but
that we had signed it simply on the represen
tation of gentlemen, in thesoundness of whose
judgements end the purity of whose motives
we had confidence.
W e are particular in stating these facts,
not for the purpose of excusing ourself, or
apologising for signing this petition, or for
writing any sort of a letter that we please,
but for the purpose of branding as a base
and scandalous falsehood the report that we
originated the petition and that it was a move
ment of the “ Times” Office to benefit (God
knows how!) the Southern Rights Party.—
Otherwise wo should scorn to reply to such a
charge. We have supposed that in this com
munity that we were a freeman —that our
opinions, our signature, our volition wore our
own. If they are. not —if we are amenable
to any body else for what we shall say or do
with our pen, then we have a Master some
where about. If so, let him come forth and
claim his property, that we may hereafter
know how to think, and when to write or not
to write. And surely things have come to a
fine pass, when an act, instigated by the
promptings of bare humanity is to be made
tho foundation of abuse, villifieation and
threats against any man. And persons abroad
who know us by character will judge of the
extent to which this community has been
under the dominion of an unreasoning and
demoniac fury, when we inform them that the
signing of that petition, under these circum
stances, has placed in the mouths of hun
dreds the cry that we were an abolitionist!
Just to think of the editor of the fire-eating
“Times,” the “traitorto the Union,”the “dis
organizer” and “ faetionist,” being charged
with abolitionism ! We will venture to say
that those who made and circulated it have
no very deep interest in “ the institution.” lu
deed, the whole proceeding of “ hang the d—d
nigger” savored much more of abolitionism
than the efforts that were made on the side
of law and order to prevent it.
But to leave this necessary digression. On
Monday the 11th inst. it was known in town that
the pardon had been granted, and the bearer was
on the way with it. It was much talked ot during
the day. At 3 o’clock a drum was started through
Broad st. with a notice calling a meeting to take
the subject into consideration. It was soon appa
rent that the object was to hang the prisoner in
spite of the pardon. The Sheriff called on the
commanders of the volunteer corps of the city to
he in readiness, and then repaired to the meeting.
Mr. Rutherford, I.)ep. Sheriff, spike to the meet
ing, urging the unlawfulness of their intentions,
begging them to desist for the credit of the city,
and informing them that as the custodians of the
prisoner, tho civil officers would defend him with
all the power they could command. After some
inflammatory talk, the meeting adjourned to meet
at 8 o’clock in the evening. The military were
dismissed to re-asscinble at their quarters at that
hour. At S o’clock, the crowd assembled. Mr.
Rstherford again appeared, and also the lion. A.
Iverson, the Judge of this Circuit, and endeavor
ed by argument and persuation, b/appeals to their
good sense, love of order, the supremacy of the
laws, and by pointing out the consequences, to
dissuade them from their purpose. The crowd
was not yet ripe for the bloody work. It still
wanted a leader. After passing a resolution of
e nsure on the Governor for granting the pardon,
and other resolutions, the purport of which we
hive not learned, the meeting adjourned, and the
military were again dismissed.
The next day, Tuesday, it was perceived early
In the morning that the mischief was not over.—
The current of popular feeling was, to outward ap
p jaranees, running all one way—the orderly and
law-abiding portion of the community made no
move or demonstration to prevent the catastrophe;
although it was becoming manifest tliat before the
day was over the deed would be done. Soon the
crowd was re-assembled at the market house by
•be round of the town bell. Mr. Rutherford made
another effort to arrest the affair. But at this
meeting it was resolved to demand the prisoner of
the Sheriff at 4 o’clock P. M.—if not given up to
take him by force and to execute him ; and at the
same time leaders were appointed and accepted
the offices.
It at once became a grave question with the
Sheriff to decide what to do. The first step was
to summon the posse eomitntus. After the effort,
the Sheriff soon became convinced that he could
not get a respectable civil force. Mr. Rutherford
applied to the Mayor of the city, who declined to
interfere.* Meantime the “City Light Guard”
Capt. Cooper, and the “ Columbus Guards” had
been ordered to meet at the Armory of the latter.
The Dep. Sheriff, Mr. Rutherford, called to that
place an informal meeting of citizens to advise with
him. Judge Iverson was present and stated it as
his oonviotion that the slave would be hung by the
mob, and there was one way to prevent it, and
that was by an overwhelming demonstration of
the more orderly part of the community, in public
meeting of a purpose to frown it down—that he
had advised it, but was satisfied from the state of
feeling out of doors, the violence on one side and
the apathy on the other, that in his opinion, such
a demonstration would not be made. Another
course was to send an armed force sufficient to
defend tho jail—a small one would exasperate and
cause the effusion of innocent blood, and yet not
prevent the perpetration of the crime—that such
a force was not to be bad—owing to the season of
the year, the ranks of the military companies were
thinned by absences from town on business or
pleasure. He therefore favored a suggestion that
had been made, to let tho Sheriffs go to the jail at
the'appointed hour —and solemnly protest against
the act and warn the mob of tho consequences ;
that the participators would be recognized and the
law- would take its course on them as guilty of
murder. Mr. Rutherford agreed with .Judge Iver
son that the community had shown clearly that it
would not move in defence of its own character A
of the sanctity of the law—and that lie ought to be
supported by a hundred bayonets or there ought
to be no show of forcible resistance ; and if the
meeting advised, he would be at the jail and trust
to the majesty of the law for its own vindication.
We, as Captain of the “ Columbus Guards”
stated the number of men belonging to the corps
then in the city, and that all but two at most had
obeyed our order issued at the Sheriff's call, and
were at his service. Capt. Cooper remarked that
while lie had more men in town than Capt. For
syth, yet he was obliged to say that the defection
was greater in his ranks than in Capt. F.’s; but
that he could rely on about the same number of
bayonets. The combined number was about thir
ty.
The meeting advised the course suggested, the
military were dismissed, and the Sheriffs awaited
the hour.
Between 3 and 1 o'clock a dense crowd throng
ed around the jail. In it were women and chil
dren as well as men, some few guns were seen.—
Mr. Rutherford addressed them—told them that
himself, the jail and the laws were under their
protection, and called on them as citizens to do
their duty in affording that protection. The ap
peal produced a visible effect—a pause ensued and
a purpose to relent was exhibited. At this criti
cal moment, someone drew attention to the fact
that a youth, a member of the family of tlie prose
cutor, was present. The youth was brought for
ward, and his tears and remarks produced an in
stantaneous re-action. A rush was made and in
an incredibly short time the doors were forced, the
prisoner seized, roped and hurried off to a grove
in the rear of the jail. Everything being arranged
for the execution, there was another pause to let
the prisoner speak. What he said is variously re
ported. All agree that he stoutly maintained his
innocence—that he was ready to die, but they
would execute an innocent man. At this moment,
several of the active participants declared that
they would go no further. Someone moved to
carry him bacjpfi —meantime, voices were exclaim
ing “hang him and whether it was something
the prisoner said, or some other circumstance, we
cannot distinctly learn—but the evil spirit was
again aroused, and 60they hung him.
We have thus endeavored to give as faithful a
history of this deplorable violation of law and life,
as we are able. We have omitted a hundred
circumstances we have heard, and may have been
misinformed about others that we have stated. If
in error, we are ready to repair it.
And, now, as the conductor of a public journal,
in some sense responsible for a public expression
of a sound, moral judgment on this proceeding—
and without enquiry as to the guilt or innocence
of the prisoner—for that is totally aside from the
present question ; we feci bound to pronounce
tliat this is the most high-handed outrage on the
laws of the country that this city has ever witness
ed—that the act is in the eyes “of the Law and of
impartial and immutable justice, a murder, and
that an indellible stigma attaches to the commu
nity, both by its commission and by its being per
mitted to be dono.
One word as to the political aspect of the affair
—for strange to say, it has assumed such an aspect.
It has been charged and circulated that this was a
Southern Rights movement. No mortal ingenui
ty can give a plausible reason for the charge, or
show how Southern Rights could possibly be pro
moted by or implicated in it.
If it is meant that the Southern Rights party
are on the side of order and public decency and
the laws of the country, then we fervently hope
that the party to which we belong are amenable to
the charge. We are for the laws of our State.—
We are only opposed to oppressive laws passed by
usurped authority and contrary to the constitution
al compact, that we have made with other States.
* Note. —Since writing the above, we understand that
the Mayor holds that he is without power under the city
charter to interpose to preserve the peace—that there
has been a recent adjudication by the Superior Court of
the county, on the point, in which his actual exercise of
this power was overruled.
If this be so, the city government is a very expensive
and useless piece of machinery. If it has only power to
tax, and none to protect life and property, it had better
be either amended or abolished.
[For the Times.]
MB. COBB ON SECESSION.
Mr. Forsyth: —ln Mr. Cobb's speech in Col
umbus, he said he could not find the right of se
cession in the Constitution. Now’ this showed
one of the two things, that he was a consummate
demagogue, or knew much less about our gov
ernments, State and Federal, than any man that
ever held a seat in Congress ; and I will venture
that he is the only member of Congress that ever
looked into the Constitution to find such a thing,
and even Charley Hooks would not have looked
there for the powers of the States.
As Mr. Cobb was unfortuuate in his search, I
eau tell him where he can find it. He can find
it in the clause that gives to a State the right to
punish murder,arson, theft, Ac., and constructing
roads, and in feet every thing she does by virtue
of her sovereignty. We look in the Constitution
to see what are the powers of the Federal Gov
ernment, and what is prohibited to the States
not what they are allowed to do. The States re
tain all power not expressly given to the Federal
Government nor denied to themselves. They
were not so unwise as to tie themselves to a Gov
ernment that they had no other mode of getting
lid of them. Mr. Cobb’s slaves have to rid them
selves of servitude by fighting and showing them
selves the strongest. The veriest slave on earth
lias the right of rebellion, and it is strange tliat. Mr.
Jefferson and Mr. Madison should be at the trou
ble of writing two of their ablest State papers to
show what they could have done in five lines—that
the States had the right to rebel. Mr. Cobb has
less sense than I think he has if he believes his
own doctrines. Southern Rights. ‘
[From the Charleston Mercury.]
THE PLOT THICKENS
The planters of James Island have been in
the habit of carrying their children over to
Fort Sumter for refreshment and recreation—
its situation in the midst of the harbor, making
it an exceedingly airy and pleasant resort.—
On Tuesday the foil owing incident took place
A gentleman of the highest respectability,
with his friend and two or three children,
went over to the Fort, and when the boat
was within a short distance of the landing,
the sentinel on duty’ lowered his musket de
manded whether it was a “Government boat V’
It was answered in the negative. Then, said
the sentinel, you cannot land. The gentle
man asked for the corporal of the guard, who
came forward, and, to his request to be al
lowed to land, the same brief rude answer was
returned—“you cannot land.” He asked the
reason of the. refusal, and the officer turned his
back upon him and made no reply. We
make this statement on the authority of the
gentleman himself.
It is manifest from this that the troops are
under orders, to treat the people of South
Carolina as enemies. Our correspondent,
“Barnwell,” well advises that we accept the
challenge thus thrown in the face of this com
munity. They could only consider us as en
emies, because they have hostile designs
against us. Yet these men are daily seen in
our streets, and move among us undisturbed.
Are we anv longer safe with such company?
Is it not equally the duty and the policy of
the city effectually to exclude from her limits
men whose purpose of hostility is no longer
doubtful, and who do not even affect the
concealment of it ? There has been great
excitement in the community in consequence
of these developments, and the general feel
ing demands that something effectual and
speedy be done. Are we to sit down tamely',
and allow ourselves to be scorned and tram
pled on by the minions of power, as if the
State was already a subjugated province?
[From the Charleston Mercury.]
Occupation of Fort Sumter—lnsolence of
Federal Minions.
Messrs Editors; —Fort Sumter has been
occupied, furtively, unexpectedly, and without
warrant of authority, save from a usurping
Northern President and the subservient tools
of his Cabinet. The object of this movement
of Federal troops, is apparent and unrnis
takeable. Intimidation of the wavering, en
couragement to Union-loving Submissionisst,
and preparation to meet the question of se
cession, and defy its exercise. It is a chal
lenge, to the State, to come up to that issue and
meet the Government upon it. Shall the chal
lenge be accepted now? There is but one
way of giving the answer— through the Legis
lature, which should be instantlyassembled.
In the meantime what should the citizens of
Charleston do ? Already arc her citizens de
nied admission to the Fort, and all reason for
the peremptory prohibition contemptuously
refused, amid the jeers of liveried slaves, obe
dient to the will of official masters. ‘Hie
people should assemble at once —put on their
arms—guard their City against the ingress of
these myrmidons and incendiaries, and confine
the pestilence of their presence within the
walls of tlie Forts. There is but one circum
stance to temper the anger of a true South
erner—it is tliat so few of these men are
Northerners. The soldiers of the Govern
ment are anything else than Yankees, and
their deeds illustrate the courage of every
land save Yankeedom. Yet arc they the in
struments of our deadly foe— the Government
—and as such instruments, must be placed
under the ban of public execcrtion.
BARNWELL.
The Journal of Commerce has an ar
ticle showing that Anti-Slavery agitation has
effected nothing in favor of the colored man
or the white man, while its influence upon the
South has been deplorable. The South did
not believe, it says, that the torrent of North
ern fanaticism could be arrested, and became
united in a determination to resist the Wilmot
Proviso. Southern men have reasoned thus:
“At the South, gentlemen of education, re
finement and liberality,—outraged and insul
ted by the course of leading Northern dema
gogues, arc in numerous cases induced to be
lieve that the only safety of the South is in an
eventual separation. Agitation at the North
is attended with no danger to the persons or
families of the agitators—but, in the belief
of tbe South, it threatens the Southern citi
zen and his family with the worst danger
with which they can be menaced. And for
what ? For that with which the Northern
men have no immediate concern, but which
concerns the lives and the home and property
and self preservation to the. South. When
these are thought to be assailed, there is no
extremes to which men will not proceed in
order to defend themselves. Hence, very
naturally, the feeling of hostility to the North,
which bas recently sprung up at tbe South,
is much more fierce, intractable and dangerous
feeling, than that which at the North is pro
duced by the fanatical antipathy against the
slaveholder. It will not brook content nor
endure to be trilled with.-
It will command respect sooner or later
let the cost be what it may. Undoubtedly
demagogues at the South have taken advan
tage of these excited feelings, to stimulate
the Southern mind to disunion and secession.
If anti-slavery agitation had not menaced the
South these demagogues would have receiv
ed no encouragement,and M ould never have
appeared.
Indiana Election.
Indianai'Olls, Aug, 7, 1851.
All the. Congressional Districts have been
heard from, except the First and the Sixth.
Total elected, 8 democrats and 2 whigs.
Last Congress, 8 democrats, 1 whig, and 1
free soil.
The Legislature is still uncertain.
Kentucky Elections.
Louisville, Aug. 9.
Additional returns received leave no doubt
of the election of L. W. Powell dem. as
Governor, and J. B. Thompson whig as
Lieutenant-Governor, who runs far ahead.
Both the. whig and democratic vote has fallen
off very largely this year particularly the whig,
vote.
Returns from 20 counties show Dixon's
loss to be 3,241 from the vote for Gov. Crit
tenden. In the same counties Clay received
440 votes.
Crittenden’s (whig) majority in the State
was 8,448.
The authentic returns of the Congression
al election make the next delegation stand 5
whigs and 5 democrats. Both branches of
the Legislature are whig. Last Congress.
6 whigs and 4 democrats.
Lynch Law in Columbus. —The Journal
c$- Messenger contains telegraphic despatches
detailing a most disgraceful affair which took
place in Columbus, Ga., on Thursday evening
last. It appears that a negro man Jarrett,
who had been convicted by two successive
juries for the crime of committing a rape
upon a little girl often years old, was to have
been hung on that day. The despatch states
that on the same day, the negro was pardon
ed by the Governor. We understand, how
ever, that a respite only was granted. Upon
the receipt of this intelligence, the populace
took upon themselves the responsibility of
breaking into the jail, seizing the prisoner
and hanging him upon a tree back of the jail.
It matters not whether the prisoner was guil
ty or innocent, for allowing him to he guilty,
it is yet the duty of every citizen to look to
the laws of the country for the punishment
of criminals. If the majesty of the law! is to
be trampled upon, and criminals snatched
from the custody of public officers and strung
up by the neck to the first tree, by every in
furiated mob that deems itself competent to
the “execution of justice,” we might as well
abolish all law at onee. Such an affair as
that at Columbus does not speak very well Tor
the “Empire State of the South.
[Atlantic. Intelligencer.
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
SATURDAY EVENING AUGUST 16, 1851.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHAS. J. M c DONALD,
OF COBB COUNTY.
rOR CONGRESS.
HENRY L. BENNING,
OF MUSCOGEE.
FOR STATE SENATOR,
B. K. HARRISON,
or STEWART COUNTY
MR.BENNING’S APPOINTMENTS.
Col. Benning, though, not yet entirely re
covered, will take the field again next week,
and will speak at the following times and
places, taking up with his former appoint
ments at
Starkesville,.. ..Wednesday... .20th Aflg.
Albany, Thursday 21st “ ’
Newnan Friday 22d “
Bainbridge,.... Saturday 23rd “
81ake1y,....... Monday 25th “
Cuthbert, Tuesday 26th “
Lumpkin Wednesday.... 27th “
Buena Vista,... Wednesday.... 3rd Sept.
Oglethorpe Monday 8 “
Lanier Tutaday 9th “
, Perry Thursday 11th “
Hawkinsville,.. . Saturday 13th “
Vienna Monday 15th “
Irvinville, Wednesday.... 17th “
QUESTIONS FOR TIIE COLUMBUS
TIMES.
Tho Cohinihu9 Times denounces every man who does
not believe in the right of secession as a federalist. We
desire to propound to the Editor of that print ( with all
due respect, a few plain questions:
1. Gen. Jackson in his proclamation, and his nulliffca
tion message, denied the constitutional right of a State to
secede—and declared it was revolution. Was Genera-
Jackson a Federalist 7
2. John Forsyth, Sr., if history speak the truth, ap
proved of the opinions of Gen. Jackson, advocated and
defended those opinions. Was , John Forsyth, your fath
er, a Federalist 7
3. Charles J. McDonald, and the entire Union party of
that day, approved and defended tlie doctrines promul
gated by Andrew Jackson. Were Charles J. McDonald
and the old Union party of Georgia all Federalists 7
Again, if all who deny the doctrine of secession are
Federalist-*, the converse of the proposition must be true,
and all who contend FOR the right of secession are good
Southern Rights Democrats. Now, answer us a few
more questions:
4. The Hartford Conventionists, according to their pub
lished records, strenuously contended for the right of se
cession. Were the Hartford Conventionists —the black
cockade federalists of the last tear good Southern Rights
Democrats 7
5. The Abolitionists who recently assembled at Syra
cuse passed a resolution affirming the right of secession,
and complimenting South Carolina because she held the
same doctrine. Were the Syracuse Abolitionists good
Southern Rights Democrats 1
Our cotemporary of the Times will confer a benefit
upon the public generally, if he will give plain, brief,
distinct answers to these five questions. They are based
upon historical facts, well known to the people of Geor
gia, and there can be no quibbling or special pleading in
the case. Come then, brother Times, shoot, or throw
down your gun. —Mac on Journal and Messenger.
We shall “ shoot” and not “ throw down our
gun.” We never had a better fire to deliver.—
And now, as the Messenger is so pressing for an
I answer to the questions, we demand of liirn, on
the principles of honorable warfare, to jmblish our
answer. ,
We take the questions seriatim :
“ 1. Gen. Jackson in his proclamation, and his nullifi
cation message, denied the constitutional right of a Plate
to secede—and declared it was revolution — Was General
Jackson a Federalist ?”
We reply that whether Gen. Jackson held
this doctrine in his proclamation or not, is debata
ble—but admitting that he did, Gen. Jackson did
in his counter-proclamation , published Sept. 21,
1833, retract —that Gen. Jackson, Roman as he
was in firmness, and iron in nerve, was compelled
by the unmistakeable voice of the great Democrat
ic party, having its chief strength in the South, to
quality and retract that opinion. But, if General
Jackson did at any time maintain, that a Sovereign
State had no right to secede front the Union, and
was not absolutely and to all intents and purposes
the final arbiter of its own destiny, then pro liac
vice and to that extent, Gen. Jackson was a Fed
eralist. Principles identify the Statesman—not
accidents. .A man is not a horse because he was
boru in a stable.
“ 2. John Forsyth, Sr., if history speak the truth, ap
proved of the opinions of Gen. Jackson, advocated and
defended those opinions. Was, John Forsyth, your fath
er, a Federalist 7
Waiving the delicacy of putting such a question
to the son of a deceased father, we answer it
pointedly, thus.—ls John Forsyth, Sr. ever held
that a State had not the right to secede, he was pro
hue vice, a Federalist. We repeat ‘principles ident
ify the statesman;” but if “ history speaks truth”
and our knowledge of that history is correct, it
no where appears that John Forsyth, Sr. ever
held that doctrine. On the contrary, it does
appear that that gentleman was a member of the
great Jacksonian Democratic party of that day,
and that that party forced the “old Hero” to re
cant the Federal heresies of the proclamation. Mr.
Forsyth, Sr. opposed nullification as an impossible
theory, because he believed a State could not, at
the same time be both in and out of the Union!
if she staid in she must obey the laws; if she went
out she was free from the laws of the Union, and
that therefore secession was tiie true remedy.
The son this day, holds to the same opinion that
his father did in 1833.
3. Charles J. McDonald, and the entire Union party
of that day, approved and defended the doctrines pro
mulgated by Andrew Jackson. Were Chas. S. McDon
ald, and the old Union party of Georgia all Federalists! ”
The answer to this is given in tlie foregoing.—
If Mr. McDonald and the Union party of that day
defended the Federal doctrines of the proclama
tion of that day, they were to that extent, Federal
ists ; but McDonald belonged to the great Repub
lican party, and it compelled a recantation of tbe
heresy by their great chief.
“ 4. The Hartford Conventionists, according to their
published records, strenuously contended for the right of
secession. Were the Hartford Conventionists —the black
cockade federalists of the last war good Southern Rights
Democrats 7
We answer no; nor were they good Northern
rights Democrats either. They were simply trait
ors to the country, because they deserted a com
mon cause while in a war with a common enemy.
In that ease there was no domestic dispute—no
question of rights and equality as between confed
erated copartners. It was a traitorous back out
from a foreign war, begun and waged for North
ern rights and interests. “No impressment of
seamen”—“Free Trade and Sailor’s Rights” were
the watchwords of that war. The South fought it
bravely and yet hadhardly a ship or a seaman a
float. The Hartford Convention wanted to back out
of it, and make a disgraceful peace with the enemy.
“ 5. The Abolitionists who recently assembled at Syra
cuse passed a resolution affirming the right of secession,
and complimenting South Carolina beenuse she held the
same doctriue. Were the Syracuse Abolitionists good
Southern Rights Democrats ?”
The columns of the Messenger furnish our an
swer to this question, & before we “shoot” we pre
dict that it will make the fur fly. Turning over the
page of the Messenger next to that in which “ques
tions for the Columbus Times” are put with such
an air of majestic confidence, we find an official
account of a submission meeting in Crawford at
which the Hon. Mr. Chaiteli, (the Messenger’s
standard-bearer for Congress) made a speech.
We clip from this account the following tit-bit.
“He then denounced secession as a spurious and colla
eral question, presented to delude the people and con
ceal their wicked plots against the country and its gov
ernment. He, however, declared, that as it had been
forced upon him, he was willing and ready to meet it.—
He said that he stood now where he stood in 1833. upon
the platform of the old State Rights party, and here read
a resolution introduced by himself into the State Senate
iu ’33, which comprises the whole doctrine in a nut shell:
“Resolved, That the faculty of secession is insepara
bly incident to a compact subsisting between sovereign
States ; and the right of secession in any particular in
stance must depend upon causes’ of which the parly as
serting the right must judge for itself— amongst which
causes flagrant breaches of the compact by the other
party or parties have always been considered good—and
secession for any cause can, at the most, expose the se
ceding State only to the consequences arising under the
laws of war and of nations —and never to those of treason
and rebellion.’’ — (See Journal of 1833, page 123.) - -
Now, sir, Thomas Jefferson, the great npoetle
of Republican State Rights could not, in so few
words, have stated with more vigor, terseness and
beauty, the great doctrine of State secession, than
Mr. Chappell has here done. And Mr. C. says,
he “stands where he did in 1833.’ And,now,
we turn the Messenger over to Mr. Chappell for
an answer to the question—“lf the Syracuse abo
litionists maintain the right of secession, and yon
also hold to it, are you , Mr. Chappell a Syracuse
Abolitionist, or are the Syracuse abolitionists good
Southern Rights Democrats 1
We hope the Messenger will insist on an an
swer front Mr Chappell; and pray do not suffer hint
on account of any mock modesty or diffidence at
appearing before the public, get off from answering
a question so important to be known to his editori
al organ of the Messenger. We think we see
Chappell answering it: and we think we see a
gliastlv smirk on the countenances of both editor
and candidate when they meet for the purposes of
this exposition.
And now Brother Messenger, we have “ shot
our gun” and we expect you to publish it. We
do not think you have got a reader so steeped in a
blind confidence of your infallibility, that will not
say that you have got a full and fair answer, mid
that when you shot your gun, it went off— I “half
cocked.”
As for us, wc shall always shoot on our side
when called upon—but when we can get a rest
like this, and take a full, steady and fair pop right
spang at the center, why we just love to shoot.
If you have any more questions, neighbor—as
the fashionable belle said to a friend who propos
ed to introduce some new beaux to her—“ trot
them out.”
THE CANVASS IN THE 2d DISTRICT
mr. Johnson’s politics.
It is generally understood wherever the
“name and fame” of James Johnson Esqr
have reached, that for a Southern man, he holds
to opinions the most objectionable and here
tical. On this account, the intelligence of his
nomination was received with unfeigned sur
prise by friends and foes, which was only put
to rest by the subsequently developed fact,
that owing to the disagreements of tho Con
vention, it was obliged to take Mr. Johnson
as the “best it could get.”
Mr. Johnson has been complimented as a
fair spoken man, who will boldly avow and
stand up to his opinions. We shall sec.
We understand upon good authority that
he holds:
Ist. That Congress has power to apply the
principles of the Wilmot Proviso (tin; prin
ciple of excluding slavery) to the Territories;
and therefore that the Wilmot Proviso is con
stitutional,
2d. That Congress has a constitutional
power to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia, and as a corollary from these pro
positions.
3d. That Congress has the power to abol
ish slavery in the dockyards, arsenals, posts
and other public properties in the Southern
States; and
4th. He has always held with Stephens
and Clay and Webster and Seward and all
the Northern Abolitionists, that the Mexican
law of tlie territories abolishing slavery, con
tinued of force, after the conquest of Mexican
territories by tha arms of the United States.
Now if we were to say that if Mr. Johnson
holds to these principles he is a Free Soiler ;
it would he deemed harsh and opprobrious.
We say, therefore, instead, that it is the main
tenance ofjust exactly these political views of
i the constitutional powers oi’ Congress that
constitutes Free Soilcrs at the North.
The only difference between Mr. Johnson
and the Northern Frcesoilers is, that while
botli he and they agree as to the constitution
al power of Congress over these subjects; they
differ ns to the expediency and justice of its
exercise. If Mr. Johnson were to he elected,
therefore, and the North should propose to do
either of these acts, so obnoxious to the South,
the substance of Mr. Johson’s speech would
he, “gentlemen you have the undoubted pow
er under the constitution to do those things,
but I pray you not to exercise it, because my
constituents would be very much put out a
bout it.” It is easy to imagine tlie effect of
such an appeal to a red-mouthed fanatic—it
would be the plea of the lamb to the wolf.—
The representative of Georgia, ought rather
be able to say, “you have neither the power
nor the right to do those acts —do them at
your peril” and in the terse language of Mr.
Toombs, “ire took the Union and the consti
tution together, we will have both or we will
have neither.” That would be a mere befitting
speech: Henry L. Benning, would be able
to make it. Mr. Johnson with his opinions,
could only— beg.
We say these are believed and known to
be his private political opinions. It is for him
to make them his public opinions, or not, as
he sees fit. If they are not, his new polit
ical crony of the “Enquirer” can answer for
him, or he cut answer for himself. If no
answer is given, we shall consider them as
granted, and oppose his election, according
ly. Now, every body at the South lias agreed
upon the unconstitutionality of the Wilmot
Proviso; and all parties—from the lowest
soap-tail, to the most rampant fire-eater—
from the most obsequious of tho Fillmore
busters to the most ultra of the Filibusters—
have declared that a vote of Congress direct
ly excluding the Southerner from the terri
tories gained by the common exertion, valor
and treasure, would be ample cause of imme
diate “disruption.” How then can anybody
oppose the expressed conviction of everybody
and send a man to Washington to defend the
North against congressional aggression,
who believes, that that body has the pow
er to make it, in the most palpable and diaboli
cal form of the Wilmot Provisoislsl Again, the
“Georgia Platform” declares that the aboli
tion of slavery in the District of Columbia is
one of the contingencies on the happening of
Which, they will dissolve the Union—or in
their way of expressing it, “resist to a disrup
tion of all the ties” &c. Is Mr. Johnson, then,
with his opinions on this subject, ant chain-
pion for the “Disruptionists” to trust with
their rights and their “platform” at Washing
ton?
p s.—Since the foregoing was in type,
we learn that Mr. Johnson, at Americus, de
nied that he held to the Constitutional power
of Congress to abolish slavery iuthe Distric
of Columbia. Mr. Johnson has changed his
opinion on that point.
CORKKSPOSDKNC* OF THE TIMES.
Hawkinsville, Aug. 8, 1851.
John Forsyth , Esq.:
Dear Sir Enclosed you will find five dollars,
for which you will please send me fifteen copies of
the Times during the campaign without delay.
Very respectfully, &o.
Mr. Zion, Hancock co., Ga. )
Aug. 9, 1851. i
Dear Sir Enclosed I send you the money,
and wish'you to send me tliree copies of ) our
campaign paper.
Do your best down in that part of the country,
and we will make Cobb and his crowd smoke on
the first Monday in October. All of our friends
are in high spirits up here.
Direct your (taper to * * *
Respectfully, &o.
Talofa, Madison co., Fla. )
Aug. 4th, 1851. )
John Forsyth , Esq.:
Dear Sir—The Madison County Southern
Rights Association appreciating your devotion to
he South and her rights, and admiring the gal
lantry with which you defend them, have instruct
ed me to order twelve copies of the YY eekly Times
for their use for one year, at the expiration o’
which time they are to be stopped, unless other
wise directed.
Please make out your bill and forward to me
and the funds shall be immediately forwarded. I
would send the funds now (they are in the hands
of our Treasurer) if I knew the amount.
* * * * * *
We have ail Association of near two hundred
members standing on the Platform that you so
ably occupy ; we have not been afraid to speak
out our sentiments boldly—we go for secession for
past offeneos, unless our rights are restored to us;
and for myself individually, I go for it per se.
Hoping that you may succeed in the election of
McDonald, and that few of the friends are dis
posed to let down their colors as low as our friend
I remain with
sentiments of high regard,
your obedient servant.
JOHN S. BROOME,
Corresponding See’ry. M. S. R. A.
The last despatches from Louisville
leave little doubt of the election ot Powell,
(Dem.,) as governor, and Thompson (Whig.)
as lieutenant governor. The result affords
evidence of two things ; first, the utter impos
sibility of keeping up the old party lines—
and secondly, the strong Southern feeling
that has been recently enkindled in Kentucky,
in despite of the efforts of Henry and Cassius
Clay. One of the chief devices of the
friends of Dixon was to represent Powell and
his supporters, as occupying “the same plat
form as the. South Carolina secessionists.”
This was not true, hut it shows the difference
of the spirit animating the two parties.—
[ Southern Press.
North Carolina Elections. —From an
extra of the Ashville News, we learn that in
Buncombe county, Clingman's Southern
Rights majority is 824 votes. Ilis majority
in the district will be probably over 2000
votes,
By the Hornet’s Nest, wo learn that Cald
well, the Southern Rights candidate, has a
majority of 471 in nine precincts of Mecklen
burg county. — [Charleston Mercury.
Enon Ala. August Bth, 1851.
Mr. Editor —Having just returned from
a pleasure trip in the upper portion of Geor
gia in company with the Senior Class of the
La Grange female Institute, consisting of 25
young ladies who have just arrived at that era
in life where they are about to make the
transit from girlhood to womanhood and ex
change the loveliness of the hud for the nn
turer and more attractive chains of the full
blown rose; I have conceived that a descrip
tion, even though it may bear in its style the
palpable mark of tiie youthful effusion
may not he entirely uninteresting to some at
at least, of your readers. YVe left La Grange
somewhere about the Bth of July, passed
through the agreeable and now fast improv
ing village of Newnan and on the evening of
the second day arrived in Atlanta where we
were hospitality entertained at the Washing
ton Hall. A few hours ride in the morning
of the 3d day carried us to that model and
most attractive village of all Georgia, Mariet
ta, situated as I understand, upon a spot more
elevated decidedly then any upon the Geor
gia road. It can boast of an atmosphere at
once bracing to the system and ex liberating
to the spirits, water pure, clear and cold, the
farewell of which lingers minutes after the
draught has been taken, of accomplished and
accomodating citizens, of line hotels and :t
----greeable landlords, of inumerable parties of
gay and vivacious visitors, and in short of all
the fashionable etceteras to make a place an
Eden, and fife delightful. Our stay here of
one day was rendered doubly agreeable by
attendance upon the proceedings of the edu
cntional convention embodying in it, the tal
ent of Church, Elliot, George Pierce and oth
er luminaries of no mean pretensions, and the
action of the convention, coming from men
of such long experience in teaching, of such
enthusiasm in the cause of education, of such
splendid abilities should meet if not with the
concurrence of the people, at least with their
respect and consideration.
On the 4th day. we travell and from Mariet
ta to Chattanooga, Tenn., through Cherokee,
which with its beatiful and fruitful vallies, its
majestic mountains, its laughing cascades or
sublimer falls, its delightful watering places,
iispu.e morning breeze and sweet c ening
zephyr which eoine pure from their moun
tain home, gathering in their playful course
the sweet fragrance of the wild ilowerto kiss
the cheek and delight the senses, may be tru
ly termed, the Italy of the South.
Chattanooga situated on the Tennessee
river, is an exceedingly pleasant place, boast
ing of the commodious hotel kept by Mr.
Gritlin, at whose table the Parisian epicure
might revel. Indeed, situated as it is iu the
very presence of Lookout Mountain that pre
sents even at that distance no inconsiderable
beauty in the majesty and sublimity of its
dim outline, inhabited by a people whose
motto seems to be “Dum vivimus vivamus”
is cursed with few disagreeable things or per
sons with the exception however, of .
The morning broke gloriously, and before
the beams of the sun had clothed the earth
with the golden lustre and beauty of its ris
ing splendor there could be heard the merry
laugh, the sparkling sallies of wit and the
good humored repartee from our party, whose
spirits were animated with the soon to be
realized expectation of feasting their eager
visions on the resplendent beauties and
matchless views that Lookout offered.
immediately after breakfast vvehurrieffiii
to omnibuses bouud for the base of the
mountain, where we arrived in an horn, and
lit was’ deemed unsafe to P ro^l &rther
in our‘conveyances, we alighted, loimcc n
elvS Into double -silo “
eagerness, tdj-YKi!
army, commenced the usecnx. tu
rn the difficulty of its ace<)mpiish meat tlit J c
was sufficient to test the s ■■? u
hardiest poineer ; yet our most
ties, their love of romantic scenery, g *
and bewildered by the sublime appeara ce
many huge moss-e.vered, and tinft-stmned
rocks scattered here and there upon its sides
in all the negligant grace of primeval natim
which but flushed their cheeks and hei o ht
ened their beauty.
Immediately upon reaching the {
ourselves amply compensated tor all d;fceul > and
fatigue in the continued view that spread then !o
liness before our astonished visions, and though
we felt doubly compensated in the politeness o! t ie
landlord of the Leonora House and particularly
in the excellency ofthe wine, with which we drank
toasts to South Carolina, Quitman McDonald and
the success of their party ; yet all felt anxious to
reach the point, distant some half a mile, w here
we were to enjoy one of the rare treats of our lives.
So without much delay we started, calling incur
wav at the Mountain Spring, the stream from
which gurgles out of a solid rook that towers hun
dreds of feet above, and leaps in laughing cascades
down the rugged sides.
Scarcely had we set foot on the point when
there was a spontaneous and irrepressible burst
of miinded admiration and amazement. \> es <h
in Tennessee and could distinctly see mountains
of three States, whose tall dark piracies stood out
against the bluish sky in all their hoary majest}.
Beneath us in the mellow light ol a July day, the
beautiful valley in which Chatanooga could be dis
tinctly descried, with its plantations which though
embracing thousands ot acres dwindled in the dis
tanee to the smallest conceivable patch, with its
cottages whose vine-gladness peeped romantically
from dense and luxuriant foliage, while beyond
the Tennessee river's surface flashed and flickered
in the sunlight. To do justice to the scene or the
emotions its beauty made, wou'd require the im
agination of a Tom Moore and the language of a
Bulwer. and it was with reluctance that we turn
ed to retrace our steps to Chatanooga even though
wo had in expectancy “the not to bo despised indue -
meut of a good d’nner. The next morn ng w it!)
a good bye to Chattanooga and old lookout,
which raised its head covered with the first b.ush
of morn to the same giant height, got upon the
cars and a few hours brought us to Catoosa
Springs.
The costly improvements of Catoosa, its grea
number of Springs differing lrom each other in.
rare mineral virtues, its crowds of lovely and ae
complished visitors, its baths, its many p’aees o
amusements that steal from time its ted outness
render it one of the most delightful resorts of
Georgia. Among the many visitors that Catoosa
boasted of during our stay there nonewere more
distinguished than lion. R. Toombs, whose pres
ent course and political opinions are so palpably at
war with that once gallant sentiment of his—-
“ Equality in the Union or Independence out of it,”
uttered before he sold his conscience and h;s coun
try to the dictates of an ignoble ambition for er
sonal emolument. With all his attractiveness of
conversation, elaboration and plausibility of argu
ment, he was unable to convert many, as I think,
for [ heard the wild liuzzah for McDonald echo
and re-eclio through the hills of Cherokee coming
from the warm and passionate youth as well as
from sedate and reflecting sires. After two days
spent at Catoosa, that fled like an hour, and with
a fearful ejaculation against the necessity or rather
the shortness of time that compelled us to leave
so soon, we departed for Rowland Springs, and 4
o’clock that evening found us promenading its vel
vet tressed walks, when each kiss awoke the sleep
ing perfume ofthe flowers. After the pies unable
feelings that a bath, good supper and the luxury
of a fine Havana segar excites, all of which can be
had here: there is nothing more delightful than
a moonlight walk on the green grass plat before
the mansion at Rowland to breath the fragrance
and delight the eyew'tli the rich boquets of flow
ers that grow there, sparkling with the light dew
of a fountain that falls in rain drops and adorns
them with nature’s own jewels. With a grateful
feeling for the polite attention paid us while at
Rowland, and a deep regret that the happy mo
ments spent there had glided by to form one of
the “green spots on memory’s waste;” we took
our departure, not forgetting to call at Cooper's
Iron Works , one of the grand developements of
the resources of Georgia we all should be proud
of. In full and perfect operation, I’m glad to say
the joint owner Mr. Mark A. Cooper, whose
marked respect an 1 kindness we are under many
obligations for, finds it one of the very best invest
ments.
From Rowland to Atlanta and back to La-
Grange no striking incident occurred, and as 1
have filled already too much of your pi per with
this hasty description, I will now say exeunt
omves , with the assertion that all of our party both
ladies and gentlemen will remember theagreea
blencssof the trip long after the buds of hope have
fallen from the fair garland of life, and with the
expression of my gratitude for the kindness of the
talented Superintendent of the Institute, whose
long experience, polished manners and splendid
ability, so ably qtialiy him to adorn the Irgli and
responsible station he now occupies.
One of the Company.
GREELEY FOR COBB.
That infamous Abolition, agrarian
print, the New York Tribune, has late
ly been taking a very decided interest
in Southern politicians. Such indeed,
is the solicitude of the Tribune for the
election ol Messrs. Cobb and Foote,
that it is in daily labor to help them.—
In a late number we find the following,
which in ordinary times, would be
regarded by Southerners as significant,
and as implying unsoundness in the
men it was intended to recommend:—
[Macon Telegraph.
The Democratic Right of Seces
sion.—“l am not prepared to admit that
the Slates possess either the constitution
al or reserved right to secede from the
Union.” This is the language of Sena
ator W. C. King, of Alabama, who is
denouced as a secessionist by certain
Northern journals. Boston Post.
Gen. Quattlebum, of Siuth Carolina,
occupies the same position as Senator
King. Gen. Q. goes lor *• secession,
right or u rong,” and as a “justifiable”
revolutionary measure. There is no
greater admirer of the Uuion and the
Constitution, “as ii was,” than Quattle
bum—still he thinks the days oftheFed
eration are numbered, unless some of
the “Compromise measures,” are re
pealed or the extension ot slavery into
Southern California be guaranteed by
Congress. It the Post bad the firmness to
publish the whole ot Col. King’s letter,
as wh did, it would find that although
he was a member of the famous Com
mittee of Thirteen,he opposed the action
of that committee, and thathe now con
siders it his “duty” to go for the repeal
of some of these new Compromises.—
ColK. also opposes the election of Gen.
Shields, Howell Cobb, and Gen. Foote,
atid denies that lie has the slightest con
nection with “Unionism” in any of the
Southern States. He sympathises with
the “sufferings’, of South Carolina, and
furthermore, is an active supporter of
the re-election of Judge Collier, (the
Southern Rights candidate for Govern
or in Alabama.) who says of secession,
in a long letter:
“That it is difficult for any one, no
matter how little informed of political and
constitutional law , not to understand and
admit it.”
This is “Democracy,” in nearly
every section of the South, in the mind
of nearly every Southern “Democratic”
Governor, and it is with such Demo
crats as Quitman, Means, Yancy, Ven
able, McDonald, and other prominent
“Democratic” Quattlebums in eveni
Southern State that the Boston Post “Na
tional Democracy” will be obliged to
act in 1852- James Buchanan and Com.
Stockton arc not afraid to co-operate
with these patriots.(the “Democratic
secessionists”)and to encourage them
to go ahead.
WHERE are YotD-The fire-eaters
have now a chance to show their pluck
in sober seriousness. The Patriots of
Cuba are now calling from every gorge
in that down-trodden country, to their
sympathisers all over the world, to come
to their assistance. The revolution has
already begun. A meeting was held
in Montgomery on last Wednesday
night, and meetings are being held in
other parts of the country.. What will
old Macon do? Let us hear from ft,,
ch iv a 1 ry— [Macon Republican.
We are well-wishers of Cuba, and
devoutly hope that she may succeed i n
throwing off the yoke of Spanish op.
prcssion. We see that a meeting has
been held in Montgomery, in which B
S. Bibb, and W. B. Moss, two of the
Sachems in the submission wigwam
took an active part—and the MaconR e l
publican is even beginning to get warm
on the subject. Wo have but little con
lidence in the real sympathy of these
gentlemen, with the oppressed of any
nation. “Charity begins at home,” aiul
we must be pardoned for doubting the
benevolence and kindness of those
who are publicly bestowing their alms
abroad, while starvation is impressed
upon those who surround the fireside.—
Cuba suffers under no more wrong than
does the fc’outh—the heel of Spanish
power, presses no more heavily upon
her, than does that of Northern power
upon the South. The duty of resistance
is not more obligatory upon the Cuban,
than it is upon ihe Southern man—and
yet we find these men, preaching sub
mission at home, and resistance abroad.
They commend the Cuban, for “risk
ing all on a single field,” and they den
ounce the Southern man as traitor, be
cause he dares to raise his voice against
the deep and damning wrongs,’ which
have been heaped upon his section.—
We say again, we have no confidence
in their honesty, and belive that they
are now prompted by the idea that it
will be popular to be on the side of
Cuba. —[Spirit of the South.
Hard Pressed.—The enemy is evidently
hard pressed. So general and wide spread is
the reaction from Consolidation and Federal
ism throughout the State, that they are re
sorting to all sorts of expedients to infuse a
little hope into the sinking spirits of their
distracted ranks. The Journal & Messenger
of this city, in its last issue, published ex
tracts from thirty one counties, in which
nearly every county named was claimed for
Mr. Cobb. YVe caution our friends against
all such inanoeuvering. These exaggerated
reports have been published altogether for
political effect. The statements of the ene
my about their prospects in the counties na
med like their principles,—are not to be trust
ed.—[Macon Telegraph.
Morf, Troops for Charleston.—Under
the head of “Army Intelligence,” the New
York Herald of Saturday says:
We learn that an order lias been received
from Washington, for the remoral of all the
troops at this station to the South. This is
probably the renewal ofthe order issued some
time since, and subsequently countermanded,
for the removal of the troops to the Southern
Station. A great excitement arose at that
time, from the tact that it. was supposed that
troops were intended to operate against those
who were engaged in the Cuban expedition.
The idea was quieted by the contradiction of
the head of the Government, and this is prob
ably to carry out what was then intended—a
mere transfer of the troops to the South.
Poor Venice ! —Since the 18th of May
last, the court-martial ofthe eastern Lombnr
do-Venetian districts has pronounced two
hundred and twelve condemnations, including
one hundred and fifteen .sentences of death.-
TELEGRAPHIC ITEMS.
From the Montgomery Advertiser and Gazette.
GLORIOUS NEWS F.OM CUBA!
Savannah, Aug. 11—5 P. M.
Cuban Junta arrived at New York from Cuba, with’
later dates than those brought by the Georgia. Authen
tic accounts have been received contradicting rumored
surrenderor the Patriots. The accounts state that tlio
Revolution is progressing beyond the most sanguine ex
pectations ofthe friends of Cuban liberty. Thousands
are said to be flocking to the standard of liberty. The
Patriots are entrenched in the mountains with two thou
sand cavalry and six hundred horse well equipped.
An engagement with the Government troops took place
on the 2tiih Silty, in which the Patriots were victorious,
most ofthe troops joining the Patriots. —Morning .Vacs
[From the Baltimore Ameoican.]
ARRIVAL OF THE ARCTIC.
New-Yokk, August 11—A. M.
The stesmship Arctic has arrived, bringing 3*5 passen
gers and Liverpool dates to the 25th. She experienced
very heavy Northwest and Southwest gales during the
passage. The Africa had arrived at Liverpool on the
evening of the 26th, and the Baltic on the 29th.
LIVERPOOL MARKETS.
Liverpool, July 30ih.—The sales of Cotton on Satur
day, Monday and yesterday amounted to 32,000 bales, of
which speculators and exporters took 12,00(1. Prices
have advanced Vd. Fair Orleans 5Jd. Fair Upland
and Mobile SV.
Trade in Manchester, is more active, but prices favor
buyers.
Parliament will close between the tenth and fifteenth of
August.
The shilling visitors to .the exhibition continue to in
crease.
France.
Tlie Assembly lias deckled to adjourn from the 10th oF
August to the 20th of October. The ministerial budget
reports a deficiency Ibr the current year of 59,000,000f.
The ejection of the officers of the Inquisition at Rome,
from their quarters by the French military authorities, to
make way for fresh arrivals of troops, has caused serious
discontent. Entile Girardin has become a convert to
peace doctrines.
The overland mail from India has arrived with Calcutta
dates to the 12th, hut brings no news.
The Irish Catholic clergy are addressing ear no’ ap
peals from the pulpit in favor of Lord Arundclnes*„a
didate for Limerick.
TO TIIE PUBLIC.
From various rumors that arc in circulation
I deem it ;tn act ot sheer justice to tiie officers
and most ot the men ot the three Volunteer
Companies of this city, to state, that they
promptly obeyed the call of the Sheriff if
this County to support him in the protection
ot the law. But believiiiy that the few mus
ket.s that could be mustered into serve*,
would only excite while it would only h/ti
to the effusion of blood, the niillitarv w,s
therefore dispensed with.
A. S. RUTHERFORD, Sheriff.
COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
Latest date from Liverpool, j u ] v of,
Latest date from Havre July 25
Latest date from Havana ............. .^oll*l*2
Departure of the Atlantic; Steamers.
ENGLISH STEAMIER*. * ‘
~ l*rom hurojKi. N. York. Roston. Phi la,
E'ltypa July 9..
2, fri i July 16.. ..
City of Manchester July 25.
Jainbria liffieSS.. “.luiv29”
Julv 5. .July-30.. ‘
t aanda...'. July 12.. . Aug 0
America July 19...\ug..
Philadelphia July 25..
Niagara July 26.. ” “
Africa Aug. 2.. Aug 27..
Euro pa Vug. 9.. . .Sept.3..
City of Glasgow Vugl3..
Asia \ugiG. .Sept 10..
City of Pittsburg Sept.l..
AMERICAN STEAMERS.
From N. York. Liverpool. Soulh’tou. Havre
Lafayette ... ..June 17..
Baltic ..June 25..
Franklin .. .. ..July ]2-
CIIKDILK or THE IIOIRS OF CLOSING AND ARRIVAL OF
THE MAILS.
N JUTHKRN Mail closes at 5 o’aiock, P. M. daily.
Western “ “ “ 7 “ •* **
La Grange “ “ “11 “ “ “
Bacnesville and Macon Way-Mails, close at 3 o’clock, P.
M. laity.
Eufaula, closes at 9 P.M., Sunday. Tuesday &. Thursday. .
Stewart, “ “ 7 *• .Monday and Thursday.
West Point via Whitesville, Ga., closes at 7 P. M. Mon
day and Friday. <-•
■ West Point via Berlin, Ala., closes at 7 P, M. Friday.
Traveler’s Rest, via Hamburg, close's 7 P. M. Monday.
Hallooa, via Poudtown and Buena Vista, 7 P.M. Mondav.
Oswichee, Ala., closes at 7 o’clock, P. M. Monday atid
Thursday..
Tuskegee, via Crawford, Society Ilill, 7 P. M. Monday
and Thursday.
Enon closes at 12 o'clock, M. Tuesday and Friday.
California Mails made up on the 9th and 223 of each
momh.
ARRIVALS.
• Northern Mail arrives at 5 o’clock, A. M. daily.
’ Western; “ “ “ 8 “ “ “
LaG range “ “ “ 5 “ “ •*
Eufaula, ** arrives half past SP. M. Tuesday, Thnrs
davand Saturday.
Stewart Mail arrives at 8 P, M. Thursday and Sunday.
West Poiut via Whitesville. Gn„ 7 o’clock P.M. Monday
andTlmrsday.
West Point via Berlin, Ala., arrives at 7 P. M. Thursday.
Traveler’s Rest, via Hamburg, arrives at 6 P.M. Monday.
Halloea, via Pondtown and Buena Vista, 6 P.M. Monday.,
Oswichee. arrives at 10 o’clock, A.M. Tuesday and Friday ~
Tuskegee via Crawford and Society Hill, 3 P. M. Monday
and Thursday.
non Mail arrives at 12 o’clock M‘ Tuesday and Friday,
rest Qfiec, Cetumtus, July 30.