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y<UNDB OF INDUSTRY.
/ I B v FRANCIS D. GAGE.
. r ~
1 lo.ve the banging hammer,
The whirring of the plane,
•’ Thel'erinjiing of the busy saw,
< The ertSking of the crane,
’--The: ringing of the anvil,
?*■’ The grating of the drill,
‘-.The elatfering of the turning-lathe,
&, The whirling of the mill,
The buzzing >f the spindles,
The rattling of the loom,
“The puffing of the engine,
Aii,l.the fan's continuous boom—
r-f v ßo_clipping of.the tailor’s shears,
sUjtVlat driving of the awl,
rSJlaaomfcis ~r b,u, y labors—
,il l°ve, I love them all.
,‘w/ * “
i.-i love the ploughman’s whistle.
” ‘ The reaper's cheerful song,
r'The Hrover’s oft-repeated shout,
As he spurs his stock along;
The bustle of the market man,
r“ As he hies him to the town.
The hallo from the tree top,
As the ripened fruit comes down ;
a -The busy sound of thresher*,
As they clean the ripened grain,
‘.The .husker’s joke, and mirth, and glee,
■. - ’Neath the moonlight on the plain,
r The kind voice of the dairyman,
The shepherd's gentle call—
'•’ThcAe sounds of active industry,
I love, 1 love them all.
For tlj tell my longing spirit
yU- Os the earnestness of life;
byjjow.ipufch of all its happiness
’ ’“.‘j Conics out of toil and strife,
Not that, toil and strife that fainteth
And murinurcth all the day—
Not that toil and strife that groaneth
Beneath the tyrant's sway ;
But the toil and strife that springeth
From the free and willing heart,
A strife which ever bringeth
To the striver all his part.
‘•’Oh, there is good in labor,
If wo labor but aright,
That gives vigor to the day-time,
And sweeter sleep at night,
A good that bringeth pleasure,
Even to the toiling hours—
- For duty cheers the spirit,
As the dew revives the flowers.
’ Oh, say not that Jehovah
Bade us labor as a doom ;
Ne, it is hi* richest mercy,
’ And will scatter half life’s gloom!
Then let us still bo doing
Whatc’er we find to do—
•i 1* ■ ,
With an earnest willing spirit,
And a strong hand free and true.
• ‘ A PAINFUL CASE.
An account of a recent trial at the Old Bai
ley, in London, Lord Chief Justice Tindal pre
siding.
George Hammond, a portrait painter, was
placed at the bar, to be tried on an indictment
found against him by the grand jury for wil
ful murder, with malice aforethought, of
George Baldwin, a rope-dancer and a mounte
bank. The prisoner was a man of middle
isight, 1 biit slender form. His eyes were
’blue and mild. His whole bearing gave evi
dence of’ jiubdued sadness and melancholy
resignation.’ He was forty-one years of age,
hid a soft Voices and his appearance gave tes
timony, f'o’his being a.man of distinguished
education, in spite of the poverty of his dress.
On being .called on to plead, the prisoner
admitted .that lie did kill Baldwin, and he de
plored the act adding, - however, that on his
soul arid-conscience lie did not believe himself
guilty.’ Thereupon, a jury was cmpannellcd
to try the‘prisoner. The indictment wrs then
read'to ! the jury, and the act of killing admit
ted, the government rested their case, and the
prisoner called upon tor his defence.
The prisoner then addressed himself to the
ourt and jury:
Mv ldrd” said lie, “my justification is to
be found in a recital of the tacts. Three
veers ago, I lost a daughter, then four years
of age, the sole memorial left of my beloved
wife^vHorn it had pleased God to recall to Him
self. 1 lost her; hut I did not see her die, as
I had seen', her mother die. She disappeared
—she was stolen from me. She was a charm
ing child, 4md but for her I had nobody in
the wortd.to love me. Gentlemen, what l
have suffered cannot be described—you can
not comprehend it. I have expended, in ad
vertising.aiyl fruitless searches, everything I
possessed—furniture, pictures, even to my
clothes."’ ‘All have been sold. For three
years, and on foot, I have sought for my child,
in all the cities and villages in three king
doms. As soon as by painting portraits I
succeeded in gaining a little money, I return
ed to London-to recommence my advertise
ments itVtlW fjewsp ipers. At length, on Fri
day. the 1 Jth <if April"last, I crossed the
SuiithliM'eSiVife'market. In the centre of
the market a troupe of mountebanks were
performing their feats. Among them a child
was turning *6n-its head, its legs in the air
nud its head supported by a halberd. A ray
from the soul ot its mother must at that
moment have penetrated my own. for me
1 have recognised my child in that con
dition. It was my .poor child. Her mother
would have precipitated -herself towards her.
and locked herself ift her arms. As for me.
n veil pussed over my eyes. I threw myself
upon the. chief of the rope-dancers. I know
not how it was; I. habitually gentle, even to
weakness, seized him by his clothes —I raised
him in tljci air, then dashed him to the ground
—then o’gain.'y He was dead. Afterwards I
repenteik abat'd had done. At the moment.
1 regrett( ; TTtiiat l was only able to kill bift
one.”
Lord Cbttf- Justice Tindal.—These are not
('hristiarc.scfttiuieiits.. How can you expect
the court and’ jSifv to look with favor on
your defeupe, or God to pardon you if you
cannot fongrye.- -
PrisoiwS—>l know, my lord, what will be
vour juogment. and that of the jury, but God
has already pardoned me: I teel it in my
heart. ,\smi know not —I knew not then—
(be wholepv.xtent of the evil that man had
done me.—When some compassionate people
brought me nVy daughter in uiy prison, she
was no longer my child: slie was no longer
pure and ktigelre as- formerly; she was corrupt
ed. body and soul—her manner, her language,
infamous like-those of the people with whom
she hid Wen living. She did not recognise
me, and- ( no longer recognised her myself.
Do you ‘comprehend now ? That man had
robbed me'.of the love and soul ot my child.
And I—?have killed him but once.”
Foreman.— •* My lord, we have agreed in
our verdictJ*
Chief'Jpstiee.—■“ I understand you gentle
men. but the law must take its course. I
must sum up the ease, and then you will re
tire to deliberate.”
The chief justice having summed up the
case, the jury retired, and in an instant after,
ret urned into the court with the verdict,“ Not
guilty.” . ’* •
On the discharge of Hammond, the sheriff
was obliged to surround him with an escort.
The crowd of women and men was immense.
The women were determined to carry him off
in triumph. The crowd followed him all the
way to his lodgings with deafening shouts
and huzzas. :
Tsr Brjrx a?d. Allfgianct of Natur
alized (giTTFF.NS. —It has become proper to
say sonjjlKjlf fiTi this point, us (here have
been efiyfe* inaW to impress the minds of
.idopted gitizbns:\\Mh the idea, that their re
lations ttf the Federal Government, and to
theS ates where they live, are different from |
those of -the native citizens! When a
foreigner is naturalized, he takes the oath “to
support ‘be CY-vSu: of The United
Sv-b l '.” Tb'i’s rejiUere it. not only his right, j
but his duty, to judge whether that instru
ment has been violated by any of the parties
to it. The parties who made and adopted
the Constitution, as a compact between them
are the States. The General Government is
their agent, to exercise the limited powers en
trusted to it by the Constitution. No alle
giance can be due to the agent,—but must fl
owed by all citizens to the principals of thie
agent,—to the States. Nor can allegiance be
due from one citizen to all these principals,
—to all the States; because they are all sov
ereigns, and a man cannot have some thirty
sovereigns, at the same time, to whom his al
legiance is due. If that were the case, and
these States should fall out and go to war, he
would be legally guilty of treason whichever
side he took, and might be punished as a trai
tor for defending the State in which lie lived
against one whose borders he had never
crossed.
A foreigner in becoming naturalized, is put
precisely on the same footing with the native
citizen. He is made a citizen of a State,
“with all the privileges and immunities” of
citizens of the other States, and like them, in
consequence of these privileges and immuni
ties, he is called a citizen of the United States.
The State in which he lives is his sovereign.
He owes allegiance to this sovereign, and obe
dience to the laws of the General Govern
ment .so long as they are over him by the
consent of the State.
But should the State separate from the
Union, as an independent party to the Con
stitutional Compact, on account of its viola
tion by the other parties, she releases all ob
ligations of all her citizens to obey any long
er the laws of the General Government; and
naturalized citizens are bound by their alle
giance to support her in her assertion of in
dependence; and before the State has seceded
it is their duty to judge whether her Consti
tutional Compact with the States has been
broken; —and whether it is politic that she
should take the final step of separation for
the purpose of securing to them, as well as
toiler native citizens, the enjoyment of their
rights and institutions. They have all the
privileges, and all the obligations, of citizens
of South Carolina. More than these they
can neither have nor desire to have.—[ Char
leston Mercury.
A Large Bet Offered. —Those who
have no conscientious scruples against betting
on elections, and who have any confidence in
the numerous reports of the great progress
of General Foote in the canvass in Mississip
pi, are requested to take tiie following propo
sitions into consideration. It emanates from
a very responsible source—a citizen of Mis
sissippi, of abundant means and high stand
ing. Here is a chance for somebody:
Eds. Della-. —-I will bet three thousand dol
lars that Quitman beats Foote iu the election
in November: I will bet three thousand dol
lars to six thousand, that Quitman beats
Foote three thousand votes: I will bet three
thousand to twelve, that Quitman beats
Foote four thousand votes: I will bet three
thousand to fifteen thousand, that Quitman
beats Foote five thousand votes: I will bet
three thousand to eighteen, that Quitman
beatSjFootc six thousand votes: I will bet
three thousand to twenty-one thousand, that
Quitman beats Foote seven thousand votes:
I will hot three thousand to twenty-four
thousand, that Quitman beats Foote eight
thousand votes: I will bet three thousand to
twenty-seven thousand, that Quitman beats
Foote nine thousand votes: I will bet three
thousand to thirty thousand dollars, that
Quitman beats Foote ten thousand votes.
Hon D. S. Dickenson. —This distinguish
ed statesman is undoubtedly one of the best
friends of the South, and her Constitutional
rights in the Northern States. He has spoken
and written much in evidence of this fact, hut
the following extract from a letter addressed
by him to a Fourth of July Celebration at
Easton Pennsylvania expresses so well his
characteristic, sentiments upon- the great issue
of the day, that we give it a place with the
greatest pleasure. Let those persons, here
iu our midst, who are contending so peremp
torily that no aggressions have been commit
ted upon the South, ponder well upon these
statements of a distinguished man, who has
tilled a leading place in the U. S. Senate and
who, residing in the most influential North
ern State, knows well the feelings and de
signs of the people in that quarter of the Un
ion:
“I have regarded the ferocious and treason
able agitation which now disturbs our feder
al relations from the beginning as originating
in wanton and unprovoked assaults upon the
constitutional rights of the South, founded
in pretences as empty and hypocritical as they
were ph iris.iic tl and brazen. The pompous
embassy of negro philanthropy which was to
force the southern people into humiliating
and abject compliance by the despotic exer
cise of arbitrary power, and consign their lib
erties to the dungeon in the name of free
dom, was for a time excused as the harmless
ran tings of ignorance, bigotry, and fanaticism,
but can be thus excused no longer. While
these diseases continue to disfigure society,
they have associates more base and mischiev
ous than themselves. From this small grain
has sprung up a tree, in which unclean birds
rest and prey upon the vitals of the constitu
tion. Anti-slavery constitutes the stock in
trade of political demagogues and mole-eyed
statesmen: it constructs platforms for presi
dential aspirants, and its galvanic power is in
voked to quicken the remains of deceased
politicians. It desecrates the sacred desk,
where it is too often employed liv those who
offered cant and grimace as a substitute for
religion. In short, it has become synoyinotis
with treason and disunion. The honest mas
ses who were, in a moment of delusion, be
trayed into its support have fled from its con
tagion, and hereafter, its followers and sup
porters will he incurable as those whose dark
designs and evil actions hatched in the same
foul nest with the basest of crimes against
saints.”
Dreadful hundred
and Seventy Five Lives Lost. —The East
India mail, recently received in England
bring reports of a large number of ship
wrecks, in one of which a large number
of lives were lost. The Altict Rohoman
was wrecked on the island of Kenery,on
the 14th June. She was bound to Bom
bay from Jeddaand Mocha with four
hun Ired passengers aid a quantity of
treasure, coffee, and salt on board.—
Five days previous they made Kenery,
and stood in for the harbor. Before
sunset the lighthouse was seen. Sign
als were made, which were answered
from the outer light-ship.
Shortly afterwards a very heavy squall
came on, and the Nacoda finding his
vessel drifting in shallow water, let go
his anchors. In the middle of the night,
the ship laboring and rolling very much,
lost her rudder, soon after this the cable
parted and she drove on to the Island
of Kenery. Daylight found the bottom
of the ship gone, and the remains of the
wreck driven up alongsidethe fortwalls,
all the boats broken or washed away.
Many of the passengers stepped from
the vessels on to the walls, but numbers
were cast into the sea and drowned.—
Nearly’ 175 missing. This is another
instance of the awful sacrifice of life
occurring’ from a vessel being lost for
the want ot sails, anchors, &., and the
absence of efficient officers to manage
her. The sails of the Altict Rohoman
were blown away, and there were no
others to replace them, and she appears
to have been sadly deficient in anchors-
Gose back to his.old Friends.— lt would
appear from the recent amalgamation coalition
—or union, as it is styled—of the New \ ork
whigs, that Mr. Fillmore is once more upon
the old platform, by the side of Seward and
Greelv. This result is by no means surpi
"ing to us. AH his affinities, all his associa
tions, have heretofore beeL with free-soiters
and abolitionists, and it is but natural that
he should return to his first love. No doubt
the terms of the Union are acceptable to Mr.
Fillmore, and the'platform presented such a
one as he is prepared to. occupy. Let the
South look to it that no half-hearted, pseudo
friend of the Union, with its compromises and
guarantees, be smuggled upon them through
the cunning of designing demagogues,—Bal
timore Argus,
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
SATURDAY EVENING AUGUST 23, 1851.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CIIAS. J. M° DONALD,
Os COBB COFKTY*
FOR CONGRESS.
HENRY L. BENNING,
OF MUSCOGEE.
FOR STATE SENATOR,
B. K. HARRISON,
OF KTEWART COUNTY
STelearapfjtß
EXPRESSLY FOR THE TIMES ,
Macon, Aug. 23, 1851.
The IT. S. steamer Vixen has arrived at Pensa
cola from I lavana, with intelligence that one whole
regiment of Spanish troop* had gone over to the
patriots. The people there, are rising in many
quarters throughout the Island ; in the two en
gagements which have taken place between Gen.
Lopez and tile Spanish forces, one General, one
Commodore, one General of Marines, with 200
soldiers were killed, and many wounded. The
American Consul has declined to see the Cupt.
General in liehalf of the captured patriots.
The U. S. steamer Vixen arrivixl at Pensacola,
four days from Havana. Lopez made a stand on
his march, and fought two battles with the Span
iards, in both of which lie was successful. The
Spanish loss was eight officers and eight hundred
men. The Spaniards, being repulsed, carried their
dead and wounded to Havana, where the former
were buried in great pomp, Friday last. The
force of Gen. Lopez numbered from 12 to 1500.
His ranks were receiving accessions day and night.
On the 14th, over a 100 nten left Havana to
join the invaders. Fitly eight deserters were
taken on the morning of the 16th, and prepar
ations are making for their exeeution. A
Spanish Col. Lieut. Gov. of Pinal Del Rio was
shot.
The Empire City left Havana on the. 18th,
and arrived in Now Orleans on the 21st inst.
The Spanish troops had attacked Gen. Lo
pez near Bahia Hondo and taken fifty prison
ers, among whom were Col. Crittenden and
Capt. Kerr. They were carried to Havana
and brutally murdered. Some 200 Spaniards
were killed, during the two engagements—
Lopez victorious in both.
The IT. S. steamer Vixen reports that from
2to 800 Spaniards were killed. One whole
regiment is reported to have joined Lopez.
The office of La Union, Spanish paper in
New Orleans, has just been attacked, and
press, type, paper and furniture thrown
into the streets, and utterly destroyed; its
doors and windows broken open also.
The Spanish Consulate is threatened, in
consequence of the. detention of letters re
ceived by the Empire City. Rioters mostly
western men.
The Editor will bo absent In an bis pos
for the next fortnight. While he regrets to be “ofi
duty” at this critical and interesting period, and
on the eve of a most inqiortaiit election to the
whole South (for the conduct and example of
Georgia have a powerful influence on her sister
States) it is necessity. He leaves Ivis duties in
good hands, and his own pen will not be idle dur
ing his absence. The editor ven'ures to invoke
the friends of the South to be active and energetic
in this contest. The voice of Georgia is potential
in this union, both at the North and the South.—
Georgia had the power to have saved the South
from the losses and dishonor of the Compromise
measures. The'infidelity of her servants in Con
gress lost all. And now these same public ser
vants who betrayed her rights and interests are
again seeking the highest honors at the hands of
her people and traversing the State to persuade
the people that the compromise was “fair, liberal
and just.” It is bad enough to have been swin
dled out of our land and our rights—will it not be
doubly disgraceful to reward the men who helped
to do it, and thus certify to the North and to the
whole world, that we are not only tame enough
to submit to wrong, but so far lost to a sense of
shame a* to honor those who betrayed us, and glo
rify the act of our own shame, as a triumph of
constitutional union and fraternity. It we cannot
maintain our rights, let us at least try to screen
ourselves from the contempt which the North will
feel for us, in the election of such men as Cobb.
Stephens and Toombs, who are guilty of the com
promise, and of Chappell, Johnson, Ilillycr, Mur
phy and Chastain who defend it.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS MEN, TO THE
RESCUE.
The members of the Southern Rights party .are
requested to meet at their respective Court Grounds
iu each district, on Saturday the 30th inst. to ap
point two delegates lor eacli district, to meet the
city delegates at the Court House in Columbus on
the following Monday, to nominate two candidates
for the Representative branch of the Legislature.
“ THAT LETTER.”
The “Savannah Republican” of the 17th inst.
says—“We trust now, we shall hear no more from
our opponents of that suppressed letter.” Avery
modest request, and a singular confidence, to he
sure. If the ease were one in which the exorcise
of pity worked no injury to justice, we might feel
inclined to grant the boon asked, and forbear;
but as the matter stands, we must yet see “ that
letter.'’ Upon what ground or reason do _>s the
Republican place its trust that its “ opponents”
will nnir discontinue the call. Because Mr. Cobh
lias written another letter, in reply to the ques
tions addressed him by a Southern Rights com
mittee iu Macon. Indeed! Then why was the
call ever made ? Wliy wore the people of Georgia
ever stimulated by such an audacious curiosity ns
to demand it ? Mr. Cobh had, subsequently to the
writing of “that letter,” indited his letter of ac
ceptance, purporting to exhibit his views upon the
subjects of public interest; yet the people, who
dared to form their judgment of a man's real opin
ions, as well from what he says at one time as at
another , had then the extreme, immodest temerity
to request the publication of the former, and now,
that another letter has been extracted from him,
our eotemporary thinks it hard that we should
still continue theory. And, wherefore 1 Are the
people not still bound to believe, that Mr. Cobb’s
suppressed letter contained doctrines and opinions,
which lie has not since publicly avowed ? Can
any other supposition be authorized by or based
upon the fact of its suppression ? Can it be that it
savors too much of patriotism ? Was it too South
ern ? Was it burdened with curses against federal
robbery, and intended to alarm the Southern heart
and arouse it to a sense of danger ? If this were
its character or purpose, why not let it .be known ?
But no! This was neither its purport nor inten
tion. The writer was just fresh from anassoeia
tion with the free soil coalition of Fillmore, Web
ter & Cos. deeply impressed with the magnifi
cence of a Grand, Consolidated Government
and the consequent insignificant importance of the
States and the people. This, together with his
inference from the action dWie Georgia Conven
tiou, as to public opinion in this State, stimulated
and emboldened him to an exposition of his real
views of State sovereignty and State rights, reduc
ing every eon of Georgia, from the proud position
of freemen, to a degraded level with the serfs of
oriental despotism—views, which every man, in
whose bosom is not contained a heart already con
secrated to the sentiments and aspirations of a
slave, must regard with unmixed abhorrence.—
But it was too strong, Mr. Cobb's revisors and
reviewers advised him that its offensive federalism
would stink in the nostrils of the people, and ac
cordingly counseled its withdrawal and suppres
sion. His recent tour through the State has,’ doubt
less, affirmed the wisdom of that advice; It'is
now asked that we will let this pass, and accept, a
substitute, which is the offspring of niaturer reflec
tion & a more cunningly devised poliey. Wefiiink
the request unkind. It is unfair in a candidate for
office to solicit the suffrages of an ingenuous consti
tuency and conceal any portion of his opinions, en
tertained or expressed, upon the questions in issue
before them. The voluntary and obstinate sup
pression of a letter, creates an inference, that it
contains sentiments, opinions, arguments orsoMK-
Tiitxu not publicly advanced and hel l by the wri
ter. To that inference, in the present ease, there
has yet boeu no rebuttal. From a souse of duty,
therefore, we must respectfully decline a compli
ance with the request of our cotemporary. We
will, however, venture a promise. If the Repub
lican will pubish “ That Letter” or procure its
publication will engage to treat its author with
all the magnanimity and charity known to politi
cal contest*. “ That letter” Mr. Republican,
“that letter.” Publish it to the pe iple.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS MEETING.
A meeting of the Southern Rights party
was called last evening, at which, by reason
of the very short notice, and the late hour at
which the Hall was lighted, there was not a
very large audience. We regret this, because
the young and talented orator of the occasion
Mr. L. Q. C. Lamar, made us a speech which
did himself great credit, and would havexlone
every body good to have heard it. We are
sorry they did not. The speaker confined
himself ch'efly ton discussion of the adjust
ment measures of Congress, and with great
clearness and force exposed the fraud upon
and denial of our rights, achieved in that com
promise, denominating it a “splendid misnom
er.” We think we are not above the mark in
declaring that his reasoning upon the fugi
tive slave bill, demonstrating the absence of
any element or feature of compensation for
the other robberies, was the most satisfacto
ry we ever listened to. He regarded seces
sion as the rightful remedy for a wrong per
petrated in violation of the constitution, and
the assertion and recognition of the right o
secession as the only guarantee against ftu
tu re aggression. --.ji-.l-
Mr. Lamar is a young man of advancing
fame, and his speech showed him capable, of
eminent and valiant service in the cause of
Southern freedom.
The “Enquirer” publishes the' 1 Questions
to Columbus Times” put by the Macon Messen
ger. Will he dare to publish our answer 1
The “Enquirer", undertakes to define Mr
Johnson’s position ; and is about as successful as
it was in defining Mr. Cobb’s on the right oj
cession. Mr. Cobb has himself, in his letter to
the Macon Committee flatly-contradicted the “En
quirers” definition. Neither tlie Enquirer nor
Mr. Johnson will dare to avow the sentiments
which the latter has been publiely talking in these
streets for two years past. They both know, if he
did, that he would stand no more chance of an
election in this District than Wm. 11. Seward, of
New York. Indeed, as Mr. Johnson lias talked
his principles, the only difference between him
and Seward is, that he lias never avowed the
“Higher Law” doctrine. For the rest, he lias
held—
-Ist. That the Wilni'jt Proviso teas constitu
tional.
2d. That the Mexican nlxdition law was of forc e
in the territories ; and
3d. That Congress had supreme power over eve
ry subject in the District of Columbia, slavery in
cluded.
It is very clear that we are to have the game of
dodge, and mum in this district. But we warn
the people, that with Mr. Johnson's known opin
ions, his was a “ nomination not fit to be made.”
(231F°The expedition that left New Orleans for
Cuba in the Pampero is commanded by Gen. Lo
pez in propria persona. Col. Crittenden is chief
acting officer. Col. Bell accompanied the force,
and some five Hungarian officers, amongst them’
the valiant Gen. Pragay, Captains Ellis, Victor
Kerr, &e. Ac.
Kentucky.— The election of Powell (I).) is an f
era in Kentucky politics. In the Ashland Dis
trict, so long represented by Henry Clay , John
C. Brkckenridge, a talented young Democrat is
elected. This is the first election of a Democrat.
in that District. It is a good omen for the South
—that Henry Clay the great Free Soiler of the
South, and the author of the “ Compromise” by
which the South gained nothing and the North
everything, should thus in his old age be pro
nounced against by a District that has stood In
in m for more than a quarter of a century. The
truth is, that the movements in Kentucky in the
direction of emancipation have aroused the true
Southern feelings of that people, and we find them
doing better for the Southern cause than even
Alabama, with her vast stake in Slave institution*.
Well done Kentucky!
Alahama Congressional Election.
1 Dist Bragg, 5 Dist Houston,
2 “... Abererombie, ♦> “ Cobb,
3 “ Harris 7 “ White.
4 ■* Smith, |
Two Southern Rights Democrats, three Union
or Sub. Democrats, and two Union or Sub. Whigs.
Counted upon old party divisions, the delegation
stands as in the last Congress—fiTe Democrats,
two Whigs.— Mont. Adc.
GOVERNOR MCDONALD’S LETTER.
We publish below the letter of Gov. Me
Donaldhi reply to the questions asked him bv
the Macon Committee. It is short, but contains
an answer to the interrogatorcis “clearly, ful
ly and distinctly set forth.” Exhibiting no dis
position to dodge tlicm, as his opponent has
done, he meets them squarely and manfully.
Hear him:
Marietta, Aug. 1851.
Gentlemen: —Accident lias prevented an
earlier reply to the enquiries propounded by
you on the 30 s h of June last, to the Hon.
Howell Cobb and myself. I did not, in fact,
receive them for sometime, after they were
addressed to the parties whose opinions were
sought.
You will perceive that I have already given
my opinion on many of the subjects of enqui
ry, in letters which I have written, and which
have been published and extensively circula
ted in newspapers. Upon reference to the
letters, you will find that I believe, that the
late acts of Congress are not just and equita
ble, and that some of them acting most inju
riously on the South, are violative of the fun
damental principles of the Constitution.
I have also given it as my opinion, that the
peojfle of a State, in tfieir sovereign capacity,
have the right to secede peaceably from the
Union whenever in their judgment their safety
and happiness require it; and that the Gen
eral Government, has no constitutional au
thority to coerce her to remain in the Union.
In my judgment, then, a requisition upon a
State to furnish a military force to coerce a
State to remain in the Union, or to enforce
against its citizens the laws ot the United
States’ after it has seceded from the Union,
would be without warrant in the Constitu
tion, and entertaining these opinions, I could
not conscientiously obeyfit. I should not.—
But,no State ought to be. encouraged to se
cede from the public authorities ot one ot the
States remaining in the Confederacy. Such
succor could not be afforded without a viola
tion of the Constitution.
If a State secede, she converts herself into
a foreign nation, “an enemy in war, in peace
a friejid.” 1 have tiie honor to be.
Respectfully yourob't serv't
chas. j. McDonald.
Sam'l B. Hunter, John Rutherford Esqs.
and others,
THE CO-OrERATI<>X IN SOUTH CARO
LINA.
We publish the following from the Charleston
Standard , the organ of the co-operation party in
that State, for the purpose of showing what the
sentiments and principles of that party are. They
are for recession, but not separately. Tli >ir poli
cy is to remain in tin.’ union, until they can get the
other Southern States to join them in throwing
off a yoke which they regard as oppressive as do
the other party. It is a mistake to suppose that
there is an organizes! submission party in Carolina.
The onlv danger is, that eo-opcrat.on may degen
erate into submission.
From t!ie Charleston Standard.
THE DESERTION OK OCR A LUES.
Who are our allies? Not the Southern States, that up
hold the compromise, which we consider to be no com
promise at all. Not those which hold to the t iiion, which
wc seek to dissolve.
Our allies are those men who compose the Southern
Rights party of many States. As yet the principles held
in common hv them, are not definitely settled, bed they
all fight in the cause of the South, and are for resistance in
some form. In F. Carolina they are unanimously for se
cession, some for united, others for separate secession.
in Ceortfia they are for the establishment of the right of
secession, and the formation of a great Southern rights
party that may redress us in the Union.
In Alabama, some are for secession, even with F. Caro
lina alone, other*are for united secession; hut the great
body are for redressing our grievances by a Fmathorti
rights party.
In Mississippi, the whole party in Convention, without
a dissenting vote, has declared against secession, and
proposed resistance, by the Union of the Southern rights
party, and by appropriations by the States, to encourage
slaveholders to settle in the disputed territory.
In North Carolina there arc many united secessionists,
hut the great body of the party are stilt under the fatuity
that our wrongs may tie redressed in the Union. In oth
er Fouthern States, excepting some few of Soule’s friends,
and perhaps an individual, here and there, the old cry of
Whig and Democrat still deludes the people. Under
these circumstances, ami before the party lias received
even its first moulding, it is proposed for Foutli Cnralina
to leave her allies to their fate and take care of herself.—•
Thus far she has been the agitating Ftate, and now, even
before tho work has fairly commenced, she is to give up
in despair, and seek quiet and safety in a separate repub
lic. This would he a manifest desertion of tier allies.—
Brave and spirited as the act tnay seem, it is. in reality, a
flinching from the great effort necessary to the revolution
of the South. It requires and contains all tho elements
of physical courage, but it is totally destitute of that mor
al courage which is necessary to the success of a great
cause.
But it is said tlmt the other Plates have submitted, and
therefore necessity forces separate action upon H. Caroli
na. We answer that the Southern Rights party of the
oilier Stales has never submitted. Its battle with the
enemies of the South is waving warmer and warmer.—
Though beaten in Alabama and North Carolina, it lias
not surrendered. In Georgia and Mississippi it may stilt
“conquer; hut, even supposing it may tail to do so, still it
will never submit. Then, so long as the members of the
Southern Rights parly continue the contest, it is error—it
is injustice—to them to say that our allies have ever sub
mitted, That they are borne down by a majority is not
tfieir feint, but their misfortune. Shall we add to that
misfortune by leaving them to the tender mercies of a
majority which, witli all the aid we can give, is stilt a ma
jority? Will the Southern Rights party of the other States
derive new vigor under the depressing influences which
must follow the severing of the fate of Foutli Carolina
rnm Iheir’s? Will Davis, or Soule, or Berrien, or Cling
man, or Harris, or Venable, etc., fight more manfully and
with more hope when they look around and miss the
cheers of Butler, llliett, Cotco.-k, Wallace, Burt, Wood
want and McQueen? If not, then upon what principle is
it that our secession is to give vigor to the Southern
Rights party ? “ Divide and conquer’’ is the policy to
wards our enemies, hut not towards our friends ; and
the moment we secede from the Union, and withdraw
our influence from ttiis great party, ttiat moment it ha
tiie right to consider itself as deserted by us, and to make
with its enemies the best compromise it can.
But we say, that we do not desert them, since we in
vite them to go with us. And yet, when we extend this
invitation, we know that they could not accept it, if they
would. They, owe allegiance to their own States, and
can only firing them to our side by constitutional means,
and to use these means, they must have a majority. And
yet, Whilst they are still inn minority, we act, towards
them, as if we held them responsible, for what the ma
jority has done. This is not magnanimous in us ; nay,
more, it is positively unjust towards them. When the
contest was commenced, no time or measure was agreed
upon. It was enough, that all resolved to resist. As
yet, they have faded to carry their Htates, hut have done
aU in their power to this end. They still continue the coii-
Urcst, and ask ok to await the result. But we say no, wc
will resist in form, and by a certain time, and
% they fail to carry their States for that measure, and by
that time, wc are determined to move alone.
If this be notthe principle that takes care of self, leav
ing friends and allies to their fate, then wc are at a loss
to imagine, w hat would he a proper example, of such
principle.”
The Fugitive • Slave Law. —The N. Y.
Tribune, (Abolition) after showingth.it there
is at present no probability of any modifica
tion or repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law by
the next Congress, then goes on as follows :
JYor in truth is the. matter of so great practi
cal consequence as has been supposed. To the
South the. law is of no real advantage, because
the expense of getting a slave under it is, after
all , more than he is worth. What is the mar
ket value of all the slaves reclaimed by vir
tue of its provisions who would not have
been reclaimed without it ? Js it $10,000?
We don't believe it, but at any rate we are
sure that whatever it is, the captives have not
paid the expense. Certainly, compared with
the number of runaways, the. number of those
taken back In slavery is scarce a drop in the.
bucket. The law is then worthless to the
South, except so far as it may satisfy the sus
ceptibilities and appease the wounded dignity
of slave owners.
Disunionists.— There are two classes of
disnnionists, namely, they who seek the over
throw of the federal government and those who
conspire, for the subversion of the sovereign
ty of the States. And the latter are the most
dangerous enemies of the Union ; for the
Suite governments being weaker than the fed
eral government, are less capable of repulsing
assaults upon their sovereignty. The confed
eracy is equally at an end, whether it be con
solidated by the destruction of centrifugal
force, or precipitated into chaos and anarchy,
by the destruction of its centripetal tenden
cy.—[ South Side Democrat.
The Sovereignty of the States.
To shed additional light on this important
subject, we lay before our readers the oaths
of allegiance as required to be taken by the
Constitutions of many of the Suites. We
present a sufficiency to show tljat t|je States,
when they formed their constitutions, regard
ed themselves as sovereigns, and so acted.—
The requirements made of their officers and
agents are such as are usually made by sove
reigns. Allegiance js demanded to the State
in her separate capacity, without reference to
Federal Government, to which no allusion
whatever js made.. Now, unless these States
were severally sovereign and independent,
Slates, bad they the right and the power
to require this allegiance ? If they had, ihen
when the State determines to act in her
sovereign capacity, an obedience to such
an act on the part of the citizens cannot
be an act of treason. A sovereign communi
ty cannot commit treoson. This being the
case how can the right of secession be denied?
And if no such right exists, the theory and
structure of the government has been changed
since its formation. The States, as sep ratel
independent communities, waged the ware
independence, not as a single nation, but as
separate S/a'es or nations. As Slates they
formed the old Confederation. As States
they seceded from it, and in this capacity met
in Convention and formed the pr sent com
pact, in which they expressly reserved to
themselves all “powers not delegated to the
United States by the Constitution: nor pro
hibited by it to’ the States.” And notwith
standing the distinct reservation, the States
in ratifying the compact, recorded their right
to withdraw from the confederacy and their
determination to do so whenever they deemed
such act essential to their well-being and safe
ty : . . i
’ The oath of office in Maryland is— 1 do
swear that I will be faithful and bear true al
legiance to the State ot Maryland.
New Hampshire.—l do solemnly swear
that 1 will bear faith and true allegiance to
the State of New Hampshire,and will support
the Constitution thereof.
In Vermont —“I do solemnly swear that I
will lie true and faithful to the State ol \ 1 1-
monf. and that I will not, directly or indirect
ly, do anv act or thing injurious to the Con
stitution or government thereof, as established
by convention.”
’ In Massachusetts —“I do solemnly swear
that I will boar true faith and allegiance to
the commonwealth of Massachusetts, and
will support the constitution thereof.
In Kentucky.— “l will he- hiithtul and
trim to the commonwealth ot Kentucky, so
long as 1 continue a citizen thereof.”
In Pennsylvania —The Bth article of her
constitution ordains ‘'that members ol the
general assembly and all officers. cxecuti\i
and judicial, shall be bound, by oath or allit ill
ation. to support the constitution of this com
monwealth.”
In Delaware —The 9th article ot
her constitution ordains that an oath pre
cisely similar to 1 hat in Pennsylvania shall
be taken.
North Carolna—Her constitution re
quires -that everyi person who shall be cho
sen a member of the Senate or House of
Commons, or appointed to any -office or place
of trust, before taking his seat, or entering up
on the execution of his office, shall take an
oath to the State.' 1 ’
In New York — “I will bear faith and true
allegiance to the State of Mew York, as an
independent State.” At the time <>t the adop
tion. a motion was made to strike out this
clause, and insert an oath of allegiance to the
United States. It was rejected Jw a vote ot
four to one. This occurred in 1 / 78.
In Georgia —Members of the Legislature
are required to swear that they “will bear true
faith and allegiance” to the State ol Georgia.
i And tt few years ago, tin act was passed re
| paring an oath of allegiance to the State,
from till who took up their residence on the
Indian land within her chartered limits.—
[Mississippian.
Laughter.— Oh. glorious laughter! Thou
m ilt-loving spirit, that for a time does take
the burden from the weary back; that dost
lay salve to the feet, bruised aud cut by the
Hints and shards; that takes! blood-baking
melancholy by the nose, and makest it grin
despite; that all the sorrows ot the past,
doubts of the future, eonfmmdest in the joy
of the present ; that makest man truly philo
sophic, conqueror of himself and care. YV hat
was talked of as the golden chain ot Jove,
was nothing but a succession ot laughs, a
chromatic scale of merriment that reaches
from earth to Olympus. It is not true Prome
theus stole the fire,hut the laughter of the gods
to defy our day, and in the abundance ot our
merriment to make us reasonable creatures.
Have, you considered what man would be des
titute'of the ennobling. faculty of laughter?
Laughter is to the face of man what syonocia
—1 think anatomists call it—is to his joints;
it oils, lubricates, and makes the human coun
tenance divine. Without it our faces would
have ridges hyena-like the iniquities of our
heart, with no sweet antidote to work upon
them, would have made the face of the
best among us a horrid, husky thing, with
two sullen, hungry, cruel lights at the top
—for foreheads would have then gone out of
fashion, and a cavernous hole below the
nose. Think of a1) the without laughter, as
it is his first intelligence. The creature
shows the divinity of organ and ends by smil
ing upon us. Yes, smiles are its first talk
with the world—smiles thcanswerthat it un
derstands. And then, as worldly wisdom
comes upon the little thing, it crows, it chuc
kles, it grins, and shakes in its nurse's arms,
or. in waggish humor, playing bopeep with
the brnst, it. reveals its destiny, declares to
him with cars to hoar, the heirdom of its im
mortality. Let materialists blaspheme as
gingerly and acutely its they will, they must
end in confusion and laughter. Man may
take a triumphant stand upon his broad grins;
for he looks around the world, and his inner
most soul, tickled with the knowledge, tells
him that he of nil creatures laughs. Imagine
if you can a laugh ible fish ! Let man, then,
send out a. loud ha! ha! through the universe,
and be reverently grateful for the privilege.
[Douglas Jerrold.
FUGITIVE SLAVE CASE.
Buffalo, Friday, Aug. 15, 1851.
The second cook of the. steamboat Buck
eye State, named Daniels was arrested this
morning, claimed as a fugitive slave from
Louisville, Ky. He is claimed by a man
named Moore. It was kept its still its pos
sible, but the report soon spread through the
city, and it large crowd collected around the
building in which he was confined. An .at
tempt, was marie to take him to jail in it. pri
vate carriage, but it very large and excited
crowd blocked tip the passage, seizing the
horses by the bits, and milking threats of vio.
lenee if he was not released. The fire-bells
were rung, which served, in a measure, to
disperse the crowd, .and he was then taken to
the watch-house still followed by a large
crowd. This is all that has transpired up to
this time.
The Fugitive Slave Case at Buffalo.
Buffalo, Friday, Aug. 15.
The. fugitive slave Daniels, was taken he
fore theU. S. Commissioner, Hon, 11. K. Smith
this afternoon for hearing: and the proof of
identity and ownership being fully establish
ed, his Honor remanded him back to his pro
prietor, Mr. Moore of Louisville. While on
his way to the Court-house, in the custody
of the deputy .Marshal, the carriage was at
tacked and stopped by the mob, but except a
few knock-downs, no injury was done. Daniels
was second cook on board the Buckeye
State, and was notified this morning that lit*
had better leave for Canada, but chose to run
the risk of being rescued to going away.
The city is now quiet, though great, excite
ment has prevailed during the day. During
the. arrest, the fugitive was severelv injured
by a blow on the head, inflicted by Ylie claim
ant. A warrant for Iris arrest. :>n charge of
assault and battery, lias beam issued.
Further Particulars.— Wo learn in ad
dition to the account front this afternoon of
the negro’s arrest, that when he was taken,
the sou of the claimant stepped up behind
him w hile he was passing along on the boat
at his ordinary avocations and felled Jnm to
the deck with one blow, of a billet of wood.
The blow \yas a severe ope, laying open the
back part of his head and rendering him sense
less. The excuse given for this act was under
stood by some who were present at the ex
amination, to he tlpit he had a carving-knife
in his hand, with which lie intended to as
sault his assailant. This afternoon he was
taken up to the Court-house under charge of
the Mayor, a large body of police and two or
three companies of firemen, who were called
out for the occasion. Considerable difficulty
was experienced in the undertaking, and sev
eral persons acting as gqardjans, were drag
ged down and trampled under foot by the en
raged multitude. The court-house was final
ly reached, and a large number of persons
collected inside to witness the first trial in
ttys city under the fugitive slave bill. A dense
throng collected outside, blocking up the pas
sages and rendering them impassible, thereby
preventing all ingress or egress into or out of
the court-house. The examination was held
before United States Commissioner 11. K.
Smith. Only one witness was sworn, the
same person that knocked the negro down.
The negro did not deny being a slave. The
examination was, consequently, brief and re
sulted in an order for his return to Kentucky.
He was then rem inded to jail, whence he
was taken without much trouble.
A warrant was sworn out by one of the
citizens, charging the negro's assailant with
assault and battery, and he It is been arrested
and is now in jail. It V* reported be will be
tried to-morrow morning.
Before giving the order tor the removal ol
the fugitive, Mr. Commissioner Smith offer
ed to subscribe twenty-live doll us to w ard
purchasing his freedom. J. L. l.ri-ot and
Seth G. Hawley, Esqs., tided as counsel tor
the accused. . t ,
The excitement his soiHewh t abate L
Knots of persons cut he seen gathering at
the corners, discussing the merits ol the cast.
Now that its operations are seen ami more
vividly appreciated, there, seems no disposition
to attempt anything like a violent rescue.
Jane Young of Tug aloo. —This unfortu
nate woman, whose conduct while here, and
at Athens, impressed many with the belief
that, she is a monomaniac, lias been tried at
Clarke. Superior Court, for assault with intent
to murder, and found ■ Guilty.
We presume the evidence did not show
want ofs'initv to that degree as to render her
irresponsible for her actions i<> the criminal
laws of the country. But no dispassionate
mind can doubt that her intellects have be
come unsettled, and that she is mote an ob
ject of compassion than of vindictiveness. —
It is unmanlv to cherish the latter feeling
towards a woman so helpless and unhappily
situated. It may be she is a dangerous wo
man, and should not be a'lowed go at large.
But if bolts and bars, and a prisoner's.cell are
to be her doom, we think the. Lunatic Asy
lum is a more suitable place tor her thin
the Georgia Penitentiary. There is not a
single woman in the latter at this time. Ibis
shows the rarity of felonious crimes among
our female population, .and is very creditable,
to the gentler sex. It is also, perhaps evi
dence, in part, oft.be merciful forbearance and
gallantry of our citizens.—[ Constitutionalist
[Correspondence of the Daily Register.]
New Orleans, August 13th, 1851.
Messrs. Editors: If the weathar is no!
so warm here as it is in the other large cities
of the Union, still, times here .are .so very dull,
that one needs must do something as p.ist
time, and nothing seems more rational than
the employment of the mind.
It will be glad tidings to the absentees to
learn that so far, at least. our city never was
more healthy than at present, as there is but
little sickness of any kind whatever, and not
a single case of yellow-fever has yet been re
ported either iu Hospital or private practice.
This looks well for our city, more especially
as the authorities who have the care and con
trol of such matters as relate to public health,
seem to care very little how m my of nause
ous compounds tire left standi tg oeforc doors
or in the gutters all day and perhaps, for sev
eral days at a time. But as law makers and
and public functionaries can see farther into
a mill-stone than their less wise constituents,
of course, complaints would be considered im
pertinent.
Perhaps the Cuba excitement keeps the mind
too much engaged to think .’but dying, ex
cept on the battle fields of tint 1 rnriy Is’a id
Certainly there is already a good chance for
some of “ the b’hoys’ in this way. The. steam
ship Pampero sailed on the 3d inst., with about
550 choice young men for Cub t, with Gen Lo
pez on board. They expected to arrive at the
Island of Cuba on the 10th. There are now
here, and ready to sail, as soon as supplies
and transportation are furnished, about six or
seven hundred men. more or less, young and
many of them from the leading families of the
South and South-West. A finer set- of young
men I have never seen at anytime during the
Mexican War, volunteering to dare all for
freedom's cause.
There are some few here who arc dispos
ed to doubt the fact of anything like a serious
out-break in Cuba, and do not hesitate to
speak out openly upon the subject. Others
believe all, L> really so, of what has been pub
lished in the papers, placing no confidence in
any thing coiiUOg through official sources
in Cuba. The minority may he right, but
appearances arc against them so far. Should
good and reliable information reach us, of the
continued successes of tiie patriots, and the
safe landing of those already gone, a blaze,
will be. kindled from a mere spark that can
not hut attract the notice of all the world.—
What all this may cost is one thing,—wlrtt
may be the issue, another, —at least none can
clearly forsoe what the beginning or the end
will be.
The control of the Isthmus, and theenntro:
of it as a pathway of nations must lie ours.—
YVe of this generation owe it to our posterity
to secure the. blessings to them, and we would
be lacking in common sense and common
prudence if not done. If we fail, the verdict
wall be given against us. Decision of charac
ter and a proper degree of firmness will save
all in time. Yours truly, N.
Mil. COBB’3 ALLEGIANCE.
‘•1 do not so understand our government, I
feel that I owe my allegiance to a government,
possessed of more vitality arid strength, than
that which is drawn from a voluntary obedi
ence to its laws.”— Mr. Cobb's L ‘ller.
It w ill be seen from this, to whom and to
what power, Mr. Cobb considers his all ch
ance as owing. It is to the Free Soil Govern
ment at Washington,and tin P, v i s l
ident Millard Fillmore .as the head of Govern
ment.
We had thought that Georgia being a sov
ereign State, the allegiance of all her citizens
gas due to Jur, .and that allegiance like, sove
reignty, being indivisible, could he due from
no other; and That to acknowledge, it to any oth
er State, power, government, prince or poten
tate, by her citizens, would he treason to her.
We. supposed that their obligation to obey
the laws enacted at Washington, rested sole
ly upon the tact tb it Georgia so willed, and
that so soon as she should will otherwise.
they would be released trnin all obligation to
obedience.
Mow we submit the point, whetheranv
man who asserts that his alferjianee is due
elsewhere than to the State of Georgia, is fit
to he made. Governor of Georgia. IfsA, why
not allow Fillmore to appoint at once, some
one of his creatures living in Washington,
and knowing nothing hut allegiance to ‘ him*
and his government, i,. rule over lij s province
of Georgia. While these eolo jlos |)n ,f., ss .; ( j
allegiance to the crown of Great Britain, it
was thought no hardship that British kites
should reward their courtiers, by appointing
them to the office of Governor of the differ
eu< provinces. Why then not allow Fill
more to appoint one of his Washington sta
ted ltes or boot-licks to the executive chair of
Georgia, if so he that a man who professes
allegiance, not to Georgia, but to the Govern
uient at Washington, is worthy and fit to he
our Governor? Let us petition his majesty
our sovereign lord, to send us a satrap to rule
over us. We know the reply that some will
make—to wit, that in taking Mr. Cobb, if so
be that we do take him as Governor, we hut
ratify a selection made in Washington. But
this is not enough to show our true condi
tion, if it indeed he a feet that one professing
allegiance to the Government at Washington,
isa proper person for the State’s executive
chair. Let our Governor at once, openly, un
conditionally, and without anv sav so wlud
ever on the part of Georgia, ‘he selected and
appointed by the President.
But are the people of this once sovereign
state—a people accustomed to he. called in
other days the “ sovereign pcoplcf —are they
ready by their votes to choose as their Gover
nor, one who proclaims that his allegiance is
due elsewhere, and to some other authority,
than to the government and people of Geor
gia. lor ourselves we will not believe it
With strong confidence do we look to the
first Monday of October to prove that we
have not judged wrongfully.—[Sar. Gear
gian. ‘ L
A lioness has been caught on the Maripo
®a j r ’- ‘ D >a^orn ' a ) an 'l lias been recently ex
hibited m Sacramento City, It is the purpose of
the captors to exhibit her in the Atlantic States.
tw Peach Trees should be carefully watched
at this season. Pour a tea-kettle full of hot water
about the root, anrl it will effectually cook the lx>res
without injury to the tree.
THE EtECTIONS, ‘ J Mt***
The Submission papers are rejuiri,,,, „ ,y I
most, extravagant terms, over their pa r t\ a [’ 11 I
cess in this State. Well, tor our li Vte , M "'’ Bntlen
can't see anything, which ir '’ Hymtr
becoming deranged on tho subjavY. furl
’ The suhmissiouits it is true, have * r( >po
a majority of members to Congress. ai j|', ■
the Legislature, but the returns show, g, A
the State they have a popular majority r ,t',.!f
ly two or three thousand. Taking Mgnge
thing into consideration, then. v.>
stabs, have won a victory, which b t EB) me
mount to a defeat. They claimed the S;.-’
by thirty’thousand majority, asserted tin,' 1 ’ jßmcn
ly five or six counties would elect
Rights moil, and that all who J tl
that party would repudiate it, and obtain <v r
tiiieates to prove t-liat they were never i„ n BK’juri
hers of it. But they were badly mistaken';.', ißsclv
their calculations. Thirty-eight South,, r i,
Rights men have been elected to the H ()11 ’ Bow ct
of Representatives, from twentyffmr eu,.,. yo
ties out ot the tiftv in the Suite—and t,, SEpoy b
or three thousand will cover their iimjorii, Bvcr, gi
The Southern Rights Party is not yet a Vf jiMpi! fret
old—it is composed of patriotic v Kin gre
who could no longer battle under the ih,,
corruption, which floated over the tun„ Bpcrve
parties. The spurs of knighthood bui by a
yet been w on. when this gallant, party u , Mbe just
forced into a deadly conflict., with the iiio print ion.
nary bands ot the old parties tuniteii. s j<r|it bcp r
a contest wopiild be about as cqi;v.al,..as 0n,. . m can Shu
tween the conscripts, and tho old gumh des
Napoleon. .• Union
V • tever anticipated success in the ~j r Kjftfegttl
tion w hich luts just passed. The witmH
of a defeat or victory, never had any inlWJfhc *ojr
on the organization of our party. Wc kjmpciftoHP’
that we were right, and that our ii\tUu>n, L ftwt*wr
would be felt and seen, whether thouf il l
the sunshine of victory, or obscured b v t^hcrie^B 1
clouds of misfortune. Our principles iiq. sffl' 1
bliged to triumph because they are fotuHnlti* ttaß l ’
on the eternal r >ck ol truth and • f j iistka <*•
They may lx au thematized. then
ostracised, but in the end, they will ti|[
bosoms of the whole Southern people.
sun loses none of its powers because thr tli*•* 1
moment, a cloud obscures its brightr icss—tj,, tit at tidjjgs 1
cloud passes away forever, and brighter r^lMBB 10
of dazzling light are emitted. 8o with ii’wpvcd al
principles, they may he hidden in the sin,, .Hp|p CVl
and dust of political turmoil—■h'mpor.tri ■ BBd V
they may be borne down by the “old guard I ' *l peace! u
of corruption and power—hut the smoke wj.!*
dust wiil soon pass aw.a"—and their primil*"” 11 ’
pies rising high above political strife and |r. ig n “J 1 *
tv warfare, will illumine the hearts and u n ,t ofthfci
derstandings of the whole Southern peoplo, ‘hijrwoci”
[Spirit, of the Snuih, |K tl ,(1 1
on. and|v
— £ privily
Cuba.—The New Orleans Bulletin
stands that orders have been received by
Federal Authorities in that city from ‘
ton, to enforce strictly the. neutrality lnv.the p<v
against the Cuba expeditionists. The niltprp M “ , ' ,,ia P t
Duane, it is said, has been ordered from tbpate
mouth of the South West Pass, up to FiirtP® n !\*v
Jackson, where she will command every voPdcnt f s
scl going out, and is instructed net to lftr*° nso *® s 1
pass that have not their clearance papm-he asstfrr
There.are several young men in \. 0. ft® ,r y cxtln
the western states, who have come do\vntk*j* vows >. 11
river to embark for Cuba, and rumor Ire pw
that negotiations are going on for a ste:, I'j ; • u ' t *
ship to carry them, or that she has been J‘ ,e effort,
tually engaged,and is being fitted up. werafte a
The Courier says that the men alluLhKf
have come to New Orleans from the w ,> r Tim e rrNtiil
states in a quiet manner, and have no mevita >
tion of leaving as an organized military exp hal! ;,b
riition. They w ish to leave quietly aspri,; eracy h
citizens. They are not yet a military expß’ -IbjL
riition. nor can they be called such until enc
arc organized. This will not take place ,b’iations
presume, until they are of the jurisibrti: coiitr;
of the United Stales, if it does then. Karfc ai,£ *
of those men is armed, no doubt: but wltß most
law prohibits a private citizen from iwniiforth tha
oi.r shores with his arms?
A great part of the west seems to lto •'iifl*' ,l
t rie lbv the Cuban news. The Cinciun.tr.fr>’ lbel
Gazette in a recent date says: ® m ‘ <! f JJ‘ I
“A number of young tiK’U ftYin this rilfr- iy ‘
left |H‘f sfe inter, yesterday morning. ! fr> 1° “ 1
join the CV n>i insurrection. A mimbcr ourselve;
posters wore scattered yesterday, jiropioii • ni btlly 1
Witges of sixty to seventy dollars per iiiiiiitifr sblll< ‘ e,v
fur able-bodied young men. They were c st ’
derstood to be recruits for the Cuban inurtfr see 01
ment.” JCTors, a.
The Louisville Coitrtef, of the Ist inst.. h , u l >er ‘
the following:
“Several gentlemen ni route for Cith-t. BeL
mongst w hom, we learn, was a son of LIB . ‘ ,
Tibhatts, readied this city yesterday In " ri ’ j
ing. Tho officer in command at
Barracks, we further learn, dispatched
proper authorities here by telegraph,
the information as to who had left on
mission and instructing their arrest. rjmiiHß.S*’
what authority these orders were transmitt* ; Hkjß ,i
here, we have not been able to .ascertain; lilflP
owing to the quick movements of the gcntii-BSHB..
men destined for Cuba, or from sonic ntlu’
cause, arrests were not tn tde.
It is not to be concealed tmt ;i
many are contemplating volunteering tbriv* *%£ v^V-b
Cuban Revolution. They will go from
parts of the west, but not in sufficiently l:!r."i£ ra
numbers to excite suspicion while on tI ,,J #l,. .<
way south.— [Mobile herald,
von s
MU. COBB DODGING.
Nothing can shea’ more clearly, the Hlriiig bid in
hold, which the doctrine of State nglts, umv lias ~i se<}
upon the people of Georgia, than the late letter l r j3. r
Mr. C >bb to the Macon Committee, lb could ’1
not. iti this letter,'admit the plain right of sm>-
sioti. because he hud been before, too deeply cow jißl
milted against it. And yet, he labors to explain
away, the denial of that right, talks about the aw
ereigu right, of the State, to judge lor herself, in f ifjjp 111
ease of alleged violation of the Constitution, atl ftthis and
finally winds up, by denying the right of tla th-n- Ml
j eral Government, to call upon the States for trwl* 115 „
in ease of an attempt at coercion. U
So far, so good, Mr. Cobb! We do not despair H
of seeing you a thorough Stale rights man, so h*hi
as it is certain, that the. majority of Georgia got* B
that way.
As for his opinion, that the Government should f*teawpi
treat us kindly , after we secede, we ean only )', “ithSuri
that wo have had enough of the kindness of the
Government, and w ould much prefer, that Mr. pansongi
Cobb, and his friends, would join us in drntauditil freight, t
oar rights. It is licit, kindness or favor, that „fu wp
seek, \mt justice and this wo shall contend for. t- Verity
tile lust. Give us this, and we cease t* agitato; m,, jtyj
hut,, continue to deny it, until our State is l"r | '’- imng
Ito leave the L uion, and, whether ruin orprasp’t 1 f
ty follow, no kindness, or forbearance of the (ie aingvri
eminent” shall ever, by vote or voice <if ears. i' r,il -” bring 1
South Carolina again to the “embraces nj tlic HB
terhood.” It Mr. Cobb, and his adherents. ruD
desire to save the Union, let them unite with the'’
who seek their rights at all hazards, but ask riot’- j
mg for themselves, which they are not ready ‘” .
yield to ottiers. If"we seek a dissolution ‘Gj.’
Union, it is not because such result was dosinf'’ ttoa sri
i but, because of our belief in its necessity. Me h b*V a s<
| lievc, that Messrs. Cobb, Toombs, Stephens, I'**’
j ote-., have done more, to bring about this neecsi*' I '-
j than all the abolitionists put together. By this. Mgjaj
we would ilot impeach their motives, or their pt- I
riotisin; bqt such fias hecn the result es thur ■j re
course. Frcesoitism would neycy have I
ground before the ititited Sogfe. But *l' v:
sion made them lx>ld, ;uul tfie jjpclrineuainl c° UI ”
ol Mr. Cobb and his friends, still encourages th’ ri
—Southern Standard
“U'aml
—
Death of the Rf.v. Dr. Olin.— 'The MB
telegraph brings us intelligence that the UH
Rov. Dr. Olin died at his residence in I
Middlebury, Connecticut.— f Sav. Rcpuh MM
lican.
,
Ear ’ ‘ cry few men, properly speaking, hve a w
present, Imt all are providing to live at another
time.
<■; tl
Bad Thoughts.—Bad thoughts are worse cue enil
mies thau lions and tigers; for we ean keep out ( .
of the wav of will 1 beasts, hut bad thoughts wii
•tlfeir way everywhere. The cup that is full will _3|
hold no .more: keep your hearts i“ll of good Ml
thoughts, that bad thoug'hts’may find 1,0 room u> 1
enter.
5TS f “ A master mason of Quillebuit named Gal- ing
lais, committed suicide, a few days ago, by throw - HH
ing himself into the Seine. He tirst, however,
prepared a long cord aud tied it to a stake on tin |H
hank and then to his own arm, in order to prevent
his body from beinsj carried dow nby the stream JH
The. follow ing “ awful one.” is copied 9
from tlic Newport News:
Why should a teetotaler refrain from mar-
H’inay Because if lie gets a wife his princi
ples wiil not. permit hirn to sup -porter.