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THE WIFE’S APPEAL.
BY MIBS BARAH J. CLARKB.
I’m thinking, Charles, ’tie just a year—
Oi ‘vill be, very soon—
Since first you told me of your love,
One glorious day in Jnne.
All nature seemed to share your bliss—
The skies hung warm above—
The winds from opening roses bore
’ The very breath of love.
Wc sought the still, deep forest shades,
Without whose leafy gloom
Few ardent sunbeams stole, to kiss
The young buds into bloom.
The birds caught up our tones of love
In songs not half as sweet,
And earth’s green carpet, violet-flower’d,
‘ It scarcely felt our feet.
Bnt, npropoa of carpets, Charles,
< I looked at some to-day,
Which you will purchase, won't you dear
Before our next soiree !
And then remember you. how hist
In love’s delicious dream,
We long stood silently besido
A gentle gliding stream ?
’Twas nature’s mirror ; when your gaze
No longer I could bear,
I modestly east down my eyes,
Yet hntto meet it there.
And apropos of mirrors, love,
The dear gift of your mother,
Is q-uitc old fashioned—and, to-day,
I ordered home another.
Ah, wsll do I remember Charles,
When’ first your arm stole round me;
Totj .little dreamed how long your
In golden chains had bound me.
But aprnpoa of chains ; my own,
At Bank’s store last week,
I found the sweetest love! —as rich,
So tasteful and unique;
The workmanship is most suporb—
The gold most fine and pure—
-1 quite long, Charles, to see that chain
Suspend your minkiture.
I heard sad news wh.le you were out,
My nerves are much affected ;
You know the nary officer,
I once for you rejected ?
Driven to despair by your success,
Made desperate by my scorn,
I le went to sea, and has been lost
In passing round Cape Horn.
All, aprnpoa of capes, my love,
I saw one in Broadway,
Os lace as fine as though ’twas wove
Os moonlight, by a fay.
You'll purchase the exquisite thing,
Tis ill suit your taste completely;
AbdVe the heart that loves you, Charles,
Twill rise and fall so sweetly.
SAFETY OF THE PAMPERO
Tkv#ie m rikal of the. St. Matthews from
Florida, we. are rejoiced to learn of the safety
rtf the ’Pettnpem, ani4 a number of the parlic
nlars uMlie .wjpodiHion of (General Lopez,
fr >m fthe time -of |his dlqp&ntlire fiont New
Orleans, to ibis ilandiug.ait Bahia Honda.
The Pa mpn;o, Ilia ring ; !oiLt. New Orleans.
West, Near there, she re
inaiined .for ae.vora! days, (for the purpose of
*vj*Bnrg:|ho vigilance of the Spanish ships
Having learnod from the Key West wreckers
tfcafcfcbe inhabitants .of the .dist rict of Vuelta
Abajo, (aw.Tiky fjfipwjile Sfciey West) were up
in irmß, Lqpez doiennined to avail liirri
*elf otf this information,.?nd make his landing |
•among —.Sheeting for Bahia Honda, his I
jirpo.e .w*s.tel!. w t: at a email port called j
Murillo. When About Ifi leagues from Ha
'vana, the Mutciliintm'the Pampero got
•ou t of oiiJlor, itiho •eoiK'equenee of which was
it hat !flo;fte4l tor rtwofehojira along the cur
rent of the Gulf Strong, approaching, all the
while, towards that city.
Before the accident wasm-f-aaiiod, gJie was
carried in bill view of the skro Castle, and
* viMn in sight of the soldiers on the Water
Battery. Geitftfirig up steam again she bore
away for Baihia I Linda— •ir;t>tieepting on the
way a coasting vessel .frtitK which Gen Lo
jve/.<ddaittod far-o pilots.
The Pampera afrpfieacßu.o-1 within fiftv yards
ol the Coast, wkot! al'.'iswiiiig was made with*
ont diffienlily.
hope/, and livis ‘comrades were received
by the inhabitants (whocongregated in great
lumber*) wijth open arms, and indeed with
every demonstration of favor. The planters
brought forth fruits and provisions of all
kinds: and soon a large part of Lopez's force
were mounted on horses, the voluntary of
ferings of the'people.
The Pampeiro having remained all night, !
left tor Key West the next morning, nearly
destitute of coal. Her want of fuel accounts \
for her not having be n earlier h*<rd from.
Nkcis now in a position of safety.
We will only add. that we h ive theite par
tieulars from'Vitle who was on board the ves- j
sel from the time of her departure from New
Orleans —Savannah Heargian.
Steam Si ef.HsEDF.i).—An invention is said
to have been made at the west, in which car
bon entirely supersedes the nocesitv for steam.
The experiments show that a .greater amount i
of power, with less heat is obtained from the |
charcoal, and atone thirty-sixth of the cost j
incurred in the use of steam.— [Hxclminpe.
Carbon is coal, and when it burns, the. re- j
snlt or its combination with the atmosphere :
is carbonic acid gas. This has been condensed
into fluid and was employed, years ago to su
persede steam, but it was all bam.
Thre are.a great many men who never see
or get beyond the edge of science, and there I
they revolve in the centrifugal grandeur, nev- ,
cr perpendicular nor straight in position, but
buzzing like boys’ tops which have been jier
forated for the admission of air. they not on
ly. amiisu themselves with their own huni
ming, but also astonish the groundlings.—
Miserable discoveries like the above, to super
sede steam, .are continually rotating before ‘
the public. —[Scientific American.—
Remedy for Stains. &C.—ls cotton or
linen goods,snqh as linen towels. Ac. become
stained from fruit, tarts, jellies or jams, apply
immediately comntou table salt. This, if well
rubbed on before the stain becomes dry. will ;
keep the article damp until of washing it will
disappear, l'nre eider vinegar, if immediately
applied is very useful in removing stains from
either cotton, linen or woolen goods. This
should be afterwards rinsed out with soft wa
ter. .h or mildewed linen, salt and sour but
termilk rubbed over the stains and exposing
the goods to the sun, a few times repeated is
and aftectua! remedy. Spots from iron rust
are generally removed by applying the juice
of a lemon. . For the. removal of ink spots,
milk thoroughly rubbed on and rinsed out
rcupold w ater is a pretty certain remedy.
I’a.t at the POst Office.— The follow
ing colloquy . fi>ok place at an Eastern Post
Office: Pat.—- u I say Mr, Postmaster, is there
a litther for Ino V* P. 51.— *■ Who are vou,
my good sirT—Pnt.w hnmyself, that’s who
I am.” P. M—‘-Well what's your name?
Pat.—“ An’ what do ye want wid the name ?”
isn’t it on the litthcr?’, P. 51.—50 that I
can find the letterif there is one.” Pat, “Well
Mary Burns, thin if yc must have it.” P. 51.
• No, sir,—thefe is none for Mary Burns.’’*’ Pat.
” Is there no way to git in there but through
this pane of vrinss P. 51.—“N0 sir.” Pat.
—“ It’s well for ye there is'nt. I’d teaeh ye
ll'etter manners than to insist on a gintlemin’s
ufce: but ye dkjn’tgrt it after all—so I’m
~ti trid yc; divil the bit is uiy name
Baxter *■ ‘,l
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
SATURDAY EVENING AUGUST 30, 1851.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
FOR GOVERNOR, s
CHAS. J. M c DONALD,
Os COB* COFSTT.
FOR CONGRESS.
HENRY L. BENNING,
or icrsroGKE.
FOR STATE SENATOR, \
b. k. iiarrison;
Os BTEWART COCBTT
tpy We renijrn nearly the whole of our apace to the
address of Maj. Wiley Williams. Under the circum
stances, we are entirely content to occupy only a corner,
satisfied, ns we are, that nothing could tie more agreeable
to our readers than the publication of the speech entire.
We are confident that Maj. Williams’ reputation for good
sense, among those by whom he is well known, will se
cure for his address a candid and careful iierusal. and
we ask for it, the calm and considerate attention of all
those, who profess to share an interest in the exciting
topics of the day, and the ultimate hopes and destiny of
the Southern people. The address is an uniinpaasioned
appeal to the enlightened judgment of the people, and
, we trust that it will be received and considered in the
spirit, which manifestly, coutroled the author in its produc
tion; namely, a desire to investigate and ascertain truth.
iTT” In obedience to a call, for each District to nomi
nate two delegates to meet at the court house on Mon
day Sept Ist, to nominate two candidates for the lower
branch |of the Legislature, a portion of {the Southerh
Rights party for the two Town Districts, met at the court
house to-day, and nominated as delegates for the Upper
Town District —Edward Barnard and Wm. Y. Barden.
For the Lower Town District—Jacob Frost and Joseph-
L. .Morton,
CUBAN AFFAIRS.
Up to the present time, we have no news Inter from
Havana than that received by the Cherokee, Empir: City
and Vixen. Large meetings have been held in N. Or
leans, New York and in all the principal cities, expres
sive of public indignstioi#'against the cold blooded and
brutal murder of the 51 American citizens in Cubs. If
accounts from New Orleans and New York which we
have received be true, a large force from each of these
places will soon be despatched to save from butchery
their countrymen now in Cuba—and to make certain the
success of tiie Cubans in throwing off the (Spanish yoke.
Fillmore and his minions and all otheer sympathizer*
with monarchy and oppression may stand aside. Cor they
havenot time now to organizes corrupt press to throw cold
water upon the patriotic outburst nnd the flame of resent,
ment of our people, to which Cuba will soon, we ardent
ly hope, be indebted for her independence.
t. lion. I!. IV. Hilliard of Alabama, made a politi
cal speecli in this city at the Temparanee Hal! last nizht
we shall discuss him in The Tri-weekly of Wednesday
morning. VVe will merely remark, at present, that we
could not have supposed that any gentleman of Mr. Hil
liard’s modest appearance would have made here, unde
the circumstances a political speech. He was not, we
know, invited by tho Southern Rights party, and we
know that the Union men nre bitterly opposed lo the ap
pearance here of itinerant orators from Alabama, for on
a former occasion, the Enquirer, the organ of the Union
parly. wa> down upon Messrs. Pugh, Shorter, Sayre and
others from Alabama wlio happened to be guilty of the
same offence.
PUBLISHED BY REQUEST.
A Lecture on State sovereignty and
State remedies delivered at the Temper
ance Hall, August6th 1851, and addres
sed to the young men of Columbus Ga. t
bv Wiley Williams.
Gentlemen:
It is not my purpose, on the present
.occasion, to make a party speech, but
i shall attempt to deliver a short lectnre
upon some of the principles unpolitical
economy which I believe arc involved
in the present crisis.
I shall do hut little more than lay
down a few plain propositions, and di
rect your attention to the authorities
which I believe affirm their truth*
My remarks will not be so much di
rected to the old men who have honored
me with their attention to night. I can
not flatter myself that I have the ability
to instruct them upon the topics about
which I shall speak, nor shall I hope to
influence the mere politician, because
having taken his course with reference
to personal objects and aggrandizement,
their accomplishment too olten closes
every avenue to a correct judgement.—
But 1 may speak with some confidence
to the young men I see before me,
whose interest I know it is, and whose
pleasure 1 hope it is, to investigate opin
ions before they adopt them. The fu
ture destiny ol the country will shortly
be in your hands ; the old and middle
aged’ who now till the ballot box, and
control public opinion, will very soon
pass away, you must of necessity take
their places, whether for good or for ev
il depends in a great measure, upon the
correctness ot the opinions formed and
adopted in your youth.
My own experience and observation
brings these reflections forcibly to my
mind. It seems but a few years since
the people of Georgia, for the first time,
under their amended constitution, voted
for their Chief Magistrate, and it so hap
pened that this election was held under
a warm and exciting contest between
the State of Georgia and the Federal
Government growing out of om'lndian
relations. By the treaty held at the In
dian Springs in February 1825, the title
of the creek nation of Indians to the
lands within the limits ot this State was
extinguished tor the use and benefit of
Georgia, under the compact of 1802.
This treaty, after having received all
the sanctions and forms required to its
validity, was annulled and set aside by
the Federal Government, and anew
treaty formed by which only a part of
the creek lands were purchased for the
use of the State. Gov. Troup felt it his
duty to claim the lands acquired by the
first treaty. The Federal Government
declared its intention of enforcing the
second treaty, and ordered the Georgia
surveyors to be rigorously prosecuted
for any trespass upon the lands not in
cluded in the last treaty. Gen. Gaines
was also ordered to restrain the State
authorities and people, by military pow
er of the United States, it necessary,—
The question of “old treaty” and “new
treaty,” entered into the Governors
election of 1825, and was canvass
ed by the people with great zeal and in
tense excitement. The contest result
ed in the election ot Troup, and the peo
ple of Georgia are now in the possession
and enjoyment ot the country undorthe
annulled and exploded “old treaty.”
It was at this election I cast nay first
vote, and I have never regreted that it
was given for that independent and pa
triotic statesman George M, Troup,
The old men of that day are gone to
their rest, the middle aged are fast pass
ing away, and the country, lor good or
tor evil, is now under the control of
those wno were then children and young
men.
The science of Government is one ot
the most abstruse and.difticult, properly
to understand, ot all others. Its vast
range, its application to men and things,
its influence upon life, liberty and prop
erty make it a complicated machine re
quiring the wisest heads and purest
hearts to carry it properly into effect.—
and yet it is strange that while years of I
study and experience are necessary to
qualify a man for the mechanical arts
or learned professions, yet every man
however humble he may be, seems wil
ling to take upon himself the responsi
bilities of a Legislator. One of these
unfledged youngsters, if asked to be
come a candidate for the Legislature,
would probable excuse himself, only,
upon the ground that he was not of legal
age.
In this Republican country, where the
highest offices and greatest honors are
open to all our citizens, where the very
basis of our government, is the political
equality of the people, and where every
man is left free to pursue that course
which his own judgement and interest
may dictate, it is especially important
that all should have a knowledge ot the
nature of the government under which
he lives and in the administering of
which, he may at some time he called to
take a part, without such knowledge,
it would be impossible for him to take
an office with the prospect of rendering
the country a service, nor could he dis
charge the political duties of a good
citizen. Ignorant of the first principles
of the science of government, he would
become the pliant instrument of dema
gogues who are always designing their
own personal aggrandizement, who
speak of honesty and virtue because of
their supposed influence over others,
and assuming their semblance hope to
accomplish their selfish purposes. Hon
est but ignorant men are their tools, by
which the liberties of a whole people
may be destroyed.
The character ofthe Federal Govern
ment, soon after the adoption of the
Federal Constitution become the subject
matter of controvesy, and out of it
arose the two great political parties,
known as the Federal and Republican
parties, and which have controlled the
destinies of this country ever since, as
the one or the other obtained the ascen
dency.
The Federal psrty maintained then,
and now maintains that it was a govern
ment formed by the whole people ofthe
United States, as one aggregate mass,
in the same manner as the government
ot Georgia was formed by the people of
Georgia, as one aggregate mass. That
as a consequence the Government of
the United States is an independent gov
ernment deriving its power and author
ity from all the people as one body, that
it forms a consolidated empire, hav-.
ing not only supreme power but sover
eignty, towards which the several States
stand in the same relation that the
counties of Georgia stand to the State.
The Republican party maintained
then and now maintains that the Feder
al Constitution was formed, not by the
whole people ofthe United States as one
aggregate mass, hut by the people of
the thirteen States in their separate ca
pacities of thirteen free Sovereign and
Independent communities. That the
government of the United States is a
*Fed lal government formed by thir-
Soveroign States, each possessing rights
which never have been delegated to the
federal head—and that the States ol the
Union or league, are still Sovereign
States.
It is my purpose in this lecture to show
you that the State ot Georgia is a sov
ereign State, that she lias not divided
her sovereignty witli any other State or
power, and that there is nota particle
ol sovereignty m the Federal Govern
ment.
Before I proceed however permit me
to givejjyou the definition of some ol the
terms which I shall use, and which it
is important, should be kept in mind
to a proper understanding of the sub
ject.
l! What is Sovereignty, and what is
SupremePower,(Rutherfora’o Institutes
282. (
A distinction is made between Su
preme power and sovereign power.
They are relative terms, but when we
speak of supreme power the expression
seems to be relative to some other sub
ordinate power for instance when we
speak ofthe Supreme Court of Georgia
it implies that there are courts in Geor
gia Inferior in authority to it, and itis su
preme because there is none superior
to it. Supreme power or authoity is us
ed or spoken of in reference to laws and
their administration.
Sovereign power is also as has been
said, a relative term, but it has not a
necessary relation to subordinate pow
er. It does not necessarily imply that
there are other powers subordinate
to it. Sovereignty is used to express
the moral, inherent power of a body
politic, that power which /onus, estab
lishes and supports a Constitution or
Government, and by virtue of which
that constitution or government may be
changed, or abolished. That power
which may establish a Supreme Uqurt
and which can abolish it, or make it infe
rior to another court! that power which
can voluntarily enter into a political
compact ami can withdraw front that i
compact! that power which no foreign
human authority can control.
In short that power may well be call
sovereign, to which none is superior,
whereas none can be called supreme
unless there are others interior to it.
What is a State! Vattei page 1,
“It is a body politic, or a society o>
men united together for the purpose ot
promoting their mutual safety and ad
advantage.
What is a Sovereign State, 1 Valtell
page 2.
“Every nation that governs itself,
under what form soever, without depen
dence on any foreign power, is a sever
eigu State.”
Various forms of government are in
use among the nations of the earth, but
the form is ot no consequence so that
there is no dependence on any foreign
power. This distinguishes a sovereign
•’ tate from a province.
What is a Province.! Rutherfords In
stitutes page 283.
“If any body politic has consented to
submit itself to the authority of any oth
er body of the same sort, it ceases to be
its own master It has no longer a sov
ereign power of its own. It then ceases
to be a stateand becomes a province.”
These are definitions taken from
writers ofhigh and acknowledged au
thority, andl propose to show by the
facts, and the law that Georgia is a sov
ereign State, and not a Province. That
she is Hot dependant on any foreign
power. That she has never surrendered
or submitted herself to to,anyJotlierbody
of the same sort. That she has never
ceased to be her own final arbiter.
What are the facts.!
Under the old colonial government
of Great Britain each of her colonies on
the American Continent was wholly in
dependent of the rest. Each had its own
Charter, its own Govern >r, its <wn Leg
islature, its own judicial tribunals and
its own code ot laws, and each was sub
ject to no other jurisdiction or authority
than that of the Mother country. Each
stood to the crown of Great Britain in
precisely the same relation as the prov
inces of Canada and New Brunswick
now stand, and each had it possessed
the physical strength necessary to sus
tain it in the act, might it ifit had chosen
have declared its individual separation
from the mother country, and taken its
rank among the power ssofthe earth, as
a free, Sovereign and Independent na
tion.
The aggressions of the mother coun
try were upon the right and privileges
of all the colonies. A common cause
therefore, as well as the limited popula
tion and resources of each of the colo
nies, induced them to unite in one com
* “Federal ” from l-'ocdus “a league, a coveuanl, a trea
ty, a stipulation IjelWvOii two or mote, an agreement. ’
mon effort to resist the tyranny of Great
Britain.
The first meetiLg of delegates from the
colonies took place in N. York in*l763 for the
purpose of procuring the repeal of the Stamp
Act and of organizing an efficient opposition
to it.
What was called the first congress, and
which was a meeting of Delegates or Com
missioners from the several Colonies by
agreement or arrangement among themselves,
took place in Philadelphia in September
1774.
This Congress consisted of Delegates from
Eleven Colonies and assembled together for
the purpose of taking into consideration the
actual situation of the colonies in reference
to their differences with Great Britain.
The colonies at this meeting approved the
opposition of the inhabitants of Massachu
setts Bay to the oqnoxious acts of Parliament
and resolved that if tho same shall he at
tempted to be carried into execution hy farce
in sue! i a case all America ought to support
them ill their opposition. They also adopt
ed an address to the people of Great Britain
upon the subject of the grievances of the
colonies, and a petition to the King, and re
solved tint letters he addressed to the peo
ple ot Quebec and to the colonies of Nova
Scotia. St. Johns. Georgia and East and
West Florida, inviting them to unite in re
sistance to the tyranny of Great Britain.
The next meeting of Delegates from the
colonics, assembled at Philadelphia in May
1775, and with a short intermissoin remained
in session until after the consummation of the
act, which dissolved the connexion with the
mother country.
However interesting it might he to pursue
the history of this eventful period, yet the
purpose I have in view does not make it
proper at this time. Sutice it to say that that
oil the 19th June 1775 General Washington
was commissioned ascomniander ofthe armies
ofthe colonies. That oil the 13th Sept. 1775
delegates from Georgia took their seats in
Congress, and completed the number of the
Thirteen States or colnies which had resolv
ed to oppose the oppressive laws of England
That on the 27th of February ]77fi the colo
nies were laid otfinto military districts. That
bn the 23d of march letters of Marque and re
prisal were authorized, and that ontne 10th
of April 177fi.it was resolved, to recommend to
the respective assemblies and conventions of
the united colonies where no government
sufficient to the exigency of their affairs
had been established to adopt stu-li a govern
ment ns should, in the opinion ofthe repre
sentatives of the people, best conduce to the
happiness and safety of their constituents
in particular, and America in general.
All these measures were adopted prior to
the Declaration of Independence, nnd whilst
the colonies were still united to the British
empire, but as they produced no change in
the policy of the King nothing was left to the
colonists, hut to take the final step of separa
tion. .
On the 10tl> of June 177fi a eominitteee
was appointed to prepare a declaration to the
following effect. That the united Colonies
are. and of right ought to be tree nnd inde
pendent .States, that they are absolved from
all allegiance to the British Crown, and that
all connexion between them and the State of
Great Britain is and ought to he lolally dis
solved—”
-..0n tin*. 28th of June t lie committee through
its chairman Thomas Jefferson reported a
draught which was subsequently discussed
and finally adopted and signed on the 4th of
July, in the form of the document so well
known to us all, as the Declaration of Inde
pendence.
The colonies having bv this act jointly .and
severally thrown off the yoke of the Mother
Country, they prep red to encounter the
perils to which that hold and determined
measure had exposed them. In the war
which followed they acted in ‘their new
capacity of free and independent St-.tes. Each
one established its own commerce; each one
levied war and maintained its own army
out of its own private resources besides con
tributing towards the support of tho conti
nental army. its fair proportion, and each one
performed-all other things which independ
ent State might of right do.” So far from
their having been any ground for the alliga
tion that the separation of the .States
from Great Britain, took place as the
act of a single nation, there was not
for several years after the revolution be
gan even so much as an instrument of Confed
eration between them, Although the sub
ject was proposed before the Declaration of
Independence, vet it was not until the 15th of
November 1777 tli tt articles of Confederation
were first agreed to by the delegates in Con
gress assembled with the view, as they stated
in a circular letter sent with the the articles
to eaoli of the States, of securing the. fred
doin, sovereignty and independence of 1 lie
United States, nor until the lith of July 1778
that they were ratified by a subsequent Con
gress nor were they signed by the delegates
from several ofthe States until the year
1779 nor on behalf of Maryland by John
Hanson and Daniel Carroll until March I.
178 J, so as to make them binding upon
them.
fv tli<v.’ articles of Confederation the states
voluntarily assumed certain obligations, con
stituting a form of government for the whole
thirteen states and il is to that instrument we
are to look for our exposition of tlie relation
towards each other which was at that time
ji -Id to exist.
/his confederation I inaiut -in, was one be
tween parties, eaeli one of which considered
itsoif.s district and separate Sovereign State,
and not a compact between individual mein
meiuhers of a single state or nation.
A reference to the article of Confederation
themselves will best illustrate 1 his position
Arti.de 2d inserts that “each state retains
its Sovercimitg freedom and independence,
Mi l every power jurisdiction and rigid, which
is not by ’this confetti, -alien expressly delega
ted to the United Slav s in Congress assem
bled*
Article 3rd “The said Stab** hereby sever
ally enter into:) firm league of friend’hip with
each other, for their common defence the
security of their liberties, and then mutual
and general welfare, binding themselves f‘>
ass Tt each. other ag .inst all force off-red to.
or attack made upon them, or any of them on
account of r-ligion, sovereignty, trade or any
other pretense wh ,lever.’j
Article sth. Sec. 3d. Each State shall
maintain its own delegates in a meeting of
the States and while they act as members of
the commttee of the States.”
Article. sth. Sec. 4th. “In determining
questions in the United States in Congress
assembled, each State shall have, one vote.”
Article 13th. Every State shall abide by
the determination of the United Sates in Con
gress assembled in alt questions which by
the confederation are submitted to them.
And the articles of confederation shall
he invio’entlv observed by every State, and
the. Union shall he perpetual,nor shall any
alteration at any time hereafter be made in
any of them, unless such alteration le agreed
to in a Congress of the Ueited States, and be
afterwards confirmed by Ihe Legislature of
every Slate.
I deem it unnecessary to multiply evidence
or argument to show that up to this period,
the States have not parted with their Sover
eignty. freedom or independence, and al
though the exercise of very many important
powers, had been delegated by the States, to
Congress, yet they never supposed that such
a delegation of authority, was a surrender of
it, and impaired or destroyed their seperate
sovereignty. If the States were guilty of
this act of self immolation, we must seek for
it, at some subsequent period ot our history.
The war of the Revolution was success
fully brought to a close under the govern
njont formed by the adoption of the artiele
ofconfederations and it may not lie unimpor
taut or uninteresting to ascertain whether the
mother country thought she had been, fight
ing thirteen sovereign States, or only one.
For this opinion let us refer to the first arti
cle of the. provisional agreement of 30th No
vember 1782, as follows:
“His Brittanie majesty acknowledges the
saidUuited States viz New Hampshire, Mas
sachusetts Bay. Rhode Island and Provi
dence plantations, Conncttieut, New ork
New Jersey, Pennsylvania. Dele ware. Mary
land, Virginia, North Carolina, South Caroli-
na and Georgia to be free sovereign and inde
pendent Stales, that lie treats with them as
such, and for himself his heir and succes
sors relinquishes all claims to the govern
ment, property and territorial rights of the
same, and every part thereof.”
The articles of confederation continued in
operation as a form of government for the
United States, until the adoption of, and or
ganization under the constitution ot the Uni
ted States and I propose to examine and show
some of the causes which made it neceseary
to reform the former, which were declared to
be “a league of friendship and Union ” and
adopt the latter.
The fact that each Shit retained the power
to establish its own tariff’ of duties, and otlier
► wise to regulate its trade, made it imposible
for Congress to negotiate advantageous com
mercial treaties with foreign powers, and the
power, had been delegated by the States to
congress, of sending and receiving embassa
dors entering into treaties and alliances with
the proviso that no treaty of Commerce
shall be made, whereby the Legislative pow
er of the respective States shall be restrained
from imposing such imports and duties on for
eigners, as their own people are subjected
ts, or from prohibiting the exportation or
importation of any species of goods or com
modities whatever. For the purpose ot ob
viating this difficulty, a resolution was offer
ed in Congress as early as Feb., 1/81 “that
it is indispensably necessary that the United
States should be vested with a right of su
perintending the commercial regulations ot
every State and that they should be vested
with the exclusive right of laying duties upon
all imported articles.”
In April of the same year the subject was
again introduced, and a res riution was passed
recommending the States to empower Con
gress to levy a small duty on certain specified
artrcles, to be applied wholly to the payment
of the public and. b . The States however
were unwilling to enlarge the powers ot ( on
gross,' arid as the consent, of all could not be
obtained nothing was done. The Congress
at various brought the siibie.it to the notice
of the states and in July 1 18!) in the form ot
a report of a committee, the power to nego
tiate trade', was solicited es the States, but
the result was not more propitious.
The call for additional powers made by
those who exercised the federal authority
was calculated to excite the jealousy ot
the States. They probably feared that the
servants might wish to become the masters,
and that as (Jongrcssalready held the sword,
it would he unwise to permit it to hold the
purse. All hope that any proposition made
by Congress, to enlarge its powers having
vanished, another method was adopted. Vir
ginia being then the largest state, was select
ed for this purpose, and Mr. Madison in No
vember 1785 offered in the legislature ot
that state, resolutions inctructing her dele
gates in Congres-Jio propose a recommend-t
jition to the States in union to authorize that
assembly to regulate their trade on certain
specified principles.
These resolutions were, however, not adop
ted, bul in January 1788 a resolution was
passed that commissioners be appointed by
the other states in llie union atpi time &, place
and to be agreed on: to take into consideration
the trade of the. United States, to examine
the relative situation and trade of the said
States, to eonsidea how far an uniform sys
tem in their commercial regulations may be
necessary to their common interest and their
permanent harmony, and to report to the
several States such an act relative to this
great object, as when unanimously ratified by
them will enable the United States in ('oil
gross assembled, effectually to provide for
the same.”
So slow and cautious wore the States that
lit was not until September 1788, that Com -
j missiom-rs from five States met at Annapolis,
j This Convention of commissioners determin
ied that the representation was too partial
j and defective to proceed on the business of
tliei mis i.u . They,however, made a report
I expressing their earnest and unanimous wish
tli U speedy measures might lie taken to ef
fect a general meeting of the, Suites in a fu
ture Convention, and recommending the ap
pointment <>f commissioners to meet ;.t l’hila
delphi.i oil the second .Monday in May 1787
to “t ike into consideration the situation of
the United /States, to devise such further
provisions, as shall appear to them necessary
to render the Conslitiilion of the Federal
Government adequate to the. exigencies of the
Union, .and to report such an act for that
purpose to the United St tes in Congress
assembled, as when agreed to by them, and
afterwards, continued by the Legislature of
every State will effectually provide for the
Sarny.”
In pursuance of this recommendation dele
gates were appointed as follows:
By New Jersey on the it 3rd Nov. 1786.
By Virginia on the 4th Dee. 178(5.
i liv Pennsylvania on the 30tli Dee. 1786.
By North Carolina on the 6th Jan. 1787.
i By Delaware on the 3rd Fell. 1787.
By Georgia on the 10th Feb. 1787.
| By Now Vork on the ‘2Bth Fell. 1787.
j By Sooth Carolina on the tilli .March 1787.
j By Massachusetts <>n the !>tli April 1787.
| Bv Connecticut on the. loth May 1787.
By New Hampshire, on the 27th June 1787.
By Maryland on the 24th May 1787.
j Rhode Island appointed no delegates and
took no part in ihe Convention.
On the 21st February 1787. while the
States were appointing their delegates. Con
gress, for tlm purpose of pressing the con
sideration of the subject on the. States which
Ind not up to that period appointed dele
gates, passed the following resolution.
Resolved, That in the opinion of Con
gress it is expedient that on the second
Monday in May next a Convention
of Delegates who shall have been ap
i pointed by the several States, be held at
j Philadelphia for the sole and express pur
j pose of reversing the articles of Confed-
I oration and reporting to Congress and
the several Legislatures, such alterations
and provisions therein, as shall, when
agreed to in Congress, and confirmed
by the States render the Federal Cmisti
titution adequate to the exigencies of
government, and the preservation of the
Union.
The Convention met on Monday the
j 14th day of May 1787, and adjourned
from day to day, because a majority ot
the States were not represented, until
the 20th ofsaid month, when the Conven
tion commenced its labors after electing
George Washington its President.
This is a brief history of the facts and
circumstances leading to tiiis Conven
tion, the result of its labors is the pres
ent Jonstitutioii of the United States.
The questions then present themselves
did they act as the Representatives of
sovereign, free anil independent States,
or as the representatives of .the people,
as an aggregate- mass'!
In the adoption, of the Constitution of
the United States, did the States retain
their sovereignty and freedom, or did
they consummate an act of self immola
tion by surren iering their freedom and
sovereignty, and thereby become depen
dant on the federal government!
The first of these questions may be
answered by the mere statement of by
knowledged facts
Ist, The delegates were chosen by
the several States and not by the people
in aggregate mass.
2d, The Convention ’assembled “for
the purpose of revising the articles of
Confederation,” then subsisting between
the thirteen sovereign, free and inde
pendent States, which by them were uni
ted, and not lor the purpose of forming
any new government, to be composed
of the whole people of the thirteen
States, as an aggregate mass.
3rd, That the alterations and provi
sions to be recommended by tho Con
vention, should before going into opera
tion, receive the sanction of the States.
4th, That these alterations and provi
sions should have no tendency to des
troy the ““federal Constitution that is,
the articles, constitution and compact,
at that time existing, but on the contra
ry should be. adapted to render it” ade
quate to the exigencies of government
and the preservation of the Union , viz :
The Union then subsisting between the
thiiteen States, each ot which was in
full possession ot rts sovereignty, free
dom and independence, and the only
Union to which these terms could have
applied.
sth, In determining questions in the
Convention the votes were given by the
States, and not upon the principle of
proportionate representation,each State,
whether small or large, had one vote;
Georgia, with her then population
of eighty thousand, had the same pow
er, weight and influence, by her vote,
as Virginia with her eight hundred thou
sand,, and it is a fact that some of the
smaller States had more delegates than
some of the large ones.
In answer to the second question I
hold that the States, by the adoption of
the present Constitution parted with no
portion of their sovereignty, and that the
Federal Government has not a “particle
of sovereignty. For the proof of this
proposition I refer to the Constitution it
self.
Ist, It was done, (formed and agreed
to) in Convention by the unanimous
consent of the States present.
2d, Notwithstanding it was done in
Convention by the unanimous consent of
the States it had no binding force
until it was latified by the separate
Convention of each State, and was then
only in sored between the States ratify
ing it. Article 7, Sect. 1.
Upon its ratification by the State of
Georgia, and the organization ota gov
ernment, in pursuance of it, it became,
with the Constitution of the Slate, a per
fect form of government, both receiv
ing their vitality, force and effect by the
act of sovereignty on the part or the
State, for it s in virtue of this sovereign
ty that the State; Constitution was form
ed, and it is injvirtue of the same sover
eignty, that the United States Constitu
tion was formed. Both are emenations
from the same source, as light from the
sun, which is not impaired or weaken
ed by giving it out. It is the attribute
of sovorigntv to form Constitutions
which prescribe the rules lor the con
duct of the agent or servant called tho
government. If the sovereign is dissat
isfied, either with the rule or with the
conduct, of the agent, it can abolish or
change it atpleasure. If it can abolish
or change the rule, that is the Consti
tution, it can destroy the agent, that is
the government, because the rule is of
higher power and authority.
It wjjl not be denied that a State may
at any time,'destroy its State constitu
tion, but notwithstanding the United
States constitution derives its force and
effect within the limits of the State of
Georgia, by the sovereign act ot the
State, yet the State cannot destroy that
instrument, because other States equal
ty sovereign, as itself, are equal parties
to it, and may continue it in force so far,
as their own jurisdictions are concern
ed. But, although the State of Georgia
may not, for this reason alter or destroy
the constitution of the United States, she
may throw it off', she may release her
self, she may for causes which she may
deem justifiable, cease to be a party to
it; if not, the State of Georgia c< ases to
be a State and becomes a province ; her
people cease to be 1 freemen, and be
come slaves to a government over which
they have no power or control.
Thirdly. The United States, or llie
governmant of the United States, has no
power over the constitution. It cannot
amend, alter or change it, in any man
ner whatever. Art. 5. How can it be said,
then, that the Federal government is
sovereign 1 Sovereign authority ex
tends over constitutions and organic
laws, and can change them. The Con
gress may propose amendments, or at
the will of two-thirds ot the States, may
call a convention for proposing amend
ments, but these amendments have no
force and effect until ratified by three
fourths of the State.
The States, then, by their separate,
distinct action, alone have the power of
amending the constitution ; therefore,
the States are separate and distinct sov
ereignties.
But, it is said that Congress has the
power to declare war, collect taxes,
make treaties, k c., and that these are
sovereign acts. Yes; if done and per
formed by a sovereign. If the Empe
ror of Russia, or Austria, or the King of
England declaro war it is a sovereign
act —a prerogative of their crown above
all humau authority—derived, as they
say, and is admitted by their subjects,
and appertaining to them by the grace
ot God. It remains yet to be establish
ed that the Federal government acts by
authority of any grace, other than Unit
of the States or the people thereof,
which gave it existence.
The Emperor of Russia acts by vir
tue ot power surrendered to him by his
subjects and setts. The Federal govern
ment acts alone by virtue of power del
egated by free and sovereign States, ami
I shall attempt to show you that the del
egation of the exercise of power to an
other does rot dminish or detract from
sovereignty.
The King of England granted very
liberal charters to many of the colo
nies. South Carolina had the power
under her colonial charter to levy and
collect taxes, build fortifications, de
clare war, make treaties of peace, &c.
(Bancroft’s history United States.) Yet
nobody ever pretended that the delega
tion ot the exercise of these powers les
sened or divided the sovereignty of the
Crown of England.
The Convention which formed the
constitution of the Uni ed States was
convoked for the purpose of revising
the articles of confederation, and it is
remarkable that the Congress, under
said articles, could exercise very many
of the most important powers which
were delegated to the Federal govern
ment by the constitution. Yet the States,
under the former, expressly retained
their sovereignty, freedom and inde
pendence. It was not then thought in
consistent or incompatible with the sov
ereignty of the State, that it should del
egate the exercise of any of its powers
to an agent; why should it be so held
under a like delegation of authority by
the constitution of the United States!—
It was a voluntary acton the part of the
States, and so jealous were they of the
central tendency of power that several
of them expressly reserved the right to
resume the powers delegated to them.
But, I desire to refer you to writers of
the law of nations, to confirm this view
of the subject: ‘-An assemblage of per
fect governments may be strictly united
by some particular bond, so that they
seem to make but a single body with re
spect to the affairs which interest them
in common, though each preserves its
sovereignly, full and entire, independently
of the others.” — Purlamayui’ vol. 2. p. 62.
Again— Vattel, page 3. ‘-Several sov
ereign and independent States may
unite themselves together by a perpetu
al confederacy without ceasing to be,
each individually, a perfect State. They
will, together, constitute a Faderal Re
public. Their joint deliberations will
not impair the sovereignty of each member,
though they may, in some respects, put
some restraint on the exercise of it, in
virtue of voluntary engagements. A
person does not cease to be free and in
dependent when he is obliged to fulfil
engagements which he has voluntarily
contracted.”
This, then, is a confederacy of sovereignties,
not one consolidated sovereign nation or empire,
for what single act can the peeple of these I'nited
States do, as one consolidated people ? Can they
elect Representatives, Senators, or President, or
any one of their officers of government, tn mas
se ? Is not every election on the contrary, by the
people of each State separately ? and are not their
Representatives, consequently, the Representatives
of each State separately ?
I might produce the opinions of many eminent
men, to show that sovereignty has never been
claimed for the Federal government, except, by a
few monarchists and federalists, north of Mason
<fc Dixons line, until recently, and 1 hold that it is
one of the worst signs of the times, that Southern
men can now lie found, contending for this old ex
ploded doctrine, and Wild seem willing to merge
the seperato political existence of the States into j
one great consolidated empire.
It would be tedious to read you these opinions,
they belong to the history of the country, and in
vour investigations will not pass unobserved. I
cannot refrain, however, from refering to one
or two. In the Columbus Kuquirer, published in
the month of March, 1835, when that paper advo
cated political doctrines, very different from those
which, to my apprehension, it now holds—you will
find the following short, and pointed letter, from
Gov. Troup, to some State Rights gentleman in
Tails >t county:
“The States are Sovereign, or they are not.—
We prove the affirmative by the declaration of
Independence, and the articles of confederation —
let the Federal party prove the negative it they
can. If a State is sovereign, it can do anything,
it can nullify any act of Congress, or secede, is sub
ject only, to the law of nature and nations, which
it is bound to respect. This exercise of its sover
eign power has nothing to do with the Constitution,
much less with revolution—it is above the consti
tution, because it has the law ot nations for jts
constitution, and it can have no connection with
Revolution, because of all acts of human power
anil authority, it is most commanding, peaceable,
legitimate and sacred. Our opponents involve
themselves in inextricable difficulty.
The Federalists say, that the powers of sover
eignty have been divided between th; State, and
Federal government—if so, the higher powers
having been given to the latter, it possesses the
greater sovereignty, and on that account, must lie
the judge of itsown powers, which makes it abso
lute. And yet the federalists admit, that sever
eignty resides in the people, by which, they mean
the whole people of the United States, when, or
how, they became one people, they cannot ex
plain. .....
The weaker among them, are divided in opin
ion, some saying, it resides in the United States,
without being able to show a substantive, distinct,
and independent being, called the United States,
and capable of receiving sovereignty, and others
that the government is sovereign, because the peo
ple have vested their sovereign powers in the gov
ernment, as if a government, a mere agent, were
capable of receiving sovereign powers. Thus in
consistency 7 follows inconsistency, and contradio
tion, contradiction.
If sovereign powers could vest in a government,
that governmet could transfer them to any subject
capable of receiving them, in virtue of that very
sovereignty.
Carolina had a perfect right to do as she did,
but we do not always wisely do, what we have a
right to do. I blamed Carolina for not acting in
concert with those States, having identical inter
tores ts, if she had done so, a certain and complete
triumph of the constitution would have been tho
result.
You perceive, therefore, that the denial to a
State of absolute sovereignty, is a surrender of
tho whole question, as in any aspect of it, the
Federal government having the higher attributes
of sovereignty, can, in no event, bo checked or re
strained, or limited by a power possessing only tho
minor attributes.
Very respectfully,
G. M. TROUP.”
Gen. Jackson having been quoted by Federal
ists as having expressed his opposition to the doc
trin of State sovereignty, in his proclamation, you
will pardon me for refering to his Inaugural ad
dress and messages, prior to the issuing ot that
r l'-*dvised document. In bis first inaugural ad
dress, delivered march 4, 1821), when lie was fresh
from the people, he says: “In such measures as 1
may be called on to pursue, in regard to the rights
of the separate States, I hope to be animated by a
proper respect tor those Sovereign members of
our Union, taking care, not to confound the pow
ers they have reset veil to themselves , with those
they have granted to the confederacy.”
Again, in his first annual message, Dec. 8,1829,
lie says : nothing is clearer in my view, than that
we are chiefly indebted, for the success ot the
constitution, under which we are now acting, to
the watelifnl and auxiliary operation of the Biafo
authorities. This is not the reflection ot a day.
but belongs to the most deeply rooted eonvietious
of my mind. leannot, therefore, too strongly, or
too earnestly, from my own sense of its importance,
warn you against all encroachments upon the le
gitimate sphere ol State Sovereignty ; sustained
by its healthful and invigorating influence, the
federal system can never fail.”
Again, in his fourth annual message, Dec. 1,
.1832 he says, “Relieved by its protecting shield
from the fear of war, and the apprehension of op
pression. the free enterprize of our designs, aid til
by flic State Sovereignties, will work out im
provements, and ameliorations, which cannot
fail to demonstrate that the great truth, that the
people can govern themselves, is not only realized
in our example, but that it is done by a machine
ry in government, so simple, and ecoiiitnical, a-/
scarcely to be felt. That the Almighty Ruler of
the Universe, may so direct our deliberations, and
overrule our acts, as to make us instrumental in
securing a result, so dear to mankind, is my most
earnest and sincere prayer.” These are the opin
ions of (Jen. Jackson upon State Sovereignty, up
to the last annual message of his first term. Un
influenced by Federalists, and coiisolidationLsts,
then around him, he, no doubt, uttered them in
the honesty of his heart, yet, when he was hon
estly praying, that ho might be instrumental in
carrying them out, strange as it may appear, Mr.
Livingston, his Secretary was preparing that fa
tal doumn nt, the Proclamation, taial alike to Gen.
Jacks in’s consistency as a Republican Statesman,
as to t! c liberti -s of tho people and the constitu
tion if the doctrines it advocates, were carried out
in practice, and wit eh w/is issued on the Util
Dec. 1832. Instead of giving you my opinions
of ibis document, 1 pro|<oseto refer you to tho sic
lion of the State Rights Party of Georgia upon it.
At a meet ug of persons friendly to State rights,
held at Milledgevillo, Nov. 13, i833, a preamble
and resolutions, were adopted, from which, I ex
tract the following : “Tile object of the present
meeting, is first, to constitute and form one of
these associations, for the cxpressiptirptMe of coun
teracting the designs of the Federal party, lately
reorganized in the this State, who under false col
ors, are inculcating the doctrine of John Adams
in T)8, and those of Daniel Webster, at the pres
ent time. And secondly for the further object of
enforcing a systematic opposition to the Proelama
t'ou. and Force Bill. These last measures have
aimed a deadly blow at State rights, and seem
now to require the united and concentrated ener
gies of the friends, and advocates of those rights.
t<> be directed to this point of attack, deemed so im
portant by our enemies to be carried, and ill which,
if success should crown their exertions, all that is
valuable and dear to freedom, will be wrested from
the States. That it may Ik- distinctly understood
what are the principles of this association, it will
be neeessory to show, what are the doctrines of
the Proclamation, and those are asserted in lan
guage which admits of no dispute.
Ist. It maintains that the States, of which this
confederacy is c imposed, never had a separate ex
istence, for that from the moment they censed to
lie dependent on Groat Baitain, they formed One
nation and have so continued.
2d. That a Slate in the legitimate exercise of
its powers, his not the r ght to decide upon the
constitutionality of an act of Congress, and to pro
tt ct ifo citizens, from the o|K-ratioii of an unconsti
tutional act, and to maintain within her limits, the
authority, rights, and liberties, ap(K-rtaining to a
sovereign State.
3rd. 1 hat the States have no right, to .•'cede
(mm the Union, under any circumstances what
ever, in as much as secession would destrov the
Unity of tile nation.
•Ith. That the people of the twenty four States
constitute one people.
sth. I hat tht* mrnilK-ra of Conjzn-Hs “arc- all
ropres-'ntatives of tli<- United Staton, not represen
tatives of tlie particular Stale from which they
cornu, anJ that tin y are not accountable to it for
any act done in the performance of their legisla
tive functions.”
6th. That “the States have not retained their
entire sovereignty.”
‘ th. T hat the allegiance of our citizens is du -
to the United States, “/// the first instance ,” ;uid
not to their respective Stitts.”
‘These are the doctrines of the Proclamation,
and they ltave, at the special instinct of thejPrcs
ident, produced the Force bill, for their complete
execution. this meeting dtist solemnly protest
against them, and as solemnly deny their legiti
mate distinction from the compact which estab
lished fjlie Federal goveminem, and tha> the asso
ciation now formed will resist them incxery proper
manner.” Resolutions were therefore adopted,
constituting, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolu
tions, as construed by Jefferson, and as triumph
antly acted upon, in 1825, 6 and 7, in th s Sta'
as the creed of the State Rights Party, of Geor
gia, and protesting against, and demanding the re
peal of the 4orco Bill. It may not lx- uninterest
ing to some of you, to know the names of the
gentlemen, who were the committee to prepare
and report these resolutions, to this great meet ng.
The following gentlemen were appointed the com
mittee, to-wit: Judge A. S. Clayton. Judge Wm.
11. Crawford, Dr. Wm. C. Daniel, Col. Seaborn
Jones, R. W. Habersltain, D. P. Hillhou.se, Col.
S. Rockwell, Col. A. H. Chappell , Col. G. H.
Young, Gen. R. A. Beall, Col. Newton, Gen.
ttli Warren and Judge Dougherty.
Cue of these gentlemen is the talented Union
candidate for Congress in the third district, and
another would have been the Union candidate for
the second d’striot, if ability, and long and faithful
party service, had had their due influence in the
nominating Convention. What may be their
opinions now, however, l do not know, nor is it my
purpose to enquire, so far as this leviutjS *>
corned. c or ,.
EACH STATE ITS OWN JCIXIK.
If Georgia he a sovereign State, it tbll, IVVs
she has a right to secede from the Union, or .
sue any other mode of redress, for grievanot.„’" lr ’
may judge proper. * *''*
Ist. The State of Georgia has acted np<, n .i
principle of State sovereignty, in several itistar, *
and opposed the action of the Federal.govern,,^™’
I have already referred to the coniroversy, m-j, *
out of the old, and new treaty, in 1825, ;id<l
of you reccolleet her course, in the execution ,
her criminal laws, in the case of Tassel, j
Graves, and the imprisonment of the so-called , r .' 1 ‘
! sionaries, in the Georgia"penitentiary, and all a
j notwithstanding the issuing of divers writs of,"’
for, by the Supreme Court of the United gt a , “
|to which Georgia paid no attention, whatever ‘
I 2nd. Georgia has the right to secede from th,
! Union, because, as a sovereign State she, volttm,
rily, as an equal with other States, made lienielf
; party to the confederation.
3rd. If the State of Georgia hits voluntarily , l( j
! tered into a confederacy, or government. fr,„ j
! which she cannots withdraw, then sh<. j j
! dependent it|x>n a power, foreign to her juried 1
i tion; she ceases to he a State, and cannot pmt* I
i her citizens in their rights, liberties and prm-L„ l
j They are bondmen to that government.
4th. If Georgia cannot secede, her Ke\ f |
! powers are ot no value or avail. For she lm,
j means of enforcing, or enjoying them, further ti, i
j may be allowed by the government, which shei A
constituted her master.
: sth. If OcerglA cannot secede from the lTnjo n
revolution with all its consequences, is her oiilj rL M
for infractions of the Constitution. Secession is (p
right! it grows out of and depends upon State vn— ‘ si
ly, it is peaceable, legitimate and sacred it is thurify)j ’ ’
remedy for freemen to exercise.
Revolution is a slaves remedy, it may he exsrri| l
• the serfs of Russia, or the slaves of Austria it . |
upon physical power and may therefore he rightful), ®
I posed by physical power, as was done by Ureal BfjJ
| when our fathers revolutionized, and made therm,!,’
j freemen; Revolutionists conquered are rebels, ami J
1 at the mercy of the cqpquerers. Revolution ( amm,!?
; ply to any act or course l>y one of these States towim), ih II
i Federal government, because if so, the Federal f
j ment would have the right, if it could command /
power, lo conquer the Shale ;_she would then
| be‘a rotate, and become u Province having nulium,,"’
; government according to her own will, a Provißr* I
! may be divided by the conqueror and added to oik
States; The doctrine then as you perceive leads dirwi, -*
to the violation of the pledge which the Suits qiv| ol g
ench other to guarantee to each State a Republican f w j
of Government.
Objections.
1. It is objected that Georgia has no constltmbm,’ tU
right to secede; The constitution is not a Bill of jH
for tho State of Georgia; site derives no rwhu ur ,1 JK
ers from the constituion; every right and po W(r ,. M
pressed in the constitution, as well as those not ■
ed, dotiid Ik- legitimately exercised by tin- Stair of G* ’■ H
gin, previous to her adoption of the conslitiilion. |j 01l I
ly contains a list of the powers which Georgia M
or entrusted to her agent, the Federal Uorevenunm I
And yet it is said she must derive the power led... I
tiling” from the Constitution, her own liandiw.irt, I
which without her consent, voluntarily given, mul'd no ‘2
er be in force within her limits. This Is a doctrine,, ■
Federal as Alexander Hamilton, or old John Adnm M
could ever have wished to prevail in this country, I
“ml. But it is said that a county may secedsfrom i| r W
State upon the same principle that a State iuhv M
from the Union; This is a proposition originating B 9
knavery or ignorance, and can only influence thi.v ;
do not understand the structure ami philosophy fn 9
government. The State of Georgia is a consolidated fyr ■
eminent; holding, and with the right to exercise. >,„ fl
reiirn authority. A county has no such goveminem ■ ‘
authority—No” power on earth can change the conitilu- ffl
tional boundaries or the State of Georgia, yet the state Kg
can change the liinils and name of any county. Tin H
State of Georgia has the power to legislate, and’infw. gti
her laws—ls any county can legislate, or has a cole H
laws of tier ow n enacting, different from the rest I hn Hr
not yet heard of it. But is it necessary lo argue thiml B
jecti'ou seriously ?
3d. Another objection to State *ovvroigntv,aiidtht'ri|l: f
of secession, has been recently made. Louisiana thn
was purchased by the United Slates from France fcrt H
teen millions of dollars, she is thereto!* the properly
the United States. Where did she get her >o\erfipn w§
or the right to secede? Well admitting that the Su \
did purchase the soil, and the public property of D>m.! V
ana, and the jurisdiction transferred from France kill j
Slates, did they also purchase the men, women and chi LB
dren in Louisiana, at the time of the session, nml KB
that should thereafter go lo lhat Slate. If so, I .uInTS
that Louisiana is not a sovereign State, but that her ri; rfj
zens are slaves—and you that believe that doctrine 1. i
true, hail better he after your share of them, you mu f
then perhaps find nil argument of much mure'/mii>
//nicer, than I can give you of the error of your positiw
All that the United States purchased front I'nincr
that Stale she now holds except that IKirlwm she has *
for money which she put into tho Treasury of 111', si, .
and in which .Louisiana is equally interested wittiii
other States, l’h-nsc recollect the definition of n
reign Slate. “ livery tuition that governs Itself uii i
what form soever, without dependence on a loreign p..>i *
er, is a sovereign State?” On what foreign power il II
Louisiana tlopend V certainly not upon the Federal p-H
erntneitl for she has as much influence over the Fr*lrl|s
government as Georgia, or New Vork or any one of R
original States: and peril.q>* you mav not linvethonrH
of it, but it is true that there Ire new States eno tgh t.. I |
strny the Federal government just as soon ns liter sf |
act uiKm it. There arc eighteen new Stales, if siit-c j
them were to reuse to elect Senators, there wculd-tr j
end ot tt.e Federal government so tbtu you perceive
Federal government lor which sovereignty isclain -j
contple e'y dependant upon less than the w little mini j
of new States that hate rtitm- itilo the Union shut | .
formation.
While people of Hie various nations <if the earth an- 4 .
glitiL- for lilK rty. periling all that is dear and valualili-1 j
wrin r Trotn the hand of pow er the eominon rigF seo jj j
erties of freemen, it is la men'able te-ee many men in it .
own beloved con til ry wlio are exerting theinselrra.
repudiate and surrender the only legitimate power* 1 1
they hold ot redressii g llieir w rongs.Jlf they were In o
before you, and aid honestly iik you In giveupllH
power you would have no hesitation in refusing it. \ | j
would thus act under firm conviction that the powirf
protect tlourselves, was safest iu your own hands."K|
tainlv not in the control of what they contend isan-o H
sponsible agent and over w hich you have no emitroi I
inlliience. Power is always stealing from the nisi; H
li e few, and the remark is applicable 1 ere, as any
else. Donut lei Ihe erv of Union be Ihe masked M
tery from l-ehimt w lii.-li the rights of tho South are r H
assailed. Viark the man who is lor the Union at e- H
h -.zard and to the last exlemily. Abolitionists, F<tn* I
dationists and Federalists dcsir<- no better an ally
when, the <la.'| of yot:r (terils c nes lie will fol
imitator ot the base Judean w ho ior thirty pieces of <■ H
ver threw away a pearl richer thnn all his tril- J
Resist the first aggaession. stand up like freemen M
vour rights and the rights'ol your State, auil you trill i"''g
er aave cause for secession or Revolution.
[Trom the AdvocMe.[
Makietta, August, 18 18.il j
i Mr:. Kdiitok.— I have just read n “-jfl
j from Mr. Cobb to the Editor of the ‘ JSoiiir I
| eru Banner’ referring to rnv deni-1 of a
| nieiit made by a reporter of his sjhm-cli •t
| Thoinasviile. In that note he rainsrks th-t
I “1 can see no point of Judge .McDonald’s if- <
| nial of the reporter’s statement, unless Ik w
j tends to convey the idea, that the invit*ti> >
: would h ive been accepted if it had Keen hr- i
; mnlly tendered.” The inference of Mr. Cobh
jis incorrect.. I presumed that liisfri nd wh-> .
j reported his speech, thought that he might |
| impair the strength of the cause which 1 t't I
i endeavoring to sustain, hy the gascon.-ul I
i and therefore knowing it to be untrue, mV d"-
j nial was intended to counteract any diet
. which tlic reporter expected it to produce.
Before in v norn n tioii, in a letter to afiit’iil
; who had insist'd, that, if called on I slum 1
| allow my name to be used. 1 informed hiu
. that if it was expected that the Candida'® “•
the Convention should euaiass tin- Mai.
| some others lection must he made. 1 h - "'’
since made this determination known, and |
think it must he known to my distinciasli I
opponent. My opinions have been fully j
! unreservedly put before the pmblic. and T<'" r ” I
aider the people sufficiently enlightened t”
judge of them. Unless garbled they are n"l
subject to misrepresentation. I have Ih-cH
twice-before the people, for the same ethe.
j and I made no speeches then. 1 hair t(r
same abiding confidence in their intellect 10 ’ j
and honesty of purpose now. that I had t hi'*- |
I trust that they wilt not be swavt-d by theW*” j
I limny, that, in endeavoring to sustain theP””
rious Constitution of our ancestors find their
rights, 1 have a royert, purpose to subvert tl*’
Inion. ‘l’he Consiitwliofl is tike chord vhir’>
hinds the Union together. If that is destroy'd
j the Union is gone.
1 am not disposed to execute a p•'*
■ attorney to any frien*! to discuss with Mr. j
| Cobb. Freedom of speech is gwirnnl*'*!
I every citizen, in the Constitution, and 1
not disposed, even by implication, to rrstii (l
it. But should any- friend, claSirring hr e "f
stitutional right, think proper to discuss with
him. that there may he no mistake, I irw-** 1
that he shall net represcwl me a* boldiry ,v
pinions diffeTK-nit from those which I
written, and take rare not to allow an i#* l "’
to be ninde wfcirli has already been settled l j
the people of Georgia, and which cannot
in the present canvass.
Charles j. McDonald
Three men belonging to Roxbmy>.
Massachusetts, while digging at tho
corner of Rugglesand Tarlter streets on
Monday night, at the depth of throe of
four feet, discovered a box or trunk con
taining a large amount of money, sup.
posed to have been buried by a notori
ous character named Walker, who oc
cupied a cottage in the vicinity some
time since.
Capture of the Fifty-— We heard*
yesterday, that the Fifty Patriots who
were so inhumanly butohered in Hava
na, were captured by the upsetting of
two rafts, on which they were proceed
ing to get in the rear of the Spanish ar
my. These rafts, we learu, were run
into by a Spanish steamer, and the men
being thus thrown into the water, were
taken one by ope.— [Daily QeUa.