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Cobb, to look for the rights of the States hi i
the federal Constitution? Why, in that in-i
strument, everything which relates to the j
States is restrictive, except the clause which I
declares that all powers not granted by it, are 1
reserved to the States and the people. Why j
does Mr. Cobb seriously contend that the
States hav<? no rights which are not specified ,
in the federal Constitution?
Mr. Cobb thinks that if the right of seces- j
sion had been recognized, the States, original- ’
ly, would not have hesitated about entering
the Union—wou ” not have insisted on a
mendraents as conditions of acceding to it.—
Why, the fact is, the States originally were
not near so much infatuated with Union
as they are now. fcearly half of the
delegates in the conventions of New
York and Virginia believed, even to the
last, that they would be better without the
Union than with; and did not relish the no
tion of going in, to he taxed and governed by
a majority even for a temporary period. As
for Mr. Madison’s opinion, that a condition
al ratification was void and inadmissible, it
was overruled by his own State, which did rat
ify conditionally, and it was overruled bv
Congress, which accepted that conditional
ratification.
Mr. Cobb derives an argument against se
cession from the change in the pliraseolog
of the articles of the confederation forming
“a perpetual Union” to the terms of the pre
sent Constitution, “to form a more perfect
Union.” sr. Cobb thinks a more perfect
U ion means something more perpetual than
a perpetual Union! We think quite other
wise. There is, perhaps, nothing more im
practicable, absurd, ,uid disastrous, than a
■perpetual Union here in this changeful world
of ours, where the number, character, opin
ions, and relations of tm-n and society are in
continual revolution.
Mr. Cobb thinks that it would never do to
lot Louisiana secede, because she is at the
mouth of the Mississippi. Weil, that is, per
haps, a misfortune for her, for on the same
principle it would never do to let her exercise
the right of revolution, which Mr. Cobb ad
mits to belong to all people. But the idea
of denying or qualifying the political rights
of a people, because of their geographical po
sition, is rather funny. We have seen this
difficulty presented before by one or two pre
cocious politicians, but di 1 not expect it would
captivate Mr. Cobb. Why i3 the difficulty
greater with I.ouisi na than other States?—
She produces sugar and cotton—some ofthem
bread and meat. Would it not be more ter
rible for Ohio or Indaina to secede, and thus
cut off the supply of pork and flour from Lou
isian.t, than for the latter to withhold cotton
and sugar? But Louisiana holds the mouth
of the Mississippi. 1 hat is not the f et. And
if it were, it might be ca use of war, if she re
fused the interior States an outlet, but not
a reason for denying her the right of seces
sion.
But Mr. Cobb cannot quite undertake to
deny that a State has a right to secede “for
just cause.”He says; “On the other hand 1
admit the right of a State to secede for a just
cause, to be detenu hied by herself,'’ Then
Louisiana may secede., even if she is at the
mouth of Mississippi. No, but Air. Cobb says
that the other parties to the compact possess
a corresponding right to judge for themselves;
and there being no common arbiter t o decide
between them, each must depend forthe jus
tification of their course upon the justice of
their cause, the correctness if their judgment,
ami their power and ability to maintain their
decision! Well, the right of secession must
certainly be the most unfortun; te and im
practical)!'’ right in the world. For it cannot
l>e exercised even fora just cause, but must
have the assent of all the other parties, or must
be supported by force enough to overcome
them in battle. Mr. Cobb admits the right
of a people to change their form of govern
ment, but that right “depends for its inain
tainance upon the, stout hearts and strong
arms of a free people.” That is to say, that
right depends on power—that is to s :v. pow
er is right. Such is the conclusion to which
the profound politic and research of Mr. Cobb
has led him—a conclusion absolutely below
the political ethics of the Pott owatomies and
Winnebagocs—for not one of their chiefs has
yet delivered a speech in council or in treaty,
in which ho did not recognize a higher law
than mere force. Nay, they will recognize
the paramount authority of truth, of right, of
the Great Spirit over all human power. What
ever one people has a right to do, no other
people has a right to resist—unless it be
right to resist right.
But Mr. Cobb admits that it would not be
treason for the citizens of a St ate, acting un
der her authority, to resume their sovereign
powers, that is to secede from and resist fed
eral authority, hoc. use he s id they would be
obeying a rcgul irly organized government.
Well, if not, treasflu, wh :t would be the of
sencc thus committed? If no off nice, theu
feccssion is practically admitted.—[ South
ern Press.
The Crops.—We learn from gentle
men who have been observing the con
dition of the present crop in Adams
county, that the cotton, generally, in
that county is now open up to the high
est bolls on the stalks; and that, in places
where this is not the case, there will be
no upper picking although the lower
picking will be very, tine. Information
to the same effect lias been given us by
a gentleman, win., has been recently in
the Parish ot ‘at. 11, in this State, and
who had received reliable information
as to the state f the crops in the Par
ishes of Madison and Carroll, and in the
counties of Hinds and Warren, in Miss
issippi. The report he represents as be
ing the same in b th sections. Indeed,
all that we can learn from the growing
crop, leads us to infer that the greater
{jortion of the cotton now in the fie Ids
las already matured. If this be so, the
anticipations with regard the immense
probable size of the crop of 1851, prove
groundless.
E rlv maturity is the inv.iri.ib’e off ct of
long dry seasons Hue the ‘present, an.l ii i- the
lmiver.s il teaching of experience, that, where
the cotton matures early, the crops turn out
to be shorten s. We are not desirous of
expressing a premature opinion, but we must
say, that, from all we re able to learn, we
are convinced the c op of this ye r his been
overestimated. We s v also th .tthe Vicks
burg True T.s ic. and- Vicksburg Whig,
in articles upon this subject, h tve arrived . t
the same conclusion.
The Whig is of the opinion th it the
crop of this ye r will f 11 short of the crop
of last year, and it bases that opinion upon
reports which have reach. <! it from the un
land cotton r -gions. and the interior of Mis
sissippi.'—Concordia (La) Jrjelligeucer 3 Olh
iill.
The Stoh'.i .van the Caors. — We are in
clined to think that the damage done to the
corn and cotton crops by the late
storm is greater than we at first supposed.—
A good deal of corn will be lost, particularly
that upon low lands. We have hul three
heavy rains since the storm, but of fate, the
weather has bean highly ftvorablo. Th
corn,however, was blown flat, wh n n very
nearly in condition to be gathered, and n
good deal of it soaking in w ater to this time.
As for Cotton, the we ther has, ?n th -
main, no: been unfavorable to the plant since
the storm, but it shows mini is t. keable signs
of having suffered great injury. The leaves
re djicg—the blooms were destroyed, and
n w ill not probably put out more, and a greet
deal of the fruit was destroyed. The yield
we are forced to believe must be diminished
by a very heavy per cent—the planters all
say at least fifty, —Tallahassee Sentinel.
DISSOLVE THE UNION.
Our attention has been called to a
verv curious piece of history relating
to the threat of the dissolution of the
Union. It is an old cry, not without
profit to those who have used it. It
was first heard in the Congress of 1774.
The student ot history who examines
the non-importation and the nou-expor
tation agreement of that Congress, will
bestrucK by a singular exception in the
non-exportationarticJe. The agreement
itself was designed to se- urea redress
ot American grievances trom the gov
ernment of Great Britain, by a suspen
sion of commercial intercourse. The
non-exportation aiticle bound the col-
onies and the people not to export any
American commodity to Great Britain
Irelan-i, or the West Indies, with this;
remarkable qualification, “except rice, j
to Europe.” How came this exception
there? The staple of South Carolina was ;
rice, and the delegates of South Caroli- j
na in that first Congress, when the strug- ,
gle with Great Britain was impending,
and union was all important to its sue- J
cessfut issue, threatened to withdraw
fom the Congress and break up the Asso- j
ciation, unltss South Carolina could be !
permitted to export riceand indigo. This
proceeding occasioned a suspension of
I business of iheCongress fortwoor three 1
; days. Finaiiy it was determined to
1 complete the association without con
j ceding the South Carolina demand, and i
thereupon her delegates, except one,
; withdrew* They were invited to return;
and a compromise was proposed, to al- j
I low the exportation of rico, but not in- j
; digo. I have consulted Pitkin’s Statist
; tics, and I find that the export of rice, !
i in 1770, was ab ut 160,000 barre s, val
j ued $1,530,000. I find no mention of
j indigo. The compromise was agreed
I to, and the words “except rice to Eu
rope,” added to the non-exportation ar
ticle. This was the first utterance of
the disunion cry, and this was its first
result.— Phila elphia Saturday Evening
Post, July 12th.
FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. J 2, 1831.
MR. JAMES JOHNSON.
Wo have several applications from the Dictrict
for proof of the allegat ions of Win. FI. Chambers,
touching Mr. Johnson’s frec-so l sentiments
and expressions, previous to his nomination for
Congress. The word of William 11. Chambers
needs no backing. But to satisfy those who do
not know as we do, that his word is as good as some
other mens’ bond, his allegations are and will be
backed. There are a hundred gentlemen of this
city who know that Mr. Johnson has been public
ly talking out in the streets of this city for 18
months (for he is famous as a street talker on po
litical subjects) the very sentiments that Cham
bers attributes to him. Mr. Johnson made no se
cret of these opinions, until he came before the
people of the District for their votes. Since that
that time, we understand the burthen of his stump
speeches is devoted to abusing South Carolina and
the Tunes, and taking back and explaining away
the offensive opinions he is known to hold. If we
thought Mr. Johnson unfit to represent this Dis
trict on account of these opinions, wc now think
him doubly unworthy of it, since he has not the
candor and manliness to stand up to his own doc
trines. We toll the people, that long, long before
Mr. Johnson was ever dreamed of as a candidate
for Congress—before, indeed, he was even identi
fled with the Union party—nay, while lie belong
ed to the Democratic party, he was universally
known to entertain these sentiments—so much so.
that he was familiarly designated in speaking of
him, as “Johnson the Free Softer.” When Mr.
Johnson was one of the Democratic candidates
for Judge of this Circuit before the last Legislature
he knows full well, that his election was obieofed
tbi and he was mainly defeated by the objection
that lie held to free soil opinions.
These facts cannot be denied or got round.—
The people of the District are entitled to know
them, and since Mr. Johnson bases his hopes of
success so largely on abuse of tile Editor of this pa
per, we shall make it our business to justify his
abuse by proving him to hold opinions that no man
Jiving in a slave State ought to bold, and that, to
say the least,, are monstrous in a man, striving to
represent a slaveholding people.
We have not a doubt ourself of the strict and
literal truth of every thing Mr. Chambers has
stated. Personally we have had little intercourse
and communication with Mr. Johnson since IS IS,
when he embraced Mr. Stephens’ doctrine that
the Southern man was excluded from the lands
he had helped to purchase with his blood and
money, jby the Mexican Law. This was the first
step in the extraordinary creed he lias avowed end
defended for the last year and a half. We fore
saw where such an opinion would land him, and
our sentiments led us different roads. But his in
timacy was kept up for a long time after til’s, with
a number of his old Democratic friends—flies,
gentlemen bad repeated and warn discussions
with him on these topics, and they were unani
mous in their opinions of his principles—th y be
lieve that Mr. Chambers has only mildly told th
truth about them.
We now call attention to the following commu
nications. They can bo multiplied, if necessary.
But if the words of William H. Chambers, John
H. Howard and Paul J. Scmraes ar not good for
any statement to which they will affix their names,
then, is no man’s word good. Mr. Johnson’s in
terested and nials of his former op'n’ons, are now
confronted by three honorable and unimpeachable
witn.-sses, whoso interests are simp]} those which
every honorable man has in the cause of truth, and
the honor and welfare of his country.
Buena Vista, Marion co. Ga.. \
Sept. sth, 1851. )
John Forsyth, Editor of the Times, and
Wm. 11. Chambers, Editor of the Sentinel—
Gentlemen: We have noticed in the Times and
Sentinel statements of opinions held by .lames Johnson,
Esq., the Constitutional Union candidate for Congress in
this District, in relation to the institution of slavery and
Uie power o‘ Congress over it in places within the imme
diate jurisdiction of the general government. We be
lieve that every southern man has a deep and vital in
terest in this subject, and that no man ought to give his
vote for any m-m as a Representative in Congress, who is
not above suspicion in liis feelings, sympathies and prin
ciples. It is understood, however, that Mr. Johnson, in
passing through this county a short time since, denied
that he held some of the opinions which had beer, as
cribed to him. It becomes, therefore, a matter of justice
to him. as well as the voters of ‘his Distric", to ascertain
the evidence upon which the statements in your papers
were predicated. You will, therefore, gratify us as well
as retrieve the cause of Justice and of the South by giv
ing to the public, the evidence, if there be any, of the
truth of your statements and of the opinion of Mr.
Johnson generally upon the subject referred to.
Very respectfully,
JACOB A. CLEMENTS,
CHAPMAN F. MADDUX.
.MOSES PAULS, Sr.
Columbus, 9th Sept. 1851.
Capt. Forsyth —
Dear Sir: You ask me to state what I know of -1/r. Jas.
Johnson's opinions of the power of Congress over slavery
I answer by giving the impression made on my mind by
a number of conversations with .Ur. Johnson on the sub
ject.
.Ur. Johnson defends the constitutionality of the doc
trines of the Freesoilers. His opinions, as expressed to
m.~ which I doubt not are his honest convictions, will
force him, if elected to Congress, in compliance with the
oath to support the Constitution of the United Slates, to
vote with the free sobers on the question of slavery as
connected with the District of Columbia, the Territories,
Fori-s Arsenals, Dock Yards and Navy Yards, maintain
ing as he does, that the jurisdiction of Congress is su
preme therein.
To the remark made by me that if slavery be restricted
within defined limits, that alone would ultimately produce
its abolition, he replied, ‘-it (slaver)-} must have an out
side row(meaning thereby that it must have an end)
or words to that effect. I think I give -Ur. J's. precise
words.
You will bear me wituess that this certificate is given
only through courtesy to yourself, and as a tribute to truth.
1 am not conscious of wishing to do .Mr. J. any injustice
Very Respectfully,
P. J. SEMMES.
Columbus, Sept. 10, 1851.
TO THE PUBLIC.
I
Understanding that .Ur. Johnson, the eandhfaie to rep
resent the people of the 2d Congressional District in the
Congress of the If. S., denies ever having expressed the
opinions in relation to the powers of Congress which “Wm
H. Chambers Os this city, charged him will) having e u
tertained in his letter from the Chalybeate Springs of the
22J Aug- and being called on to slate what I know of
Mr. Johnson’s political opinions; I bold it a duty which
I owe to the cause of truth, and to -Vr. Chambers, to
state what I know of my own knowledge. -Vr. Johnson
long before he became a candidate for Congress, and
while he claimed to be a member of the democratic, par
ty, claimed for Congress, not only exclusive, but unlim
ited power over the territories and the District of Col
umbia, in discussions with me and others in the city of
Columbus. He has often distinctly asserted, that the
VVilmot Proviso was constitutional, that the territories
being exclusively under the legislation of Conercs'.
gives that body a right to legislate upon them as it
thought proper without regard to llie interests of the
South, or any other interest. lie maintained that Con
gress had Sipreue power in the territories and could
establish a monarchy in them or do any thing that a
Supreme and unlimited power could do—that the con
s'it’it ion having conferred the exclusive pow er of legisla
tion over the District of Columbia, gave that body the
power to a!>o!:sh slavery in that district. His conclusion
we~c drawn from the ex Jusive powers of Congress
which he always insisted were not limited in any wa
by the constitution. Respectfully. &c.
JOHN 11. HOWARD.
[for the times.]
THE COTTON CROP.
Mr. Editor : —As an humble tiller of the soil,
I bog leave to say a few words to cotton growers,
| through the columns of your paper, and in the se
| quel I design making to them a proposition, h;.v
----! : ng nothing in vie-v but the promotion of our best
| interests.
I am well aware of the fact that it was the pre
j va ling opinion, that the present cotton crop in
j south western Georg’a would exceed that of last
1 year; and indeed thisop'nlon seemed to be a cor
rect ine until about the firs t of August, when
it was discovered that there would be a considera
ble falling off. Nor is tlra failure confined alone
to Southwestern Georgia, hut from the best infor
mation that can be gathered, the crops in most of
the cotton growing States if not all, will be to some
extent cut short. But notwithstanding it seems
that the present crop will not come up to that of
last year ; the fact is not positively known, and it
is the object of this communication to place on foot
some mode of ascertaining this fact.
I therefore, propose that the cotton planters in
all the cotton growing States make out a report of
the number of b iles made last year, and the num
ber made this year.
This report to be made out by the first Monday
in November, as the present crop can be asccr
tamed by that time. There are different modes
by which this could bo accomplished—county
meetings could be held by the planters in each
State—and each one send up his report, a table
I showing precisely the number of bales made last
year, and the number ma le this year. The re
port eould ‘hen be forwarded to some point. • each
State, and from thence to some place designated
for (he general report. My present purpose how
ever, is merely to call attention to this matter, and
would be gin 1 to hear from others on the subject.
And in conclusion, I would recommend to the
j several counties in • teorgia the appointing of dele
gates to the Commercial Convention, to lie held
at Macon at the time of the State Fair in October
n ex . A Planter.
Stewart 00. Ga., Sept. Bill, 1851.
The Election. —An intelligent, observer of po
litical matters writes us from Augusta, that in his
opinion, the election in October will be very close,
and that 1000 votes will cover the result. Our
correspondents’ sources of information arc exten
sive and reliable.
The Cotton Crop. —The last few weeks have
wrought a complete revolution in public opinion
on the subject of the growing crop. Up to about
rhe first of August, every body seemed to fake it
or granted that an overwhelming crop would be
produced. Now the accounts are about as unfa
vorable, and the prospects as gloomy “as we re
member ever to have known them to be at one
period. We refer to our correspondent “A Plan
ter,” and to extracts from the press on th's sub
ject.
Exposure. — We ask the attention of honest
Union man to the examination of Mr. Cobb’s Ma
con letter by the Southern Press. -*■.</; it a fair,
careful and unprejudiced reading and say, if it
does not prove that the Sav. Republican was
right two years ago in characterizing him as a
“ Politi-al Trickster.'’
Mexican Boundary Commission.—
Letters as late as the 20th of July have
been received in Washington, says the
National Intelligencer, from El Paso,
from members of the Boundary Com
mission. No event of imnoitance had
occurred; and the Com nisston has been
prosecuting its duty quietly and dili
gently. Colonel Graham had arrived
at El Paso, and was to proceed thence,
on the 21st July, to the post of Sta. Rita
de Cobra, or old Copper Mines, about
ISOmiles west of the Rio grande towards
the Rivers Gila, where Col. Craig, com
manding the military escort, had estab
lished a post r depot. Some fifteen or
sixteen of the persons who wentoutfrom
Washington add the Atlantic cities, with
the commission, as assistants, laborers,
&c, had resigned, and were on their re
turn home.
Famine in the Interior.—Serious
apprehensions are entHitained in Tus
caloosa, Pickens, and some of the adja
cent counties, that great suffering will
be produced by the almost total failure
of the corn crop. The Tuscaloosa Ob
herver f the 25th says: Our neighbors
in Pickens county, in this State, have
h> Id a meeting and passed resolutions
in favor of calling an election, to test
the sense of the people on the question
of petition to the Legislature for a loan,
with which to puruhase corn for the
supply of the county. Corn, at this time
is selling in this neigborhood at one
dol'ar per bushel.
Cotton Crop in Mississippi. — A f ind of
ours has shown us a letter from one of Iris
business constituents traveling in Mississippi
which gives a rather discouraging account of
the crops in that region. In Holmes and Yaz
oo counties he represents the prospects as be
ing worse th in they were in 1846, and he was
assured by a gentlemen who hid canvassed
the State, and had visited every county in
all North Mississippi, tint the appearance
of the crop was equally discouraging.
Tim writer of this letter is represented to
us as a very trustworthy and veracious gen
tleman, whose statements are entitled to re
spectful consideration. He is a planter of
this State —V. O. True Dcl'a 3d ins!.
The hostility of the X rth to Cuba is the
result ot a desir ■to rule the South: to des
troy slavery, mid to m tke every tiling and
every body bend to their ethical principles,
to their fanatical politico-religious theories.
Dogmatical and intolerant, they are ever ready
to denounce every thing that does not accord
with their arogant opinions, and fanatical prej
udices. Thej’ see in the liberation of Cuba
a formidable obstacle to the progress of their
peculiar theories, and hence their opposition.
They may rest assured that the South can
take care of itself.—[iV. O. Courier
Hon. C. M. Conrad.— A Washington cor
respondent of the Delta states that Mr. Con
rad, the Secretary of War, is among the bit,
terest of the revliers of the Cuban patriots’
Nothing less should be expected of a Louis
sianian, who disgraced himself in the Senate. |
by voting against a bill to remit the fine im
posed on Gen. Jackson by a partisan Judge, j
shortly after he had rescued this city font
the horrors of assault and conflagration.— N. ‘
O. Courier,
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
SATURDAY EVENING SEPT. 13, 1851.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHAS. J. M c DONALD,
OF COBB COUNTY.
FOR CONGRESS.
HENRY 1,. PENNING,
OF MUSCOGEE.
FOR STATE SENATOR,
B. K. HARRISON,
OF STEWART COUNTY
REPRESENTATIVES FROM MUSCOGEE.
F, G. WILKINS,
G. ,T. FITTS,
OF MUSCOGEE
REPRESENTATIVES TOR HARRIS COUNTY.
JAMFS NT RAMSHY,
F. J. PHILIPS.
TIIE ELECTION.
The Southern Rights cause is gaining
ground and it friends, courage, every day. It
is now seen th t the Union is in no danger,
and that all the groans of Cobb and his of
fice-seeking crew, were uttered for effect;
just as artificial thunder is made behind the
scenes of a theatre. Mr. Cobb is a rene
gade from the Democratic party, and lie only
deserted because his refusal to sign the South
ern address and his coquettings with the
Northern Free Soilers had lost him the con
fidence of the Democracy of Georgia. He
h ;d to make a coalition to save himself from
political ruin. In looking round for some
body to make a bargain with, he naturally
stumbled on Stephens and Toombs. These
gentlemen happened to be exactly in Mr.
Cobb’s “fix.” Gen. Taylor’s defection to the
South had smashed the Whig party, and left
them like Cobb, afloat, without a political
plank to put foot on.
Every body remembers how embarrassed
Stephens and Toombs were—how they cast
about, like desperate and drowning men
for new props and alliances. They first tried
the fire-eating game, and they went it so
strong as to deceive the best Southern Rights
men in the South, into the belief, th ;t they
really had some genuine Southern feeling.—
Toombs made a “most ilig mt salamander”
and could swallow a live coal and bre h
firery flame equal to any Chinese juggler.
But they got scared at the prospects offered
by an honest and manly vindication oft! •
rights of the South ; and thought they could
do better with a little Union clap trap. Hence
the coalition between them and Cobb. Cobb
could fool and carry with him a large section
of Democratic votes, and Toombs and Steph
ens were secure in the seat in which they
had so long, “booted and spurned,” ridden on
the necks of their Whig constituents. The
too powers joined, would give them all the
offices they wanted. If the country should
suffer in the interim —if the character of Geor
gia should be sunk beneath the contempt of
the abolitionists by endorsing a Compromise,
which she had pronounced almost “unbeara
ble” and by electing to her highest offices,
men who had helped betray her into that
Compromise—what of that? Whit was that
to men whose trade is politics, whose ambi
tion is like that of Lucifer, and who would
rather rule over a dishonored State, than be
an humble and honored citizen of a State
knowing its rights and and u-ing to maintain
them? A m are profligate coalition was nev
er made. The watchword of the coalition
was itself a living falsehood—“the Union in
danger”—this is false now and always has
been false. The Union is not in danger. It
i3 only the South that is in danger. If the
four great Cotton. States were to-morrow to
step out of the Union, that act would
strengthen and give permanency to the Un
ion. for the North would have them back in a
month on terms honorable to them, and safe
to the. rights of the South.
Cobb, Toombs and Stephens in forming this
coalition have trampled upon the interests, not
only of their State, but of both their old parties.
\Y r e ask, Democrats and Whigs to reflect, whith
er these demagogues are leading them ? What
is to become of you, after you have been made
the dupes of this coalition in a pretended union
crisis. Who will be yarn- allies ? Will you sup
port Winfield Scott, the candidate of the Free
Soilers, or Millard Fillmore, the Erie abolition
ist, and the man who denounces American sympa
thizers with Cuban oppression, as rorisers and
plunderers ? In National polities where do you
expect to find yourselves, and how act? Your
union organization is a very nice thing in Geor
gia, and Alabama, anl Mississippi where the
Democratic party had to be broken down by a
false issue—but when you get to Washington
City, you find nothing but Whigs and Democrats
from other States, and the Democrats largely in
the majority. Is it not clear to you, that Foote
and Cobb, and Toombs and Cos. and that gang of
wily politicians are playing a game of politico’ pow
er, and that you are the checkers—you are the
poor, silly dupes, who have been scared to death
about the “glorious union” and then led the east
dupes of these accomplished gamblers.
So skillfully is the game played, that even the
Washington Union, the professed central organ
of the Democracy of the Union , has been taken
in by it, and is advocating the cause of Foote and
Cobb, both renegades from Democratic principles
and Federalists and the political associates of Fed
eralists. The “Washington Union does not seem
to have sense enough to have discovered that the
Southern Rights parties of Georgia, Alabama and
Mississippi are the genuine Republican parties of
the South, and that “Unionism” is a masked bat
tery not only against the rights of the South, bu*
agaitst the State Rights Republican creed, found
ed by Jefferson and illustrated by Madison, Tay
lor, of Carolina, Macon and the wise statesmen of
the South.
We are happy to see that the Richmond (Va.)
Enquirer , the time-honored State Rights organ
of the Old Dominion , is beginning to wipe it*
eyes and to see tlirough the designs of this “mask
ed batter} .” This union hallucination seems to
have bereft men of principles, sense and patriot
ism. It is a humbug (thank Heaven !) that must
soon explode.
THE UNION SAVED—IS THE SOUTH SAFE?
THE MISSISSIPPI ELECTIONS
for delegates to a convention to take into consider
ation the Compromise legislation of the last Con
gress, has resulted, as in Georgia, in the return of
a Union Convention. We are not disappointed,
for we never expected any thing else. Georgia
(our “Empire State” as the Yankees cal! it iu
derision I set the example of submission, and the
example has been contagious. Mississippi has.
therefore, decided to acquiesce in the compromise.
This is one thing—but it is another thing to ap
prove of the compromise, and to reward the South
ern Traitors who helped to make that net-work of
fraud and injustice.
We trust that now at last, the “glorious union
may be considered safe; and that we mar be
spared all further hypocritical bellowings from the
demagogues who hare been so long dining its in
peril our ears. And now that the “ l/'nion is saved
beyond peradventure, will those shedders of Mark
Anthony tears take a little time to enquire it the
rights of the South are safe? It is a capital good
time for the consideration of this subject. Ih©
Union is no longer in danger , (if. indeed, it ever
has been —and that we have seriously doubted :
for our opinion lias been, that either the North
would do justice to the South demanding it with
a firm front —nr the South would disgracefully sub
mit) will the people spare the time to ask their
union leaders if the South is also safe ?
Ask the abolitionists this question, and they
will tell you —what ? Why, with one voice, that
iu the coaapro wise they gained a great victory over
the South, that the days of slavery are numbered,
and the S mill is “beating funeral marches” to the
grave of its own institutions.
Ask Mr. Cobb and the Constitutional-unionists.
They say, “all right for the past—we will resist
next tim-.” And yet every press that they have,
and every speech they make are all directed to the
end of making future resistance impossible, even
ts the people should choose it. And how? By
establishing principles which make resistance trea
son by converting a State right of secession into
the desperate experiment of rebellious revolution :
in short, by a daring overthrow of those great prin*
ciples of State Rights, which the & wise virtuous
statesmen of the South have always maintained as
the corner stone of American Liberty. liile toll
ing the people“vou will resist nsxt time;’these reck
less & heartless politicians arc bin ling in the chains
of false doctrines and unconstitutional principles,
the free limbs of the people, so that they cannot
resist —or if they do, they do it as Lopez did Span
ish despotism—at the risk of the bayonet, the hal
ter. or the garote. Is this the idea of American
liberty ? And yet this the right of revolution. It
is the right of might; and if the might is not
present to enforce the right, it only remains for
those who assort it, to be hung as rebels and trait
ors. Til's is Cobb’s doctrine and Foote’s doctrine;
and this (Go 1 save the mark) is called “ Consti
tutional Union” doctrine!
We repeat now, that the union is safe, will not
the people look into a matter that so deeply and
so nearly concerns them. So important is the
question that on one side is slavery , and the other
liberty. Yield the right of a State to interpose
her sovereignty to arrest Federal usurpation, and
you may as well abolish your Governors and Leg
islature, and wipe out State lines, for you are at the
mercy of the General Government —you are a
dependent province and no longer a State , much
less an “Empire Stated’ Ycu at once elect the
universal Yankee Nation to tax you, to use you
to fight their battles, to conquer more land for
their benefit, and when they get ready, to turn
your slaves loose upon you? We ask, what, is to
prevent this result, If you tamely yield at the bid
ding of ambitious demagogues and false-hearted,
corrupt and purchased traitors the sovereign right
of your State, to become the arbiter of her own
destinies, in or out of the Union? You know that
the Yankees have the control of both branches of
Congress. You know, that in respect to taxes
and tariffs, they have no mercyym you—you know
that the anti-slavery sentimentMs as in lelhbly im
pressed on their souls, as is the sentiment of money
getting and money-saving. If you give them the
sword of power and throw away your only shield
of State Rights, what is to prevent them from
thrusting that sword first into your pockets and
next into your bosoms ? Consider then, for God’s
sake! the Union is saved —now is the South safe?
Before God, we say and believe not. W e have’
no motive or interest to say so, other than those
which ought to move every man, born on this
soil and having his all here. We are asking for
no offic o —we want none. We only ask our fel
ow-eitlzens to protect our rights and liberty as a
citizen of a State, and not at the bidding of dema
gogues and Traitors at home, place us at the mer
cy of an irresponsible, hostile, sectional and foreign
majority. If we are to be governed by the unre
strained will of any—without, limitations upon the
power, or eheek upon the whims, caprice, or cu
pidity of our rulers : why let us know it.
The subjects of Foreign countries tremble at the
authority of their single master, who professes to
reign by the Divine Right of Kings, but they may
at least respect the character of that master. But
if wc throw away the fruits of all the blood and
toil of the Revolution, expended to overthrow the
tyranny of a single man, how much better off are
we, if the constitution thrown aside, and State
Sovereignty overridden, the un'on men set to rule
over üb, an oligarchy of numbers , and these
numbers are composed of men hostde to us in in
terest, in feelings, in prejudices and in locality !
Our fathers fought seven years to rid themselves
of the despotism of one man, and now we are has
tening to a condition of despotism under many
men, and they, the fix's to our habits, institutions
and to the morality and the religion of the South.
Is the South ready to be governed, without con
stitution or law, without veto or interposition, with
out let or hindrance by a parcel of cheese-eating
onion-smelling, cute, money-making, greedy, vul
gar, grinding and fanatical Yankees ? Heaven
forbid ! Yet to this it must come, if we recklessly
east from us the aegis of our protection, and the
sheet anchor of Southern liberties, tlic great prin
ciples of Sla'e Rights.
MR. JAMES JOHNSON.
james t. flewelles’s testimony.
We add another statement of Mr. Johnson’s
Free Soil opinions. It is a clincher—it is
from a man who knows Mr. Johnson and his
opinions thoroughly—a man who for 2 years
past has been intimate with, had adjoining of
fices,and has talked over these subjects five bun
dred times with him: for MrFle.vellen is just as
strong a Southern and pro-slavery man as
Mr. Johnson was anti slavery. There can be
no mistake about this. Mr. Johnson will not
venture to deny this evidence. Mr. Fleweihn
knows what he s ,ys— he is thoroughly versed
in the. question m ill its political bearings.
He is a man of integrity as well as talents—
a gentleman whose veracity has never been
questioned. And by the way, Mr. Johnson
is unfortunate in tha strong character of wi t
nesses against him—Chambers, Howard,
Semmes and Flewellen! Mr. Johnson had
better give it up. lie is a free-soilcr.
And now we invite the world and the “rest
of mankind” to admire and to marvel at the
surpassing coolness of such a man as this
daring to ask a powerful slaveholding district)
to entrust him with representative powers?
A man who doe-s not like to lie near the
.‘contaminating influence” of slavery ? He a
a represent itive of Slave holders ? He go
to Congress to tell the abolitionists that his
District is disgraced and impoverished and
ruined by the “social and political evil of sla- ,
very!” But we will not keep the reader from j
Mr. Flcwcllen’s letter.
Columbus, Sept. 13, 1851.
lfr. John Forsyth —
Dear Sir :—Your note, requesting me to furn
ish you a statement of Mr. Johnson s opin ons,
has been received. It is with reluctance that 1
yield to the requirements of a sense of duty in mak
ing a public exposition of Mr. Johnson's true opin
ions, inasmuch as the relations that have existed
between that gentleman and myself for the past
few yaers have been very friendly. And the mo
tives that now influence me in the performance of
this duty, originate in no personal ill-will or mal
ice towards Aim, but solely in the dcsira to pro
mote the ends of truth and justice. The follow
ing are the opinions which Mr. Johnson has re
peatedly advocated in conversations with myself.
Ist. That Congress had absolute and unlimited power
of legislation over the District of Columbia the right to
abolish slavery, or to do any thing else it might deem
proper ; that there was no limitation to its right of juris
diction.
2<i. That Congress had supreme power over all the
Territories, Dock Yards, Navy Yards, Arsenals and Ports;
the power to prohibt slavery therein or to dispose of
them to any Foreign Power.
3d. That slavery was a political evil —Mr Johnson in
repeated discussions with myself upon a lecture doli\er
ed by Mr. Fisher, of Cincinnatti. Ohio, two years since
hold that slavery was a political evil—that the influences
growing out of the institution of slavery were
the true cause of the Southern States being so defi
! ci exit in those elements of wealth and prosperity which
characterized the North.
4th. That slavery w as a social evil —Mr. Johnson eigh
teen months since, disposed of his Law business to my
self on the ground, that he designed moving to a Free
State where it was honorable to laboi that slavery at the
South was degrading to labor, and he desired to remove
from its contaminating influences.
I h ive written this brief statement with
much particularity, ns I desire to do Mr John
son ample justice, in making known to the
Public the opinions which he has so often
advocated in conversation with myself.
Very Respectfully,
JAMES T. FLEWELLEN.
Death of Judge Woodbury.—A telegraphic
despatch yesterday, says the National Intelligen
cer of the Oth inst., announced the demise of the
Hon. Levi Woodbury,? to Associate Justice of the
Supreme Court of the United States. His health
had been declining, we thought for some months’
past, and the news of his condition published yes
terday morning from Portsmouth, New Hamp
shire, the place ol his residence, prepared us for
early ntelligence of his decease. Mr. Woodbury
had fill id with credit—with eminent credit, we
may rav—-various conspicuous public stations, and
bis death will leave a large void in the ranks of
public men of the country, as well as a vacancy in
the exalted tribunal of which lie was a member.
His was a rapid career of distinction, having been
Governor of bis native State, Senator in Con
gress, Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of the
Treasury, and lastly Judge of the Supreme Court,
and yet not an old man at the time of his death.
Judge Woodbury.—The death of this distin.
guished individual, announced by our Telegraph
took place at his residence in Portsmouth, N. H.,
on Thursday, at a quarter before 10, p. m. Ilis
age was about 61. Tie has been (says the N. Y.
Journal of Commerce) prominent among the
statesmen of our country for Ihe last twenty years,
and has filled various high and responsible offices
with distinguished efficiency and faithfulness. lie
was Secretary of the Treasury during the adminis
tration of Gen. .Jackson, and subsequently repre
sented New Hampshire iu the Senate of the U”
States. lie has also filled the office of Governor
of New Hampshire, and at the time of his death
was one of the Justices of the Supreme Gourtof
the United States. His great capacity and expe
rience in public affairs, and his elevated personal
character, commanded the respect of the whole
country; and (according to the Journal of Com
merce) he was regarded by a large section of the
Democratic party as an eligible candidate to suc
ceed Mr. Fillmore in the Presidency of the Union.
PROFESSOR AGASSIZ.
It is with great pleasure we announce to the
medical community of the South, that there ha s
been secured by the citizens of Charleston and
members of the Faculty of the Medical College of
the State of South Carolina, the valuable services
of the above gentleman the ensuing season, to de
liver a course of lectures on Comparative Anato
my. The importance of this branch of study ha
of late only received its due appreciation, and more
particularly as illustrative of human anatomy and
its functions. This will be brought fully to the
view of the student in the lucid and masterly
manner in which all that relates to this study has
been treated by the Professor. We anticipate that
the opportunity thus afforded, will be duly appre
ciated by tiie Profession of the South.
It is expected that lectures will be delivered on
Natural History, in the course of the season, b v
the same gentleman.— \Com.
Election in Mississippi. —The Union ticket
has swept the State m the elections for members
of tlic State Convention. If this be taken as a test
of the sentiment of the people of Mississippi, it is
quite obvious that, like others, they have b"en
bamboozled by the meaningless, but not. harmless,
cry of “Union.” We think oar northern friends
may go ahead now, —the Union is all safe down
here— Delia.
L-5F’ The suicide of the Hon. Luke Woodbury,
the Democratic candidate for Governor of New
Hampshire, at Antrim, in that State, is confirmed.
The day before his death he prepared his will,
making many bequests. lie was 55 years of age,
and leaves a wife, but no children. Mr. W. had
for several years held the office of Judge of Pro
bate, aim was much esteemed by his neighbors.
It is said there is no reasonable doubt that Mr.
Woodbury would have been elected Governor of
bis State in March next. James Sullivan of Exe
ter, will probably now be the democratic candidate.
Merit. Adv. and Gaz.
Nomination in Mibb.— The Southern Right
party of Bibb county at a meeting on the 4th inst..
nominated Col. R. L. Atkinson aud Jas Dean
Esq., for Representatives. These are excellent
selections, and their friends have no doubt of elect
ing them.
Appointments. —The Southern Press says:
We ler.rn Hi t tlie appointment of Collector
of New Orleans has been offered to Chris
topher Adams, a wealthy planter, but for
merly a msrelymt offh ;t city.
[From the Georgia Telegraph.]
THE RIGHT 0? SECESSION .
We publish in another column this morn
ing a clear, strong and pointed article on the
right of secession, from the Richmond En
quirer, the ancient organ of Virginia Democ
racy. The doctrine is advocated with abili
ty, and the higlrground is taken, that if the
Federal Government shall attempt to carry
out the doctrines of Cobb, Clay, Webster,
and Fillmore, against South Carolina, it
works an issue of arms with the whole South.
It must be borne iu mind that the Enquirer, is
and has been, a zealous supporter of the
“Compromise Measures,” yet, it maintains
the right of secession. It contends—and
properly and justly too, that the right of Se
cession is totally distinct, and different from
the right of revolution—that it is too late now
to deny it in the. South, and that such denial
converts this government into one of unlimit
ed powers. It plants itself on the authority
of Thomas Jeffersou, the Apostle of Liberty
and the Father of the Democratic Creed.
Audit is evident that whatever may be its
views as to the policy or expediency of the
exercise of this right, it st ands prepared to
make common cause with any Southern
State which may choose to exercise it, and
meet with forcible obstructions on the part
of the Government at Washington. We in
voke for this article the serious attention, of
the reader.
[From the Richmond Enquirer.]
It will be remembered that Mr. Webster
at Capon Springs declared emphatically th i
if the Northern States refused willful ly and
deliberately to carry into effect that (the ren
dition of fugitive slaves,) or any other partot
the Constitution, the South would no longer
he hound bv the compact-* bargain broken
on one side is broken on both sides. The
secession press at the south has claimed this
speech, which is full of such expressions.
as distinctly adtoiting the right of secession;
we cannot see for ourselves how it would ad
mit of anv other interpretation. The only
quibble that could have been made to the
contrary might be, that it admitted the nght
in the South— in a number of States—but did
not admit the right in a single State bo
palpable was‘the inference from the whole
tenor of the speech, and so universal has
been the deduction at the South, that Mr.
Webster has found it necessary to publish
the letter of retraxit which follows below.
He now says that his remarks, made at
the South, were addressed to the North; that
he can form no idea of secession, but as the
result of a revolutionary movement, and that
secession must, necessarily end in the break
ing up of the Government—that is to sav, m
a revolution. It is too late, at the South to
deny” the right of secession. There is too
much of sound logic and constitutional learn
ing at the North for the doctrine not to find
there a powerful support. And it is vital at
this crisis, however widely Southern opinion
may differ as to the expediency of secession,
to “distinguish between that constitutional
right of secession, which the South claims,
and the revolutionary right which Mr Vv eb
ster admits. If the first doctrine prevail, se
cession may be peaceful, it the last prevail
it must be bloody. Mr. Webster declares
in the same (the Capon) speech, that the
present administration will resist secession
with force and arms. His doctrine followed
up by such action as he threatens, would
necessarily, sooner or later, produce an issue
between the Federal Government and all the
States which maintain the right of secession.
There are few at Ihe South, who do not be
lieve that the North, as a community, as well
as by its States and citizens, have violated
and broken the Constitution towards us.
There are few who will not assent to Mr.
Webster’s declaration—that “a bargain bro
ken on one side, is broken on both sides.
,And there are few among us, who will not
admit upon these premises, that South Caro
lina, however injurious the stop may be to
the Southern cause and suicidal to herself
has a right to secede, if she thinks proper to
exercise the discretion. If exercising that
right, the general government should use
force to restrain her, urging the principles of
Mr. Webster’s letter in justification, it is
plain that an issue is made at once, and an is
sue of arms, between that government and
the whole South.
In this view of affairs, it is painful to con
template the results which may flow from
the continuance in power of a party hostile to
State sovereignty, in every form denying-
State rights in whatever way asserted, and
bound in conscience to resist by force what
may be arigh'.ful eflort to vindicate the one
and defend the other.
It is most unfortunate that at a time when
the Southern mind is chafed, restive and ex
cited almost beyond the point of restraint, po
litical doctrines should be in the ascendant,
which deny them a peaceful political reme
dy, which subject them to a government over
which they may find themselves unable to
exert any salutary control and which regard
them as re.volutionizers and rebels if they ap
peal to the ultimate right of redress with
which the law invests tlum.
The right of revolution and the right of se
cession arc things totally distinct and differ
ent. Revolution, in the eye of the law is
wrongful in incipiency—so wrongful that it
must be resisted with arms and unto blood.
It only becomes rightful in the eye of law af
ter it has succeeded, after it has triumphed
over the forcible and sanguinary me asures
used to suppress it. To say that secession is
revolution, is to say, not merely that seces
sion is in -xpedient, unwise and dangerous
as the majority in the South now consider it
—but that it is unlawful in its incipiency and
in its purpose —is to say, as Mr. W ebster lias
over and over again declared in his recent
speeches, that it it must be resisted with all
the powers of the government—that blood
must be shed, that life must bo sacrificed
and that civil war must desolate the land,
until the seceding State is physically over
powered, or until the resources of the nation
al government are exhausted and revolution
or secession is thereby consummated. The
idea that secession is a revolutionary right,ls
bloody in all its scope and features—it falsi
fies Mr. Webster’s own doctrine of a “bargain
broken on one side, being broken on both j
sides, and the compact being thereby dis
solved,” and renders the ravages of fratricide j
necessary to effect a release from that broken j
bargain and dissolved compact. It supposes
a right in the usurping party tothe compact to
enforce obedience to its usurpations: and de
nounces as treason what may be the only
effectual resistance of those usurpations by j
the injured party. It arms with the sword |
or justice and law the violators of ;t compact, i
and casts the obloquy of rebellion and trea
son upon the injured objects of their outra- j
ges.
0
Such is not the doctrine of the. S nth.—
Such is not the doctrine of the States Rights
party, or the great republican party of the Un
ion. Such was not the doctrine of the great
Jefferson contained in his pnrtrirrch'il coun
sel to the South to “separate from our com
panions (he did not say revolt from our ru
lers) only when the solo alternatives left are
the dissolution of our Union or a submission
to a government of unlimited powers.”
What does the doctrine of Mr. Webster
that secession is a revolutionary right!—
make of the national governmenTbut a
government without limitation ot powers
The serfs of Russia and the oppressed
millions of Europe are without all other
redress than revolution, because their
governments are without limitation of
powers. Are the people and the .States
of this Republic in the same abject con
dition? If there be no redress for the
.Statesfor a violated constitution, a bro
ken bargain, a dissolved compact but
revolution—but unlawful revolt which
the usurping power may lawfully and
must in duty, suppress by force and
bloodshed, of what value, what but a
mock* ry, are any limitations of ts au
authority— what does the usurping gov
ernment become but. a government of
unlimited powers! The coetrine of
Mi. Webster is the doctrine of Federal
ism, the doctrine of consolidation, the
doctrine of an restrained usurpation, and
ad ctrine which every friend of Consti
tutional Union must, with Mr. Jefferson,
regard as the doc rine of Dissolution.
The opposite doctrine, that secession
is a constitutional right, is the basis of,
inherent in, and iuseperable from the
idea of compact, conferring a right;
when compact is broken, of peaceable’
withdrawal'from'the confederation, does
not directly aid necess rily involve the
calamitous consequences which are in
seperable from Mr. Webster’s doctrine.
Whatever disasters may flow from the
exercise of the right; whatever strifes
and sorrows it may draw upon the heads
of the seceded and the seceded from,
the doetri ne does a t brand the injured
with treason and the usurper wiif\ the
®gis of right and law.
THE ELECTIONS.
A friend writes us under date Sept.,
“From much personal observation in tb
upper part of Georgia, I can say I think s fl fi..
ly that the election for Governor is exceed
ingly doubtful. Floyd, Carroll, CampHpi
Coweta, Heard, Merriwether and Favctte
will go for McDonald. The majority in Car.
roll will reach 400. Paulding for Cobb.
Citthbert Randolph County Sept, loth
“There is evidently a gradual change work
ing among the people in our favor.”
Blakely Early County Sept. Oth.
“The Southern Rights cause is gaining
ground with us.”
HENRY L. BENNING.
Our Southern Rights candidate is win.
ning golden opinions, by the manliness
candor and ability with which he meets
all comers in discussion throughout the
District. The Oglethorpe Democrat
states that his triumph m debate with
Win. H. Robinson, the champion of the :
Subs, in that city, was complete. The
editor pronounces Col. Bennings l
speech, ‘‘decidedly the ablest vindiej. j
tion of Southern Rights” to which he
had ever listened.
The Democrat says :
Col. Benning went from this place to Lv
nier, and addressed the people on the follow
ing day. Considerable bluster was made
about the discussion, but terms which ho
offered were decided to be, unfair, and Col. B
had the day to himself. The terms proposal
by Col. Benning, were just such as had been
accepted by other gentlemen at several plj.
ees, and some of whom, thanked him von
kindly, (in a written note) for the liberality
and courtesy of the proposition. The true
secret of the whole matter was “that a burnt
child dreads the fire,” —the discussion’ the
day before had fully satisfied the ambition
of the little county politicians for notoriety,
purchased at so great a'cost.
He will continue until he. canvasses the en
tire District, and we solicit the friends of South
ern Rights and of the Union to give him a
hearing. The many fabrications in reference
to his political ultraism which have been in
dustriously circulated “melt like butter bo
fore the sun” and will doubt less have the of.
feet to increase his majority over his anti
slavery opponent. We consider Col. Ben
ning's election sure, by a very handsome ma.
jority.
[From the Albany Patriot.}
MR. JAMES JOHNSON.
The Federal Candidate for tnis 2nd Congrest
ional Eistrict.
We ask the attention of our readers to the
letter which we publish tnis week, written
Wm. 11. Chambers, Esq., Editor of the Co
himbus Sentinel, stating the principles and
views of Mr. James Johnson, the Union
Federal candidate for Congress in this Dis-i
tric.t.
No one who is acquainted with Mr. Cham
bers will doubt the truthfulness of his asser
ti- ns: and now let us examine the posif oh oc
cupied by Mr. Johnson, and see whether anv
Southern man, of any party,'can vote for him j
consistently with his duty to himself or hid
State-
Mr. Johnson holds the following principle!
and views:
Ist. That Congress has tho Constitutions,
authority to apply the Wilrnot Proviso—to
exclude slavery from the the territories.
2d. That it is folly for tho South to un
dertake to resist the exclusion of slavery b;|
Congress from the Territories.
3d. That the General Government has tbj
authority to establish a monarchy in the Tent
tories.
4 tb. That Mr. Johnson is himself an anil
slavery man.
sth The reason that he is not an Abolition!
ist, is because ho thinks the abolition n!|
slavery would involve greater evils th.nl
the institution itself entails upon the counl
try.
Gth Mr. Johnson is upon principle oppiml
ed to the institution of slavery—says that ii
a great political and social evil—and that itl
has been a curse to the South.
7th. He admires the institutions of thi
I Northern States more than his own State,l
I and lie has been seeking a home in Iilino:-|
because he preferred to live in a free coan-J
try.
Bth. He believes that Congress can cnnsti-|
tutionally prohibit slavery i,,the tbits, arsrl
nals and dockyards, and on board the govern-1
ment vessels; and ;is Congress has the same I
constitutional power in the. District off'-I
lumbia, the conclusion must be—that Con-1
gress has power to abolish slavery in tl; I
District of Columbia. |
Now we ask in all seriousness and c .
if there is any nvin in South-Western Geor
gia o blinded by party prejudice, so lost ton
sense of the true interests and rights of his j
State, so forgetful of the duties which he
owes to himself and his family to preserve
thi institutions end rights bequeathed us by
our fathers, as to vote to send Mr Johnson., j
with his Federal anti-slavery doctrines to j
represent Georgia in the Congress of the Uni- y
ted States? We cannot believe that there I
are any such men: and if not, our opponent* I
owe it to themselves and to the country to > I
come out with a distinct denunciation of the I
principles and doctrines held by Mr. John- I
son, and to notify that gentleman that hi* I
services in Congress are net wanted.
[From the New Orleans Picayune.]
THE RECENT TRAGEDIES AT HA
VANA.
I
MEETING ON HOARD TIIE CHEROKEE.
At a meeting of the passengers of tie
steamship Cherokee, called to take into con
sideration the conduct of the American Con
sul at Havana during the time of the inipri
sonmept. and execution of Col. Crittenden
and his party at that place, held on the 3d of
September, on her voyage from Havana to
New Orleans, Gen. Lane, of Oregon Territo
ry. was c alled to the chair, and Benjamin Ly
ons, of Louisiana, and Thomas J. Aby, <’f
Mississippi, were appointed Secretaries. C n
taking the chair. Gen. Lane briefly stated the
objects of the meeting; utter which, on mo
tion, .lie. Chair appointed a committee of nine
to draft resolutions expressive of the sense of
the meeting. S iumoi G. Turner of Mobile,
Wm. R. Buford of Texas, John A. Boyd
quin of Georgia, C. A. Tweed of Sacrament 1
City, W. W. Bordcu of Man Francisco,
George Clark of New Orleans, J. M. Giltnore
of Illinois, and Charles Stewart of Tennes
see, were uppoiutnd the committee. M hik’
thccommitte were absent the, meeting
highly entertained hv remarks from l’. f. I*
Gournsy, Esq. Geii. Lane also addressed the
mooting, amidst rounds of applaus *. Ik 1 ’
committee having returned, reported the tel
lowing preamble and resolutions:
V> hereas, we, the passengers on board the
slum-snip < horukeo, having been in the port
ot Havana during the enactment of a part “i
the recent tragedy upon the Island of Cuba,
and having derived, from good authority, tit*
following facts in rolationto the part taken
in that, sid affair by A. F. Owen, the Ameri
can Consul at II mm a, viz:
That he neglected to Intercede with the
authorities in Havana for the preservation of
the lives of Gol. Crittenden and his heroic
hand, though entreated to do so by American
citizens resident at Havana.
That he made no effort to procure them a
fair and impartial trial.
Th at, notwithstanding the earnest appeal
of their friends, he refused to seek an inter
view with tli • prisoners, thereby losingtho on
ly opportunity by which our unfortunate coun
trymen could have sent a iast farewell to
their relatives and friends at home.
That, offer execution, he neglected to se
cure the bodies of the Victims from insult.
That, he neglected to have the. bodies in*
terns! in sop irate graves* in order that