Newspaper Page Text
nationality- of the Whig p;irtv of the State.
Our suspicions ofth • dodge of the only ques
tion ‘it issue between the two sections, are
most abundantly confirmed by the pi .tforra
set up by the Whig Convention. The de
ception is ; s transp ircut as the Crystal I'al
ce. it c?n Ive seen through in any direction.
L-t ns look into the matters little, and then
let the read ;r determine how f.r those windy,
high -oun ling but unmeaning, resolutions of
this Whig State Convention will go—how
far they will satisfy the conservatives of the
South, and induce them to re-unite with their
late Northern allies of the late national
Whig ptrty.
The compromises consist of sevcfal great
sets of settlement, in all >t which everything
is surrendered to the North, except the con
stitution of the United States. The whole
of California with its apparently inex
haustible gold mines, its rich agricultural,
commercial, and manufacturing resources, its
extensive territory, its v tstly important sea
bo :rd of nine hundred milts—the whole of
Alter California, with all these incalculable
advantages, to all of which, upon every con
sider ition of justice and right, and fair deal
ing, the. South were entitled to a division
by the Missouri compromise line—yet th<*
whole of California w.s given up to free soil
and the North, as a concession, for the sake
of peace. The Soulh also waived their
ci.iim to tlte Missouri iine for Utah and New
Mexico; they consented to what they believ
ed to be the dismemberment of a slave State,
for the purpose of strengthening a free soil
territory; they also acquiesced in the aboli
tion of the slave trade in the District of Cos
lumbii, though many Southern men deemed
it hut an entering wedge to the abolition of
slavery itself; and this, and all their other
concessions, were made for the sake of peace.
And what did they get in return? A law
binding their brethren of the North to the
simple duty of an honest observance of a
plain obligation of the constitution. Noth
mg more—nothing less—than a law en
forcing the principle of honesty, in the sur
render of the fugitive slaves b ck to their
masters. In other words, the South in the
surrender of all their rights and title to
the new territories, paid the North in a
princely style to be honest. The North ac
cepted -,ho bonus: but how have they ful
filled their share of the adjustment—the
simple obligation of sn honest adhesion to
tho constituent ?
Mr. Clay was right in declaring, as he is
said to have declared, that the whig party of
the North was especially faithless to the
compact of the late adjustment. The pro
ceedings of the late whig State conventions
in Ohio and Pennsylvania are proof positive
against them. They could not be brought to
recognise their duty of obedience to the Fu
gitive Slave act, except in such vague gene
ralities, as were, satisfactory to the con
sciences of the disciples of higher law. They
gave, up the principle of honesty for abolition
votes: and the Whig State Convention of
New York h.;s done substantially the same
thing.
The D emocr tie Convention has done hut
little b tter. They did give the resolution of
the Union Safety Committee a respectful no
tice, by t iking it up and debating its expedi
ency and necessity in a well contested, seri
ous, and bona fide discussion—but they laid
it to the table. The fact is that between
Seward, Weed, and Greelv, on the one side
and Martin Van Buren and the Prince on the
other, and their piebald political adherents,
the State of New York is sold to the agitat
ors. the. nullifiers, the conspirators against
the U.iion—to mouthing fanatics of “the high
er law.”
On the State ticket of each party there arc
vet some good men, and true. The Union
Safety Committee, we understand, can mus
ter ten thousand votes in tho State. If they
can they will do well to apply them with dis
eritnin lion and in this wav they may possi
bly rebuke the unprincipled hucksters of both
parties, and vindic to the integrity of the
Btuto. But wo almost despair.
MASS MEETING IN BALTIMORE.
Tho following resolutions, passed at a mass
meeting of the citizens of Baltimore on Mon
d y evening 15th inst, at which tho Mayor pre
sided, show the state of public feeling inth t
city on the subject of the late abolition out
rage in Pennsylvania:
1. Resolved, That the citizens of Baltimore
have he- rd. w ith feelings of indignation too
strong for expression, of the ruthless murder
of Edward Oorsueh, a worthy and respee
: table citizen of Maryland, perpetrated within
a tew days p-.st, by a hand of Pennsylvania
negroes and abolitionists.
, 2. Resolved, That we regard this crime
not merely as a murder of the most barbar
ous eh -rac-ter, and not merely as an outrage
upon the victim, his relatives and friends; but
th -eireumst nees attending its perpetration,
render it a polities! offence affecting the w hole
nation, and a flagrant outr ge. upon the feel
ings and constitutional rights of every South
ern man.
3. RcsohcJ, Tlr ; t the people of Maryland
li'.vq ever hwn devotedly attache! to the
A meric n l nion—regarding its preservation
as tin mosts ored of all political obligations,
and deprecating its dissolution ns the direst
of all earthly calamities, they have held sym
pathy neither with Northern-abolitionists or
Southern secessionists the; therefore hailed
with unanimity and joy the passage, by Con
gress, of the compromise measure of 1850.
fondly hoping, from their faithful observance
both bv the North nd South, a final settle
ment of the agitating topics which they em
braced.
•• 4. Resolved, That the ✓cent outrage upon
worthy and peaceable citizens of Maryland,
engaged in ;iio lawful pursuit of their prop
erty—the. contempt and successful defiance
of the authority of tlpe General Government,
represented in the person of its officer, con
vince us that the mad spirit of abolitionism
still finds a home or sympathy in the breasts
of,a large proportion of our Northern neigh
bors, and we now dealaro to the people of
the tree States, that the time has come when
ri.ea s opinions on- this question must be
shown by their actions; not to oppose is to
permit; and those who permit fanatics in their
midst to nullify the laws of tho Union, ami
commit murders with impunity, will justly be
re f .rial by us as sidorsand abettors in tho
crime. >-
5, Resolved, That we shall look with anx
iety for the prompt arrest and punishment of
th > perpetrators of the recent murder: and if
thev are not arrested and punished according
to the crime, then we shall he compelled to
believe that Northern patriotism end love of
Unlo'n consist rather in ftwrJs than In deeds,
And thus the time must soon arive when the
Cniondov’ng citizens of tho South will be
compelled to hold the entire population of
the .North responsible for the treason ul
Northern fanatics, and act accordingly.
6-Resolved, Th it as far as legal and consti
tutional means can effect the object, the North
should be made, to feel that she can no longer
violate our rights with impunity. tsihe has
grown rich from the wealth of the South,
poured into her lap by a thousand different
eh hnt'ls—-it is legal, it is constitutional, that
the South should eause these streams to cease
to flow: it is legal, it is constitutional, that
the South should import for herself, should
manufacture for herself, and should no long
er semj her sons and daughters to be educat
od in .VeSmuiunitv where abolitionists and
tr-itifrSjire permitted to influence a public
opinion: I his is not disunion „ but a mode
of suj&sio* entirely conditional, and calculat
ed to hhrea powerful effect in srousing the
people -of the North to a proper sense of our
rights and this duty.
7. Resolved, That a committee of twenty
cttizejjsjse appointed by the chairman of this
meeting, whose duty it shall be to receive
cqntrjhhtidns from onr citizens for the pur
pose of raising the necessary means to aid by
oil lawful measures in the arrest and punish
mint of the parties implicated in the murder
cf EdWard Gprsueh. and the injury of his com
panions: -and that the same committee lay the
p-oeeedings of this meeting before the Gover
nor nd Legislature of onr State, with a view
.of procuring Rueh constitutional legislation
as m riph.ave a tendency to awaken onr North
jVA poigbWv to the knowledge that Mary-
j land is determined to protect the lives and
j property of her citizens, and no longer to suf
; fer their rights to be trampled upon with im
! p’inity.
j Mayor Jerome put the resolutions to vote,
i and they were adopted without a dissenting
I voice which his Honor noticed in a few pleas
j ant observations.
The Cotton Crop—lts Prospects.
Chunnynugge, Macon Cos, )
Sept Ist* 1851. (
I left Mobile in July, and have since been
travelling in Alabama, Georgia and Tennes
see, and have been carefully observing and
enquiring dilligently respecting their cot
ton and other crops.
Before proceeding to give my views as to
the extent of this cotton crop (so farmade up
bv personal observation a good deal.) I
will state my estimates for the crops of 1849
and 1850:
On the 31*t August 18*9 my estimate was a
cropof -... 8,150.000
That cron turned out to be.-> 2.097,000
On the 31st Aug. fast year jOv estimate was
a crop of 2,200,000 to 2,300,000
That crop by yesterday’s New York statements !
will make 2,350,000 to 2,375,000 bales
Each of these estimates yon will perceive,
is very nearly correct, but the great falling oft’
in the weight of the hales last year or for the
crop of 1850 received in 1850 ’sl—would re
duce the number of bales down towards
*2,200,000 of equal weights of those of
1849.
By many it is said nothing can be told as
to the extent of the crop at this season of the
year, and the above remarks I introduced for
their satisfaction.
I return then to say that the cotton crop of
1851 will uot exceed 2,100,000 to 2,200,000
bales. It m.av fall very much below, but it
cannot exceed those figures.
Before I left Mobile, the reports were fa
vorable gencrlly for a full crop, through va
rious complaints were coming in from some
quartern. On mv route I found portions of
some plantations doing well, and other por
tions nothing.—Some crops promised finely
others poorly. Asa criterion for Alabama, i
I will state that plantations which late in Ju
ly promised a heavy crop, have so complete
ly shed their forms, blooms and small bolls,
that they cannot yield over a two thirds crop.
This relates to plantations where all the
lands are fresh and strong. On those of a
sandy and light soil the falling off is still
greater. On plantations, where before I
left for Georgia, I supposed had 900 lbs. to
the aero miide beyond casualty, and which
were covered with forms and blooms, I find
on mv return not only all those blooms and
forms have been shed but many of the. bolls
that were then showing finely, and a frost on
the Ist of October would do no serious inju
ry to them. There are now no forms or
blooms on the cotton, and it is too. late for
forms to come, for them then to bloom and
for the bloom to mature the bolls. You know
forms or squares precede the blooms—and
from the first appearance of the square or
form, some three weeks must elapse before
it becomes the bloom; in two days the bloom
drops and reveals the boll.and in six or sev
en weeks, this boll, if it holds on bursts open
and the cotton can be picked. This is the
process. We all see will it is now to late
inevitably, for the wind to do all this.
Corn crops in Eastern Alabama are pood
so of wheat, oats, Ac. In Georgia the corn
crop is very poor generally. Cotton on their
old lands is veay light, and on their fresh and i
better lands, much poorer than they promts- j
ed to be a month ago, &c., &c.,
Hurriedly as I have been compelled to
write this if it furnishes any information
which may bo desirable to ilie public, it is at
y our ervice, and believe me,
Truly vonr friend,
GEO. G. HENRY.
Bainbridge, Sept. 19. 1851.
Mr. Ray—Dear Sir. Mr Johnson the
Union candidate ol this district for Con- j
gress, addressed the people of Decatur 1
county in Bainbridge, on the 16th and
has lost to himself the support of the j
county. I have heard many of the most
prominent Union men declare their de
termination not to support him. They
denounce him in round terms as utterly
unworthy of Southern trust. Some of
them say he will not get more than 50
votes, in the county. The reason of this
excitement in Mr Johnson’s party, is
his declaration that the Wilmol Proviso,
is constitutional. He seemed conscious
that the ground was washing under his j
feet, and labored hard to right himself. !
He pledged himself most earnestly to
resist it, but it was no go. The intelli- j
gence and integrity of the Union men, j
was too high to to erate the inconsisten ;
cy. Mr Johnson has done more than
injure himself, he has injured the Union j
cause. The eyes of the people are op -n
----ingfast, & I think you may count Deca
tur, with almost certainty as good for
Southern Rights.
Mr Seward ol Thomas, was with us,
and replied to MrJohhsbn. His speech
was masterly, and told with powerful
effect upon the people. M.
Maeon Telegraph.
FRIDAY MORNING. SEPT. 26,1851.
52T The Alabama Journal treats as a “rich
joke” tbereceut confessions of its Whig brother of
the Chambers I'ribune, in favor of Northern De
mocracy and against Northern Whiggery. The
.Journal marvels how any body oould be taken in,
by so palpable a jest; and tries to laugh at the
Mobile Register, whose editor thinks it a very se
rious tact.
The Journal may understand his friend once
(.as he familiarly calls Mr. Johnson Hooper of the
Tribune) better than we do. But if Jonee was
jesting when he wrote these) truths, it was the
most matter-of-fact, solemn and owl-like joke that
over was perpetrated. A Jackass in a China
shop would be a useful, graceful and pleasing
animal, in comparison with any old Whig joking
in that vein and on that subject. It is all uver
true for 3 joke.
But w: are inclined to think the Journal is mis
taken and his friend Jonce was in earnest; and
moreover, that the Journal is quite behind the pro
gress of its party and not posted up in the secrets
of unionism. Now the Chambers Tribune is
doing just what Mr Robert Toombs is doing in
Georgia. He makes it a part of his regular stump
business to abuse the Northern Whips anrt ln>l<l
up the Northern Democracy, as the only ccmse
vatives. The Union party of Georgia# be
longs to Bob Toombs and Co.—chattels transfer
able at will; as witness the people of the 7th and
Bjh Congressional districts, who have been the
very play-things of their two representatives and
have been blown about by “every wind of doc
trine” that these two weather-cocks indicated.—
They are tbeir party serfs—slaves of their power
aud will. What Bob Toombs says, therefore, is
authoritative; and he talks exactly Jike Mr. Hoop
er of the Tribuue. Jonee may be a great joker,
but Bob is not given to jokes on such subject-*. —
He is serious whenever a political bargain for his
power and advancement are to be made. The
Journal has not had the cue given it. The plan
is to carry the old Federal Whig party of Geor
gia and Alabama (miscalled union) owe to the
National Democracy, Toombs <fc Cos. are to wor
ship hereafter, (if they can) at Baltimore, along
side of Cas6 and Benton, and Buchanan and
Diekinson. And there is a capital good reason
for this arrangement. The Democracy of the
country is in the majority. They have a large
preponderance already in the Congress of the
l nited States. Wkiggery South has died out
under the weight of the odium reflected on it from
the principles of its Northern wing. And if Big
ler (D.) carries Pennsylvania and Wkiggery Is
beaten in Ohio, the old Whig party is gw dead a
g old iron everywhere. Now Toombs & Cos. are
not the men to belong to dead parties, and thev
arr for shaking loose from a political connexion
which they have so long maintained at the expend
of their own constituents and the South.—Th :
union party is but the crossing stone of thi?
arrangement—the “ass’s bridge” by which hi?
serfs are to be marched ’into anew position.—
Why, far North of us, in Virginia and oth-
States where there has been scarcely -a disunio
whimper, and where submission to the oompre
misehas been the rule of both parties—even ther
the Whigs are claiming to be the union party and
trying to drop their effete and worn-out name.
The Journal must get ported up.
Blackwood's Magazine for September.—
Contents —A Campaign in Taka ; My Novel :
or, Varieties in English Life, XIII; Disfranchise
ment of the Roroughs ; Paris in 1851 ; Mr. Rud
kin’s Works; Portuguese Politics; The Con
gress and the Agapedome.
THE TRUTH OF HISTORY.
Our correspondent “Justice” has our thanks
I for his researches in reply to a correspondent
!of the Enquirer. It docs seem strange th -t
.a public man now passed from the stage of
i life, who was the political and personal associ
ate of George M. Tkouf; and who only differ
| cd with the ultra State Rights Party, on the
question of Nullification, in company with
Gov. Troup, should, ten years after his de
cease, require defence, against a charge of
Federalism.
The annals of the country eotemporaneous
with himself, arc full of refutations of tho re
proach, similar to those produced by “Jus
tice.” It is an old trick of the anti-State
Rghts party to steal the mantles of the illus
trious Republicans of the land, to cover up
their own defections and infidelity to princi
ples. If Nat. Macon, James Madison, .An
drew Jackson and George. M. Troup, could
not escape traductions like these, there is no
reason why the friends of the late Mr. For
syth, should hope for immunity in his case.
[for the times]
SLANDERING THE DEAD.
Mr. Forsyth:—lt is a melancholy evidence of
human depravity to sec men for vile party pur
poses, stooping to slander men who have long
since rested in their quiet graves, and who when
living soared as far above tlicir tradueers .as the
eagle above the vulture.
The above remarks have been elicited by read
ing an article in the last Enquirer, headed
“Thf. Father vs. thf. Son.
John Forsyth of 1833 vs. John Forsyth of
1851— A brief review of the past.’' 1
If I am not mistaken as to the author of the
review, he is one who during the early part of his
life was a noisy Troup man, in 1832 and 1833, a
fence man and now an ardent follower of Toombs
Stephens and Cobb, and his article is an evidence
of the truth of the old saying that a “Jackass can
kick a dead lion.”
The reviewer after speaking of the Force Bill
and Mr. Forsyth’s remarks upon it, says :
“ And Mr. Forsyth was found side by side
with Dan. Webster who upon that occasion laid
down the doctrine, Ist. That the Constitution of
the U. S. is not a league, confederacy or compact
between the people of the several States in their
sovereign capacities, but a Government proper,
founded on the adoption of the people, aud creat
ing direct relations between itself and individuals;
2d. That no State authority has power to dissolve
those relations; and that consequently there can
be no such thing as secession without revolution!
3d. That there is a supreme law, consisting of the
constitution of the IT. S. acts of Congress passed
in obedience to it, and treaties ; and that, in cases
not capable of assuming the character of a suit in
law or equity?. Congress must judge of and finally
interpret the supreme law, so often as it luis occa
sion to pass acls of legislation; and, in cases capa
ble of assuming, and actually assuming, the char
acter of suit, the Supreme Court of the U. S. is
the final interpreter, 4th. That an attempt by a
State to abrogate, annul or nullify an act of Con
gress, or to arrest its operation within her limits,
on the ground, that, in its opinion, such law is
unconstitutional, is a direct usurpation of the just
powers of the General Government, and of the
equal rights of the other States; a plain violation
of the constitution, and a proceeding essentially
revolutionary in its character, and tendency.—
Such were the propositions wh-eh Mr. Webster j
maintained with a power of argument, which was
not, and could not be, successfully met.”
Here we have not only a slander on Mr. For
syth, bat an admission on the part of the reviewer,
that Mr. Webster’s Federal and Consolidation
doctrine “was not and could not be, successfully
met.” A beautiful admission for an old State
Rights man. But they were met and triumphant
ly refuted by Mr. Calhoun in a speech showing
a more thorough knowledge of the structure of
our government than was ever made in the Sen
ate. And fortunately for the fa:r fame ol Mr.
Forsyth, he has left much higher evidence of his
opinions on State Sovereignty than can be found
in the report of a hasty speech made during an
excited and angry discussion, and probably not
correctly reported—and his beng opposed to nul
lification is no evidence that he was opposed to
State Rights, for Col. Troup was opposed to nulli
fication and the reviewer will har lly charge him
with being a consolidat’onist. Mr. Forsyth ad
mitted the right of secession, but said we could
not be in the Union and refus-? obedience to the
laws of the Union. But I will give you his re
corded opinions lodged in the archives of the
State, better authority than a speech never writ
ten out or corrected by himself.
Whilst Mr. Forsyth was Governor, two able
reports, one in 1827 and the other in 1828, were
made by the committee on the State of the Re
public, adopted by State Rights legislatures, and
approved by him au l the writer of this article,
who was intimate with him at the time knows
they fully expressed Mr. Forsyth’s views.
As the entire reports are too long for publica
tion, I will give you extracts from each referring
the reader to where he can find the reports entire:
Extracts from the Report of 1827—-Resolutions
pnsre 85. Dawson’s C Ampliation.
“They maintain “that the terms of the
grant in the federal constitution did not con
vey sovereign power generally, but sovereign
power limited to particular cases, and with
restrictive means for executing such powers;”
and further, that the powers “were delegated
not by the people of the United States at
large, but by the people of the respective
States, and that therefore, it was a compact
between the different States.” Composed as
the States were at the close of the revolution
being independent then of each other, as they
were previous to that event, and in the exclu
sive possession of self-government, it will be
readily admitted there could be but two ways
to form the general government, either by
“coinpounding the American people into one
common mass,” giving up their State govern
ments and suffering the majority to govern
or by eontinueing their State governments
and delegating a part of their power to the
general government, for the protection of the
whole. Under one or the other of these
methods has the general government come
into existence. Now no one will pretend to
say, that it was underjthe fisrt’named method,
the power was not delegated by the people,
composing one great consolidated communi
ty, but by the people es each State, uncon
nected with and independent of the people
of the other States, in their corporate capaci
ty
If the history of this transaction is attend
ed to, every one must be convinced that, from
first to last, it was a procedure of the States
and not of the people composing one great
political society They were separate and
distinct before the revolution: they confeder
ated as States for the purpose of more effect
ually conducting them through thafstmggle.
‘ley-remained independent and . were so ac
nowledged, with all their rights, territorial
nd municipal, at the close of it. By States
he proposition was made to enlarge thepow
rs of the confederation. The States appoint
‘-legates for that purpose; they assemble,
.ase and submit to the States a constitution
vpressl v declaring that when the same is rat
'd by nine out of the thirteen States, the
- me shall be binding, and the States are still
ound exercising independent and sovereign
•ontrol over their ungranted powers. Now
i the assent of a majority of all the people of
the United States was necessary to ratify
this instrument, was it not-a easy to have
*o declared, as to say that nine out
■ f thirteen States should effect that object?
Would it not have been more intelligible and
nave better answered the purpose, if such
was intended, than the inode adopted? But
That this w;is not intended was. obvious from
the fact that according to the plan pointed
out for the ratification of the constitution
more than two-thirds of the States might
have received the instrument,arid yet a- ma
jority of ihe whole people would have reject
ed it. For instance at the first census in
1790. Mnssncuhsotts, New h ork, Pennsylva
nia. ami Virginia, had 56 members out of 105
i.. Congress: at the second census in 1800,
they had 74 out or 141, and in 1810 they
had exactly one half of twenty three States]
Now even uite mnst perceive, if these four
States had alone .voted against the constitu
tion in opposition to all the rest, the instru
ment would nevertheless have been adopted
and clearly adopted against a majority of the
whole people of the United States.”
Extract from the Report of 1828—Resolutions
p. 116 and 117—Dawson’s Compilation.
“The committee to whom was referred the
resolutions from Ihe States of South Caroli
na and Ohio have had the same under their
consideration.
As the subjects referred involve'qucstions of
the deepest interfiht, touching the fundament
al principles of the Federal Government, the
sovereignty of the States, causes of com
plaint for infractions of the Constitution, and
encroachments by the general government up
on State rights, as well as the rights of the
States to redress their wrongs, vourcommit
teehave devoted (heir serious attention and
grave consideration to the subject, which
the magnitude and importance pf the ques
tions involved require. And from the view
which your committee have given the subjfct
they concur in the sentiments and resolutions
of the State of South Carolina upon most of
the subjects involved in the discussion.
They entert in no doubt but that the con
stitution of the United States is a federal
compact, formed and adopted [by] the States
as sovereign and independent communities.
The convention which ‘rained and adopted
the constitution, was composed of members
elected and delegated by, and deriving imme
diate pfiwer and authority from the Legisla
tures of their respective States. Its ratifica
tion depended upon the Legislatures of the
States, each reserving the right of assent or
dissent without regard to population. By
the articles of confederation of 1778, which
was a compact between the States, there
was a special reservation of all rights of sov
ereignty and independence not thereby ex
pressly delegated, which proves conclusive
ly that prior to entering into that compact nil
the rights of sovereignty and independence
belonged to the States, and were complete
in them, and that they did not intend to di
vest themselves of any of those rights ex
cept such as were expressly delegated.
In the constitution of 1787, the powers
delegated are clearly defined and particularly
enumerated. The amendment of the consti
tution is more explicit. It declares that the
powers not delegated to the United States by
the constitution are reserved to the States re
spectively, or to the people.
The States were granting powers to the
general government, and as they enumerated
the powers granted, it was useless and would
have been superfluous to have made special
reservations.
The affirmative grant of powers enurnera
ated operates—an exclusion of all powers
not enumerated.
The. States in forming the constitution,
treated with each other as sovereign and in
dependent governments, expressly acknowl
edging their rights of sovereignty: and, inas
much as they divested themselves of those
rights only which were expressly delegated,
it follows as a legitimate consequence that
they are sovereign and independent as to all
the powers not granted. The States respect
ively. therefore, have, in the opinion of your
committee; the unquestionable, right,in case
of any infraction of the general compact, or
want of good faith in the performance of its
obligations, to complain, remonstrate, and
even to refuse obe;%nce to any measure of
the general government, manifestly against
and in violation of the constitution; and, in
short, to seek redress of i heir wrongs by all
the means rightfully exercised by a sovereign
and independent government. Otherwise
the constitution might be violated with
impunity and without redress, as often as the
majority might, think proper to transcend
their powers, .and the party injured bound to
y ield a submissive obedience to the measure
however unconstitutional, This would tend
to annihilate all the sovereignty and indepen
dence of lhe States, and to consolidate all
power in the. general government which nev
er was designed nor intended by the framers
of the constitution.”
In 1832 Mr. Forsyth was a member of the
Free Trade convention, which arnongst other
resolutions passed the following :
“Resolved, That the several States composing
th's Union were, at the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, free, sovereign and independent
States ; that they have not divested themselves of
this character, by the relinquishment of certain
powers to the Federal Government, having asso
ciated with their sisters for purposes entirely com
patible with the continued existence of their own
original freedom, sovereignty and independence.”
It is true Mr. Forsyth withdrew from the con
vention before the above resolution was finally act
ed on, but Judge Berrien had submitted the re
port containing the above resolution to the com
mittee of twenty-one, when Mr. Forsyth rose and
said there was nothing in said report that he ob
jected to, only that he was opposed to their re-it
eration, and offered as a substitute for Judge
Berrien’s report, the following resolutions—which
were rejected :
“Resolved, That it is not necessary tore-iterate
in anew form the opinions of the people on the
subject of the Tariff, or the necessity for the
abandonment of the protective system to preserve
ilu? .iiaimam narmony among the
States.
Resolved, That a Southern convention should
be called to consult on the best measures to pro
cure a final and speedy abandonment of it by the
General Government.
Resolved, That the Legislature should provide
for the appointment of delegates to meet a South
ern convention wlienev? r all the States South of
the Potomac and North of the Mississ-ppi agree to
appoint their delegates for that purpose.”
Now I would ;isk every candid man in tho
country, if it is probable that Mr. Forsyth should,
within less than ninety days, after he had mail -
tained the above opinions—opinions ho had ex
pressed for years, and solemnly approved as Gov
ernor in 1827 and 182 S—have been found “side
by side with Dan. Webster” in his consolidation
doctrines.
In conclusion, I would remark that the review
er not satisfied with slandering Mr. Forsyth, slan
ders Mr. Calhoun and his friends. Speaking
of Gen Jackson’s election in 1832, he says', “It is
known that notwithstanding the defection of Mr.
Calhoun and his friends, (and when did they ever
remain true to anything save hostility’ to the gov
ernment) Gen. Jackson was re-elected President
in the fall of 1832.”
From the above a stranger to the political his
tory of South Carolina, would suppose that she h.*.d
always been as unfaithful to the constitution as
Massachusetts is at this time. South Carolina
has never asked for the passage of laws for her j
own benefit or for her section, nor has ahe ever \
efused obedience to any law, save one that a
parties in Georgia pronounced unconstitutional
and oppressive—and had th* review® and bis
friends been as true to the constitution as Mr.
Calhoun, the South would never lmve been de
frauded of her share in California, nor submitted to
the wrongs she has. JUSTICE.
FOR. THE TIMES.
TO “T. v or THE KECOKDER & ENQUIRER.
In the last communication I read of yours,
von sav you have always been a State
Rights man. The old State Rights Party
have changed their name and principles so
often that 1 scarcely know what constitutes
a State Rights man. I knew when the par
tv was organized. The old State Rights
men were opposed to a United States Bank,
a protective t riff to'extravagant expenditures
for Internal Improvements and to loose con
structions of the constitution. Mr. Clay is
in favor of all you who set up your
self fora State Bights te .eh:- supported him
in opposition, to the strictest State Rights man’
that has been in the Presidential chair since
Mr. Jefferson*. You also voted for Mr. Fill
more. the very antipode of State Rights and
-a FreeSoiler m the bargain: and you uniform
ly support that political chamelion, the Hon-
Robert Toombs.—How you can be a States
Rights min after this, I cannot understand—
And last not least you now support a man
who believes that the only right, a State,
has, is the right of revolution, a right his ne
groes have in as great a degree as he has.
OLD CONSTITU JTON.
P. S. Your friend Cobb has tried hard to
keep in with both sides By saying a State
has the right to secede he catches the State
Rignts men, and by saving that the other
Statas have a right te keep her in tiio union,
he catches the Federalists. O. C.
•Mr. Clay would laugh at you if you were to talk about
Slate Sovereiifi'ty and State Rights.
FOR THE TIMES.
JAMES JOHNSON’S DEFENCE.
Mr. Forsyth:—ln the absence of Mr.
Johnson, the Enquirer has undertaken to
defend him against the charges made against
him by some of our most respectable citi
zens. Our friend Sam has not forgot an old
rule amongst lawyers;.to file a number of
pleas, thinking lie may sustain some oi them.
Plea Ist. That Mr Johnson never made
the remarks attributed to him.
Plea 2d. That if he did he was only jesting
ana trying to find out the opinions of those
he was conversing with.
Plea 3rd. Th tiHie did say so, he docs i ot
say so now, and that he had as much right
to change his opinions as Judge McDonald.
His defence is very much like that of the man
■ in the West who was sued for a pot borrow
ed from his neighbor.
First He never had his pot.
2nd That he returned his pot.
3rd That the pot was broken when he bor
! rowed it.
If ever I am sued, I will go to Sain to de
fend me.
808 SHORT.
FOR THE TIMES.
COBB AND SECESSION.
LOOKING ONE WAY AND ROWING THE OTHER.
Man - -’ of Mr.. Cobb’s fronds admit the right
of secession and contend that he admits it, j
but I have not seen the first article in defence >
of the right in any union paper; on tne con
trary
I see daily articles denying and ridiculing
the right, and the last Enquirer s tys that j
a county has the same right to secede that ]
a State has. Sam and Cobb must have studi- j
cd State Rights together,
HARRIS
FOR THE TIMES.
REASONS WHY MR. COBB SHOULD
NOT BE GOVERNOR
The Union Papers are full of reasons why
we should not elect McDonald. I will give j
two why we should not vote for Cobb.
Ist. That he believes Secession to be a
Revolutionary right and ot course not peace
able. Now I will not vote for any man that
believes he has no higher rights than his own
servants. They have the right to rebel.
2d. He supports Toombs and Stephens
and I have not for years known cither to be
right twelve months at a time, and at this
time they are wrong.
The London Fair.— The r-eeipts of the
exhibition bv the time it closes, the 11th
October, will amount to about .£400.000. Os
this immense sum. one half, it is ealcul ted
will defray all the charges connected with
the building, and the government says,to this
sum only h -e th ■ commissioners any claim, j
and that the surplus belongs t the .
“A New Way to Pay old Debts.” —The
Constitutional Union m-n are contending
earnestly for the election of Mr Howell Cobb.
Perhaps their idea is to pay out of the salary
appropriated to the Governor money enough
to square off his old scores to the Central
Bank. His labor for two terms will proba
bly be sufficient to satisfy the Executions
against him in favor of the Bank. Should,
however, Mr. Cobb not consent to this ar
arrangement —I would suggest to the Cen
tral Bank—that it get the Legislature to pass
a special garnishment law—to stop the funds
in the hands of the Treasurer.
Would Mr. Cobh veto such a bill, or refer
it to a Convention of the people, under his
oath to execute justice in mercy 1 . — Savannah
Georgian.
Cotton in Africa.— ‘thirty vrrivties of
cotton hove been found growing spontanc-
O Uhl A’ in tt’asl a tViafty wmr -T * •” j'J - I to til’
finest quality of American growth.
i -I __
An Indiana paper refuses to publish
eulogies, but adds—“We will publish the
simple announeement of the death of any of
our friends with pleasure.”
i
The way sorao of ’em try to make Union men
in Burke.
Not over fiftv miles below our county
site is a place ot refuge, Alexander-ton
ville-boroogli, wherein or whereabouts,-
is located an Academy, famed for the
profundity and variety olthe learning of
its Professors.
A tew days ago, whilst the boys were
on the campus, during the hour of recess
they appeared suddenly, and generally
agitated by a fit of political enthusiasm,
and to one universal shout the woods
echoed “Hurrah for McDonald. Iu a
moment Senor Rector Poni-Scruggi,
rod in hand, was among them and not
altogether lovely, the boys were order
ed in, and each received a goodly share
of birch and pallaver. One lad, not
“more lucky than the rest.” with a wag
ot his chin, said, “Had we a hollered,
h-h-hurraw mr'H. Kobb, you would’nt
a wh-whipped “us so.” Instantly the
heels of the little fellow flew up, and
Senor was “into him again,” for his in
solence. “Go it while you’re young,”
Query.—How many of these boys
will be Union men?
Con. <Sf Repub.] Ram rod, Hangsboio.
Departure of the Franklin.—The U.
S. Steamer Franklin, Capt. Watson, left N.
York on Saturday last for Southampton and
Havre. She takes out sixty-three passen
ger* and $602,834 in specie.
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
SATURDAY EVENING SEPT. 27, 1851.
SOUTHERN RIGHTS NOMINATIONS.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHAS. J. M c DONALD,
Os COBB COUNTY.
FOR CONGRESS.
HENRY L. PENNING,
or m *’ ‘oss. }
TO\ ST.a T£ SE ATOR,
B. K. HARRISON,;
or STEWART C<rXTY
J?K?:iESSNTATfVr:.S FROM MUSCOGEE.
F, G. WILKINS,
G. J. PITTS,
OF MUSCOGEE
REPRESENTATIVES FOR HARRIS COUNTY.
J \MFS~N. R A’TShY,
P. J. PHILIPS.
THE STATE FAIR.
We publish to-day the programme of arc-mgv
ments for the gr-at Fair to take place at Macon,
on the three last days of October.
Tins wdl, without doubt, be on -of the grandest
displays that has ever been in vie in Georgia.—
It is est : mated that from 20 to 3i! thousand people
will l>e there ; and it will be seen that ample ar
rangements have b#en made for their accommo
dation. It will be a sort of Southern World’s
Fair, and although there will ho no Crystal Pal
aoe, within which to display the gorgeous works
of taste and art, the fruits of the inventive genius
of ail peoples and tongues; yet the .immense
grounds and spsc'ous buildings erected for the
purpose will bo amply eapae’ous to exhibit what
ever Georgia and contiguous States raav choose to
send to mark their improvement and enterprise
in the glorious arts o r peace. In the mechanical
department a Steam Engine (of Georgia make)
will be erected to drive all the machinery that
may be sent, for exh.b’tion. A spacious saloon is
to be devot” 1 to tho exhibition of specimens of fe
male industry. Tho Agricultural Department is
largely cared for ; a large circle is reserved for
the trial of liorpes and other animals ; while spa
cious sheds aud grounds ara arranged for farm
stock.
Three bands of music have been engaged in N.
York, Charleston and Savannah.
At the same time, will meet the Convention
of Cotton Planters, whose presence and delibera
tions Will add interest to the •cession. It will, in
deed', be a sort of Amphietyonic council of the
Mouth ; while the sk’ll, industry, genius, eaj i_
tal and patriotism of the South wII meet, to
consult together and compare notes as to the pro
gress of tlioir section in the grand march of civil
ization.
The city of Macon and its o'tizen* have b*en
munificent in their expenditures to make the ex
ternals of til's fair, worthy of the occasion. The
centra! position of Macon, its happy location at the
terminus of grand iron roads penetrating to three
mportant an 1 distant, geographical p vnts, have
indicate!, it as the frith-ring place for the vast
concourse of p vjple who will crowd to it nex
month. We trust that the city will reap the re
ward its spirit and enterprize justly merit.
Columbus will be handsomely represented.—
The flourishing Agricultural Association of Mus
cogee and Russell will be present in force, with
tents and banners to swell the glorious ami useful
pageant.
The cut of th” show grounds has been loaned
to ns by the ‘-‘Sol n e the South” and is the work
of Mr. John Warl o r th s city.
DISUNION. UNMASKED—Forsyth's i.kttbr
We notice in ;he Charleston papers a letter from John
Forsyth, Esq., Editor of the Columbus Times, in which ‘
he openiy avows a complete Wetiti'.y of feeling with the I
(listinionis'.s of O>rolin;>. He declares that he u tympi- ;
thizre icith them from the bottom of hi* and among
other things equally remarkable,, utters the following
startling language:
“I would to Hod, we fad fewer mites of rail-way, few
er millions invested in manufactures and stocks, and
more of that spirit ;tnd chivalry of Georgia of the olden
time, which, on more than one occasion, has in
terposed her sovereignly to check the usurpation of the
Federal Government.”
If language like, this floe-, not arouse the neopte of
Georgia to a sense of the real Banter which threatens us, ,
we know not what wiil. Has it come to this, that a cea- !
tlcman of respectability, co i iec*e I with a press oc inlin- ‘
pnee, will venture to avow a desiro that the people may I
finger the pitichinss of poverty and the horrors of pecn- :
niarr want, in order that thcl r hearts may be schooled to I
deeds of treason and rebellion! — M-cun Juurml and j
Messenger.
The above is a palpable and shameless m'srcp. j
r -sentation of what we said to the Charleston !
Committee. The Messenger has garbled our 1
words, by actually cutting in iter, n complete sen- j
tenet- —cutting it off and stopping at a comma, and j
thus giving a meaning totally different from the j
true one. as contained in the whole sentence. We 1
publish the who!** sentence, that the public lhav !
coni pare what we did shy, with what we have :
been falsely made to say; and we leave :t to the
public to determine whether such misrepresenta
tion is either fair, honest, professional or even de
cent. And as our opinions have been deemed
of auffie’ent consequence to be worthy of misrep
resentation, we feel justified in publ.shing the
whole letter in another column.
riir true extract. tiie izahrled extract.
[ “I would to Tod we had ‘*‘l would to r od, we had
I fewer mile* of Uai’-way fewer miles of mil-way, few
j fewer million* invested in er millions invested in man*
! manufacture*! and ptock* ; uf&cturen and stock*, and
j few er proofs of enterprise more of that spirit and chi v
and thrift and moi*ey*niak- rdry of t’ o oiden
insr: and more of that spirit time, which, on more thru
and chivalry of f-'eoruin of oueoccasion, hrs Interposed
the olden time, which oa her sovereitpity lociteck the
more \ han one occasion hn usurpation of the Fedora!
interposed her sovereignty Goveromcn!.”
to check the unurpations of
the Federal Governmen%
IF, as / rrrrittp /V***. •<*
tribute to our enterprise is
at the expense of o :r inde
pendence of spirit; md if
the natural timidity of
wealth and the enervating
influence of an unbounded
prosperity, have had the
j effect of rendering our ears
! more sensitive to the siren
1 *or.g of Unionism, and our
j eyes more blind tothedan
j gcrous consequences of sub*
j mission to undoubted
| wrongs.-’
It is one thing to hope that our countrymen
may not lose their chivalry and manly indepen
donee ofapirit, under the enervating effects of pros
perity—and a very different thing, that they may
be pinched and starved into treason and rebellion ;
and that is just the difference between what we
did say and what we are made to say.
Election or Judges. —We remind the
vote.re at the next General Election that the
last Legislature passed a resolution request
ing them to signify their wishes whether the
election of Jpdges of the Superior Courts
should be by the People or the Legislature,
by endorsing on their tickets “By the Peo
ple” or “By the Legislature.”
MISSISSIPPI.
Col. Jefferson Davis, the gallant sol
dier and pure statesman has been nominated
by the people of Mississippi to take Gov.
Quitman’s place at the head of the State tick
et He is the Democratic States Rights Can
didate. The Southern Rights Press, unani
mously and frankly admit that the voice of
Mississippi, as expressed in the late election
for a Convention is againet resistance for the
p ost. They give up that issue as fairly and tul
lv settled against them, and they now take
the field with Davis at their head oil the
Democratic States Rights Platform.
It is funny to see how the submission Whig
and Foote presses take this announcement
They won’t have it, that they have saved the
Union , and refuse to accept the sur
render to the popular voice so frankly
made by the Southern Rights Party. They
are frightened to death at their own success,
and fear tint they have overdone the thing.
Thev hRe to part with their Union thunder
and dread to meet the old Democracy of Mis
sissippi on the broad platform 'of State Rights
qrincinles. But they h ive it to do. And more
than this, the tables are turned on them and
they are now standing on the defensive. The
Jackson Mississippi.-m, the leading Democrat
ic paper oftlic State is down on Foote, be
cause lie is pledged to dissolve the Union on
the contingencies of the 4th Resolution of
the Georgia Platform. The Foote party are
committed to a disruption, if the Fugitive
Law is repealed or modified : and the Union
ists are c .lied on to vote against a man who
would “bust up this geliorious Union” for sc
puerile s. e-use. The fugitive law is not
worth ■; ic yune to the South. It costs
more than a slave is worth in money to get
him under the law; and it is the occasion of
blood and murder to owners proceeding un
dent S3 witness the Christiana affair in Penn
sylvania. It is no boon, even nit were avail
able, because the rights under, it were aivea
d guaranteed by the constitution. We
woulu'nl begin to dissolve the Union on ac
count of the repeal of that law, if that were
the only ground of complaint. The cotton
States have very little interest in the law, any
way—.it is a matter of deep concern to Mary
land, Virginia and Kentucky ; and as these
States gave up without a struggle, the gc Men,
Empire or the Pacific, and the great desider
atum to the South of territory for an outlet
to the expansion of slavery; we do not fee!
called on to destroy the Union, because they
lose a few runaways. As they have left us
to take care of out salves, we are disposed to
allow them to paddle their own canoes in the
matter of Fugitives. We are therefore op
posed to this branch of the Disruption Flat
form of the Georgia and Mississippi subinis
sionists. What, break up this “glorious
Union” because a few niggers runaway? No
sir-ee—Never!
THE CHRISTIANA AFFAIR.
The abolition outrage in Pennsylvania has ex
cited the deepest feedings of exasperation and re
s .-ntnient in Maryland. The temper of the peo
ple may be gathered from the Baltimore resolu
tions we published on Wednesday. To-day we
lay before our readers a communication from the
Governor of Maryland to the President of the
United States on the subject. We commend it
to the broad-mouthed Union brawlers. It must
be rather humiliating to the Governor and people
of Maryland to be obliged to remind the North of
their cordial and hearty acceptance of the compro
mise, as a reason why the Government and the
North should punish the villains who have shed
the blood of citizens of Maryland, lawfully pursu
ing their property. And it is quite edifying to a
Southern Rights man to hear the compromise
Governor of Maryland, talking as glibly about dis
union, as the veriest fire-eater of us ail.
Gov. Lowe gives a timely hint to the Unionists
South, that the greatest danger to the Union is
the fixed belief of the North that dissolution is
impossible. Every Southern election go.s to
cl neh and drive home this belief; and tile election ‘
of Ilowell Cobb will render it irradicablc.
The Christiana tragedy lays bare the hollowness
of the compromise. It shows that it has settled
nothing of the rankling dispute. It has only
robbed the South of her territories, on a promise
| of being let alone, which is not, wilt not, and can
not be fulfilled. 4be Ethiopian may change his j
| skin and the leopard his spots, but the disease of
abolition fanaticism in the Northern mind, is im- I
medicable. Time will show it:
TIIE CHRISTIANA AFFAIR.
We copy from the Baltimore Sun of Friday, 1
the follow ng oorrespon knee between tlv Govern
or oi Maryland and the National Executive, in
re'.er- wee ,o the late mu:*der and treasonable pro- !
etedings in Pennsylvania:
° i
State Department, )
Annaijgl.s, Maryland, iNejit I full, ’sl. I
His Excellency , the President of the U. States:
Sir: On my rtiurii to the Executive Depart
ment ot this State to-day, ufO r a temporary ab
8-nce, I received semi-official statements of the
recent outrage committed in the State of IVntis/1-
vama, by a mob of outlaws, upon the prisons oi
citizens ot Maryland, who were peaceably engaged
in the assert.on of their rights, under the Federal
Constitution and the laws of Congress. Although
I have tile most entire confidence in the resoht
i.oit of your Ex? ilciioy to en'broe the laws ot the
land, at all hazards, and to the fullest extent, it
nevertheless becomes my duty to address you this
communication. Great as is the crime comm tt> and,
win n cons .lured solely in reference to the individ
ita! Victims themselves. Its enormity and danger
can only be properly est'in ted when view; i in
connection v.-.th the present state ot the country.
hroiii the very beginn ng, Maryland lias, with
one vox‘-, sustained the comprom sc measures.—
No man has dared to ra se the flag ofd.sun on
with n iitr borders. All parts* have united ,n
defence oi t!ic constitution. All classes ot our
citizens have renewed thc.r vows of bally 1.0 the
institutions of their fath; r.s, Maryland has, the re
tore, a moral vvvgrii with the South, which armies
ana nav cs e, ••.fm t give. It would be terr ble, n
i: ee. i, if she should, under any comb .nation of. ,-
eoMi-.taiio.es, !w driven to place herself at the head
<>i t.he oolimm of secession. Her declaration o
and sun.on would be fatal. Where would Vr„i ;.
001 \\ here, in tact every Southern Stve i [fi
fi ‘ Ult is too terrible for contemplation. .•\ndy<i
sr, te must look tins co.it agency r get n .
lu x:. Do not tuidersiand in Tntrmnhj.■ “ j,;.:
such .truster is upon us. Ear ■from J .
foreiend t. But it is necessary that I shorn t . i;
you that our people are deeply and justly exasptr
'• proper that you should be frankiv us
f urtyd that nothing can, or will; ■ • tight to stxia.v
them but the most prompt, ;koi... i. : lt a! s,.\ t .rl
retribut o n upon the perpetrators of the murderous
treason recently committed in IVdijkvl vanln. 1
am rcjo.oed that those worthy and pair <•• | IK : ~.
Grier and Kane, have expressed theoxn-on “h-t
ihe cr nie amounted to treason against the teritrr’
government, cognizable, therefore, by the ted: rat
courts and punished under the federal’ laws. Th.s
gives me confidence that justice will V done,
speedily and fully. Our people w ‘ watv. th all
reasonable patience and confidence to s.. the is
sue. Their faith in the power of the federal gov
eminent, as well us in its good intentions, will ne
cessarily be governed by the result.
Nor is thisail. If passion and prejudice should
control the verdict of Pennsylvania juries. :n the
trial of this issue, l tremble lor the Union. One
th.ng is very clear, and it is this, that Maryland
would not remain one day in the confe leracy it
finally assure l either that the powers of the Fed
eral Government were inadequate, or that the
pubiio opinion of the noa-slaveholdiug States was
adverse to the protection of the rights, liberties
and lives of her citizens. If the Union ,g to be
merely a union of minority slaves to majority ty
rants, then, indeed our gpveanment has failed ‘in
the end of its creation, and the sooner it is dis
solved the better. This, I assure you, sir, is the
sentiment of the patriotic South, the conservative
South, the Union-loving South. I am not ob
truding upon your Excellency my views and opin
ions. lam plainly unfolding the views and sen
timents of a people with whom I am well acquaint
ed. It is important that I should do so—at is ne
cessary that I should do so. I fear the latent
causes of dissolution more than those which have
heretofore agitated the surface of the waters. I
tear that the North does not believe in the possi
bility ot dissolution, fatal incredulity! If they
could only be made to believe it possible, it would
then, indeed, be impossible. Bu; their disbelief
renders it even probable. Believing it to be afar
off and ever receding, they act in a manner which
will precipitate the crisis, as surely,
to them, unexpectedly. Ido not know!! “ il! ‘-I
incident that has occurred since th..
the compromise measures, which t ‘ ‘"“"''liH
weaken the bands of Union, and n' rit
thoughts in the minds of men, than tlti* 1 hrl-fl
dy. Nor will ita influence and effects
within the narrow borders of our
will venetra'e tbe soul of the South, “p \
silence the confident promises of the r„- *4
and give force to the appeals of the
They will enter into the agitations of,) 1 ""®*
Congress ; and weaken the public hr “ ,ies
where. For all these evils, tlu-re i„ btiL * Ver !
corrective, and that is, the most compl.-p.
tion of the law and the fullest retriimtl,.,, ’ a
criminals. 41
I hud intended to prepare and forward •
Excellency a statement of the facts of ik ‘ “ r
made out from the communications scut ‘’*■
Department, but I find from this mornin •• ‘ ‘
fx-rs, just received, that the officers of the !S ‘ I
Government have already been engaged ‘ 1 I
ing the proper investigations, upon the I
result of which has been or will be place I
you. I hope that your Excellency will - “ ,f I
this letter as, by no means, iiKaoming am ‘ , J ’ f.
confidence in the Federal authorities, on n .° * f
—but as a proper and necessary exp-sipon’ ,v” 1
viev s entertained by the citizens of ties S;,,"'j
which 1 fee! justified in vouching, in regard- . : I
character of this atrocious occurrence, a*,'’ [
the general attitude of the country, in'cim,-. 4 |
therewith. If, under any circumstance I
Excellency should deem it advisable to remii- - 1
official services, in any way connected w.-? I
pending inquiries, it will give me great I
to place my time at your disposal.
I have the honor to be.
Very respectfully, your
Excellency’s oh’t. eerv’t. I
E. LOUIS LOM E J
Letter of John Forsyth esq.
Columbia, (Ga.) Sept. 12, 1851.
Gentlemen: I have the honor to ncknowJ
edge yon-favor of the 19th uit. in which
you invite me to attend and “address a
lie meeting of the citizens of Charleston bin.
triet, to be held in Charleston on the Rth
day of September:”
Thanking you cordially for the cornpli.
ment. which, by the instructions of the Aux
iliary Southern Rights Association, whim
org-.m you are, you are kind enough to p, v
to my ‘“public services in the cause of South
ern Rights;” agreeing with you fully in y llllr
principles: sympathizing with you from tho
bottom of my heart, in your feelings of an .
t.igonism to the measures of the Federal
Government, which have been called into ex.
istence by its fanatical aggressions and reck
less and studied disregard of our constitution
al rights—it is, I regret to say, out of nit
power to accept your invitation.
I have duties which bind me to my post at
home. We have hosts of powerful enemies ‘
sporting with the rights, and misguiding the f
intelligence, of a patriotic people, hero to |
meet .and contend with. We have to com- i
bat the poisonous prejudices and delusions \
which demagogues of both tho old political 1
parties, united in a coalition to advance their
own selfish views, have'succeeded in sowinj t
broadcast in the minds of our people; and in
garbingtheir naked w rongs in the habiliments 1
of a patriotic love for the Union of our fx-1
thers. It is our misfortune that those in-1
stinets of pure and unselfish patriotism, which I
unbiassed by false views, prejudice and uii.r I
direction, would run in a bold and resistless
1 current in favor of Southern Rights, are per
verted by bad and ambitious men, and made
to swell the triumphs of our Northern one.
mies. W e are indeed lighting a “masked
baftery;” and the gifted but unscrupulous
politician, who in burning language pointed it
out to his countrymen, is he who is tightiiif
that battery with a zeal and ability, whirl,
employed on the side of his country, would
win for him an immortalit y of renown.
Gentlemen, as a Georgian, I hardly knov
what to say to you Carolinians. I feel thsl
my people should he this moment, shoulder
to shoulder with yours. I feel that instead of
pouring their torrents of ridicule and abuse or
you, as the guilty authors of the disturbance
of the peace of the Confederacy, our miscall
ed “Constitutional Union.’men should loek
their shields wjtjt yours, and present an im
pregnable phalanx to our common foes. I
tee I that Georgia is called the “Empire State'*
in derision by those at Ihe North whose prin
ciples and conduct are fast making her no
State at all, but a dependent province. I
would to God we had fewer miles of Rail
way—fewer millions invested in manufac
tures and stocks; fewer proofs of enterpriio
and thrift and money-making: and more of
that spirit and chivalry of Georgia of the el
den time, which on more than one occf
sion h s interposed her sovereignty to
check the usurpations of the Federal’ Gov
ernment, - if, as I gre; tly fear, the tributo
to our enterprise is at the expense of our in
dependence of spirit. and if the natural tim
idity of wealth and the enervating influence
ofan unbounded prosperity, have had the
effect oi rendering our ears more sensitive to
the sir. ,-) song of Unionism, and our eves
more blind to the dangerous consequences
of submission to undoubted wrongs.
If you, gentlemen, and I are Disunionists,
how came we so? Your history proves that
your gallant >St te was ever ready to catch
and obey the first roll of the, rappel that best
to arms in the defence of the Union. Mouth
Carolina, almost untouched bv British t*i
ation answered tlie cry Massachusetts, and
fought the battles of the Revolution on a
naked principle ol'English freedom. In the
struggle of ISI2. with scarcely a sailor or*
ship afloat yet nobly did you part in a wsr
fought for “<ree trade and sailors’ rights.”—
When the Union has been menaced by ex
ternal foes, yon have never stopped to inquire
what section was concerned in, or to be bene
fitted, by the war. You have always been
ready to in your persons or your pur
n as, whenever th Confederacy called for aue
cor.
For myself. I was bred, as it were, in tbo
Dp of the Union. The year I was horn my
father entered its service in the. National leg
islature. His entire after life was consecrat
ed to its service. 1 was reared with an al
most superstitious reverence for the Union—
:! my boyish dreams, visions and associations
of glory and renown were bound up with it,
and the rustle of its stars and stripes never
i i!ed to move my heart to a quickened throb.
Why ti n are, why should we be, disunion
tst.s.’ \S ho h.3 turned back upon their
source those high and gushing feelings of
) •'.’. not ism which were wont to warm onr
I ho. i-g and converted the god of our idolatry
| into aemou of mischief and enmity? This
I is a question that the champions of sub-
I mission never .ask or answer. I say,
; fri enemies of the Union and of the
: South have done it. It has been done by a
I In ti..tseism, that has not its parallel in turpi*
i nine, snu in its opportunities for wide-spread
nrn*i ant! nm—w hich has made aliens of
brothers, filled the. forum, the private associ
ations and pubiio h:t!;s of Legislation, with
it L"ed and bitterness towards us: stalked with
couquering steps over political parties, and
into possession of the Hulls of Congress, de
solating and .blasting as it went—trampled
on the Constitution, because it was a pro-sls
verv instrument, and on the bible, bee wise it
tnight and countenanced the relation of mw
tei and slave; set at naught the wisdom and
councils of the pas* and the hopes of the fu
tur ■; extinguished the sentiments of brother
iiood, severed the ties ofa rel b summon
ion, and excited the just ah rip., ■ t the .South,
ea n poition of the Union, for their safety,
lives, liberties and property. No, gent’,cmeig
it is not we who have lost our loyalty to the
Union of our fathers, but that Union is no.
more. It is not we who have refused to.
kneel in the temple of freedom reared hv
revered hands: but that temple has been dei.
polled of the litres of the Constitution, and
in their place h is been set up the Jugger
naut ofa crushing, fanatical, sectionalCon*tir
tution—less majority,
Ihe impregnable rock upon which South,
< arolina bases her refutation of the slanders
of her enemies is, that aggression by this,
government preceded her first whimper of dis-.
content, V our loyalty was tinimpeaehed and
unimpeachable until loyalty to the Union b©--
came treason to the independence, freedom
and sovereignty of the States. You endured
heavy taxes and tariff's which you knew to.
be unequal and unjust. You gave your sons
to every battle-field of every war. Yon were
ready to make still greater sacrifices; bift