The southern Whig. (Athens, Ga.) 1833-1850, January 28, 1837, Image 2

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no good account,contradict the I;k> ‘'" Gn the Creator. They frustrate boia >■'-■> bounty and their f . • * has not been n iy distin t in its reproofs oi foe;r aimless life. Itnas.een heH drrorr.t: n to the dign Wl! ’ are j-■•-■•n so aid) tp r stand to more liiimoie iinents o. domestic industry. —G ice, their exceed ing h*clp?esssess, when ..y the fluctuations of fortune, Sr the commbh accidents of life, tiiev'are-jtarowu.upon tucsr awn resources. Then- niiserahie imhechity, iu times of tri al. ha’ brought :at ufo n upon education, itself which only belongs to fl! directed ed educaU m or to a sentiment of false shame, wh : oh should be early rooted out. Useful occupations ought not to be discouraged by thp contempt of th -so. who are not obliged to pursue them Ara livelihood. In the, ancient lepubkcs, the diligence c; cur sex v>as noaourau.e. x nau probably'in his mind, s >me model, depicted by the historians and pools of another age, when lie said, "1 would much rather see a than a piano—-a shut tle than a parasol—a kniituig-ntseuie tnan a visiting-card.” ‘Perhaps, he detected, even in his own times of greater simplicity, a love of ind.deoce, or display, lurking in the hearts ol his faircountry-w >mcn. Fer bans, he remtoned, ns a. political economist for the good ci his country. In either ca? 3, -the o ■: mien >f s> shrewd a philoso. pher is Worths’ of some regard. Those em pjoynients y/bich. tend, evidently, to the comforts, or necessities of existence are least encumbered with the principle of vanity. «» vw.rrrri —- -ar —• J Sr -V fepecer.a tie Sir. Caihaan, On *'i« • Sar tos- aa:.itea.-a i off ’liuinijjnri. In Senath.—xowai, January 2. Mr. Cai.H'jun men rose, and addressed the Senate as follows: i have bestowed on this subject ail the atten tion tiiat was iu my power, at?l, g;.i actua- . ted by a mast anxious d? sire for the admission of Michigan into th-? Union. I find it impossible to give my assent to this bill. lam satisfied the .1 udiciary Committee has not bestowed upon the sunject all that attention wliicii its magnitude requires; and 1 can explain it ou no other sup vv.aaJT i.»N j foiGitej pivli.'C td<! HViilllSSlCfl Oil tlra grc-uihis they Lave. O.ia of the Committee, the Senator trum Ohio on my 1 ft (Mr. Morris,) has pronounced the grounds as dangerous and revolutionary. He might nave gone farther, and with -ruth proaounesd them utterly repugnant to the principles of the eonsritutiou. 1 have not ventured tins assertion, tis strong as ms, without due reduction, and weighing the lull force of the terms I have used, and do not fear, with an impartial hearing,-to establish its truth beyond the power cf controversy. To understand folly the objections to this bill, it is necessary that we should have a correct concept: on of the facts. They are few, and may be briefly told. Sometime previous to the last session of Con gress, tiie Territory of Michigan, through its Legislature, authorized the people to meet in convention, for the purpose of forming a State Government, They irr.-t accordingly, and agreed iipm? . ley foTtlfwitb trans- mitted to Congress. It was lolly diseased in tills Chamber, ami, objectionable as the instru ment was, aa act was finally passed, which ac cepted the constitution, and declared M ogan to oe a State, and admitted into the Unicr, on the single condition, that she should, by a con vention of the people, assent to the boundaries prescribed by the act. Soon after our adjottm c-eHt'the-Legislature of the State of Btictugan fib” she imu been raised -by our assent to the dig nity of u State,) called a convention of the peo ple of the State, in conformity to tne act, wmen met at the time appointed, at Ann Arbor. Af ter full the convention withheld its assent, a-.u formany transmitted me result to the Pres* deni of the United' States. This is the first part of the story. I will now give the sequel.' Since then, during the l ist month, a pelf-constituted assemoiy met, pro.-ssediy as a convention ct tPe people ol t:ie btute; but w.tu out trie autuei'ity of tu.e ■- w-e. x.ms un .Limo rized and lawr.’ss assemolage assume toe function of giving the assent of the State of Mi chiga 1 to the con litibn of admission, as prescri bed in the act of Congress. They comm uuica ted their assent to th ■ -Ixecutlv;* of the United Sfit- s, and he to the sk nhte. The Senate refer r, } '■ imittoe on the Judi- ciary, and th'Jt committee reported this bill for the a-imissfo” oi the ite. , Such nr • th • J of- which grows the »ju;--I.' i—l;“i '■ ;s self-constituted as sembly the auiiiorlty to assent for the State?— Had thev the authority to do what is implied in giving assent to the' condition of admissiea ! That assent introduces the State, into the Union, and pledges it in the in . -ole in iii-umer to the cr-. - stitutional comp:?, t ' ' fob binds these States in one confoder .ted bo-ly ; imposes on her ad obdiAtionS, ffini so i her all’its benefits. Had tuts irregul". r> li-comsi t.u--•> a.ss. ufolige the autlv-rily te iK.’. iorm these ±. ga ai.u solemn acts of 'sovereignty -n tiic u-ime o< the State o, iSb.il eo-uld'ordy come'in as a State, irM nmiii c?ui- ::ct or s ? f ‘ l -' forker without tier express r--iliority ; ami to auue the authority without her sanction is nofoiug short of treason against die Suite. -, , q R- x - t'ie assent to the condition prescribed bv Co^‘^> l au j 4 wh ° ~r,y <» ,<- » , «;■!•>'■-•'■. e m f -u v the constitution oi i-,S< of l;‘ ■ ler-corasutHtioafi®- eg the bo-iiid ■.■hcs ot t;ie»>..yt- <'-• p'** l J1 M „.,, <Hr- w , di t-e cun utiou of admission en ■ •. - ? t would z-,h united, whether this sell-constituted . t ’ av.ution, ha 1 the UjSSr. - ' .-d c. convention ot Lie rr’on’.c >••order todettrmine whether trie con euldbe sented toornot. The convers ion wet Jj and, after rmuiu.e delffie- ■ • HP . ikLtlOll <•! HGi.’iiS.SiUll ; rntiOHg 111 -v- it. , •* ffiis c;mcus-fcr .1 is u.f.tl .1 to no Ir -.her name —had t !d authority t-> ..T.U ttie L.-..>e..t of U State, solemnly given by a convention o< tue „p, ~u , . u U-, ccnv Acu und T tue express eon:,tltutud authorities of the Slated If all or anv of these questions be answered in the negative—if the i-eh-created assemblage ptf December had bo authority to spc-.in. iu tuc name of the .Slate of Michigan—-:!’ none to su persede any portion of her constitution *t none to annul her dissent to the Condition of admis sion regularly giveuby a convcuti.m of tue peo ple of the State, convoked by the authority oi the State, —to introduce lier on its authority would be not only revoiuwonui j a>id dangi rous, but uttcr’iv repugnant to the pr.nciples ot our SOashtUtiWi. Tue question then submitted to the Senate is,—bad that assemblage the autho rity to-perform these high and solemn acts ’ q’- e chairman oi the Committee 011 Lie Judi ciary holds that tais aek-cuastltuted assemblage ji id ‘tue authority; and what is his reason ! Vvh”, truly, heca tse a greater number of votes Vv r for those who constituted that as iinire than for those who constituted the se.m> ’ - t i, e people of the State, convened nndZrds ccnst-.lated authorities! Tins argu- J, s itselfinto two questions—the first „1 the second of principle. I shall not ot ! ‘ CU .i" first It is lot necessary to do so. discu-ss ■. 1 • • wol)W be easy to show that ne- VUt ■ im lorta il a fact so loosely testified. v 3? was so un?m Qf evk!cnce fae . There is n t ! ] othi , g i,ut the private letters fore us W ■ know eyen t( . ~n m _ of intli- muuL > „ ek p er occasion ;th .mow her n f ?of°£ nu llifications of voters, nor how n.dhmg of 41 1 cive d,norby whomcouuted. votes w< re Now, none a suc h test i !n ony as is gentle 1. mmn --. , f act o f this mo- sTnaittcd to v.s toesuum’ ment, would net be received in the lowest ma gistrate’s court in ths land. But I waive lids, i come to the question of the principle involved ; and what is it ? The nraument is, tiir.t a great er number of persons voted for ths last conven tion thmi for I fie first, and therefore the acts of the last, of right, abrogated those oi the first; j •. ot ier w. i, num&e?-s, witnout re- I gard to the formsi of law. or the principles of the constitution, give authority. Tiie aulMrrily | Jiw-ini v raing to tais ar'i-iimenf, sets aside.\ Ihe'aut'nvriiy cf law and the constitution; Need I!■ show that such a principle goes to the entire overthrow of our constitutional Government, and worn ! subvert ail social order 1 it Is foe i dentfoal principle which prompted the late revo hitionari, . : narchial movement in Mary land, and which has dune more to shake the-confi dence in our system of government : .a any event since the adoption of our constitution, but which happily has been frowned down by the patriotism and intelligence of the neople of that State. What was the ground of this insurrectionary measure, but that the Government of Maryland did not represent the voice of the numerical ma.- jority-of the people of Maryland, and that the authority of law and constitution was nothing Against that of numbers ? Here wefind, on this floor, and from the head of the Judiciary Com mittee; the same principle revived, and, if pos- i sible, in a worse form; lor, in ? f >ary land, the an archists r.ssu med that thev were suxtuine I by the numerical majority of the people of the State in their revolut.onary movements ; but the ut most the chairman can pretend to have, is a mere plurality. The largest number of votes claimed for the. self-created assemblage is 3,0(10 : and no man will undertake to say that, this con stitutes any thing like a majority of the voters of Michigan: and he claims the high authority which he does for it, not. because it is amtqority of the people of Michigan, but beeause it is a greater number than voted for the authorized convention of the people that reiused to agree to the condition of admission. It may be shown ; by his own witness, that a majority of the vo- j tors of Michigan greatly exceed 8,000. .Mr- Williams, the President of the self-created - , semblage, stated that the population of tnatj State amounted to nearly 290,(100 persons. 11 : so, there cannot be less than from 21,000 to fiO,GOO voters, considering how nearly universal the right of suffrage is under its eon.~ . tufion ; ! and it thus appears that this irregular sell-con- j stituted meeting did not represent toe vote of j one-third of the State : and yet on ■ mere prin- j ciple of plurality we are to supersede the con- j stitution of Michigan, and annul the ct cl a con- I vention of the people regularly cc . vene-d under the authority of the Government of the State. But, says the Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Buchannon,) this assembly was not sclf ! constituted. It met under the authority of an 1 act of Congress; and that act had no reference I to the State, but only to the people ; and that ; i the assemblage in i.’eceiEber was just suca a 1 meeting as thatactcor.'v.; mlated. It is not my | I intention to discuss t iestion whether the ! i honorable senator h? ;.veu the true iiiterpreta- ‘ i tion of the act; but, if it were, I could very ea- : I sily show his interpretation to be erroneous; for, | if such had been trie intention of Congress, the ; act surely would have specified tne time when the convention was to be held, who were to be the managers, who the voters, and would n*'t have left it to individuals, who might eiioose to assume the authority to determine all these im portant points. I might also readily show, that the word “ convention” of the people, as used in law or the constitution, always means a mee ting of the people regularly convened by the con stituted authority of the State, in their high sove reign capacity, and that it never means such an assemblage as the one in quest!? ■ But I waive this; I take higher ground. . "■ act be, m -1< I, such as the Senat . nlmain- tain that it is utterly opp ised to the fundamen tal principles of our Federal Union. Congress nas no right whatever to call a convention in a Stale. It can call but »ue convention, and that is a convention of the people of the United States to amend the Federal Constitution; nor can it cail that, except authorized by two-thirds of the States. Ours is a Federal liepublic —a union o! States. Michigan is a State ; a State in the course oi admission, and differing only from the otiier States in her federal relations. She is declared to be a State in the most solemn manner by your own act. She can come into the Union only as a State ; and by hei voluntary assent, given by the people of the State iu a convention, called by the constituted authority of the State. To admit th? state of Michigan on the authority of a self-created meeting, er one called by the di rect authority of Congress, —passing by foe au thorities of the state, —would be the most mon strous proceeding, under our constitution, that can be conceived ; the most repugnant to its principles, and dangerous in its consequences, j It would establish a direct relation between the individual citizens of a state and the General Government, in utter Bulvei-sioii ci the federal character of our system. The relation oi the citizens to this Government, is through the states exclusively. They are subject to its au thority and laws only because the state has as sented they should be. If she dissev.'s, their as sent is nothing; on the other hand, ii she as sents, their dissent is nothing. It is tlirougu foe state, then, that the United States Government can have any connexion with the people of a state; and does not, then, the senator from J' Pennsylvania see, that if Congress can author ‘ ize a convention of the people in trie state of ' Michigan, without the authority of the st-iit-.'. it matters not what is the object, it may in I ke l . munuer authorize conventions in ai*y otner ‘ state for whatever purpose it may think proper. > Michigan is as much a sovereign slate as -eij other, differing only, as I have said, as to her le ' deral relations. If we'give our sanction to the 1 assemblage of December, on the princi; ,e laid down by the senator from Pennsylvania, then we establish the doctrine that Congress has power to call at pleasure conventions within the states. Is there a senator on this floor who will assent to such a doctrine 1 Is there one, espe cially, who represents the smaller states of this | Union, or the weaker section 1 Admit the pow-' er, and every vestige of state rights would be j destroyed. Our system would be subverted, ari'l, instead of tt confederacy of free and sovereign States, we would have all power concentrated here, and this would become the most odious despotism. He, indeed, must be blind, who does not see that such a power would give the Fede ral Government a complete control of a-i * ::e states. I call upon senators now to arr t doctrine so dangerous. Let it be renicm .' .d, that, under our system, bud precedents live ior ever ; good ones only perisn. AVe may not fee, all the evil consequences at mice ; but this pre cedent, once set, will surely be received, and will betometheinstruineatof infiniteevd. It will be askedi what sb 11 be done I Will you refuse to admit Michig an into tue v mon ! I answer no ; I desire to a unit her ; and if tae senators from Indiana and Ohio v. d agree, I am ready now to admit her as she stood at the be ginning of last session, without giving sanction to the unauthorized assemblage of December. But if that does not meet their wishes, there is still another by which she may be admits d. VV e are told two-thirds of the Legislature am P'°' pie of Michigan are in favor of accepting the conditions of the act of last session. Ii that ne the fact, then ail that i < necessary is. taat the Legislature should :• .mother convention. A difficulty will thus be removed, and there wm be still abundant time fur her admission at tins session. And shall we, for the sake o. gain ing a few months, give our assent to a mil fraught with principles so monstrous as tn.s . We have been told, that unless she is aunut ted immediately, it will be too late for her to re ceive her proportion of the surplus revenue un der the deposite bill. I trust that cn so great a question a difficulty like this will have no weight. Give her at once her full share. 1 am ready to do so at once, without waiting her admission. I was mortified to hear on so grave a question such motives assigned for her admission, con trary to the law and constitution. Such consid erations ought not to be presented when we are settling great constitutional u qdes. I trust that we shall pass by all «uen nv. clous motives on this occasion, and take ground on the great and fundamental principle that an informal, irre gular, self-constituted assembly, a mere caucus, has n authority to speak for a sovereign state in any case whatever ; to supersede its consti tution, or to reverse its dissent deliberately giy -1 en by a convention of the people of the state, 1 regularly convened under its constituted autllo . rity. I'rom the National Intelligencer of Jan. 17. ETiT’s.'ivGFsrc ■ •. The p reposition lock, m ge a p urt < ■-f the Jeu nal of the Sen .revived in that i •• . ' at. the present session ofCoc.g, rs, has c,.-■ i.iim-dr: good deal of the time eftm Senate, to thehiii dranceof suclt wholes<up;>iegp.foiiioij as foe va. nous interests of the countiy ‘.foiiaxd. If, l:y this consumption of tin v-, au'. r-urp-.. -t- pras iicai b useful were, i> ' ’■ to bt acco: posried, the time might not be co;.siJur M as ab solutely lost, though some rnay ihi> k that it might?have "been hibre p'rbfita Idy i-mjfoived. The topic which engages so large a portion of the attention of one branch oi th.? Nhlio.ml Le gislature, however, carmot i<? v. hohy uninter esting to our readers, and still less to ns, w'r se vocation makes us daily observers of v. uat is passing in Congress. On. the contrary, we have heard ac.d thought so mm h inion tills sub ject, that theiurceofoi.il’ c.wivfofion, rather than ofour incliuatic. . e< mr.-ilj t s to commit to paper a f w rellvco ■ s »?'. regard to I‘. The re.- . uon now before the Senate pro penes to expunge from the journal of that body, uiid ■ '.'ircumslancca of great i dignity, an. so lution passed three year.i ago, censuring the conduct of the Exoci’tive, in assuming au thuntv, some months before;. ..it d :'.e, to remove the public deposited irons the Lank of the Li.it < d States. It will be readilv admitted, that the subject of the Resolution proposed to ba ettmniged is one upon which there might', when it passed, and may now be, an hoi-est difference cf opin ion. There is in all ‘ fovornmeuts, at all times, a difference of opinion imioiig the People and am.,ng their Rapreseiitaiivei? (where th y have any) as to thetrue < xtentand limit of the pow ers ::n:J prerogative. 1 ? of fo> If’iccutiv.? branch o' ’ < . ament. This difference is i i fact the usual lino of demarcation'. ■? ’-.■ • n parti :s in States which ci joy nr.y degree of frei.iiom. It is not ;d ail a matt, r' cf surprisi-, th-refore, tlim it should exist h> re. But, however wide the difference of opinion i:i the cur reierr. i t?, the will and voice of the T/crity prevailed, as wo hope it will be u.-iveisaliy admitted ought to be the case upon ail disputed qti stions in deliberative bodies. At this time, we ail know, th? constitutional majority of the Senate of a dllfom t opinion from the majority of 1534. 'Phis difference of opinion, it: does not appear to i s to be timiatti ral, nor very unreasonable, that they should de sire to express. As to the manner of express ing it, the obviously easi st wou.d b-.? by passing a resolution affirmative of an opinion opposite to that now on record. One resolution would then counterbalance, <?r set off, th .; other. Or, if a more decisive mark <f dissatisfaction were desired, a resolution might ■ '? pass.-d rescinding ths obnoxious resolution. 1 his? is <1 process r ot. without precedent; and by such a. vote the reso lution would cease to star .-las th.: act of the Senate, as effectually as by iis ben x “expu :g --ed.” Upon the resolutdoi, the effect of each mode of proceeding would b? just the same. The effect of the two modi- s upon the Jourard of the Senate, and upi.n tin Senate itself, would however, be widely dliferent, as a moment’s thought will satisly any one. By rescinding, the only legitimate obp ct is effecied • whilst, by iging, the r..cord • !''ll? ;>i c'- .. ngs of the St iate must be sols lie 1, mutilat id, di .• cra ft d. In the opinion of ablest constitutional lawyers, the act of expunging would be a vio lation of the Constitution ; aiid in the opinion of eminent statesmen would be a vita! stab to the rights, the honor, the useful’, ss of that bo dy which has been heretofore regarded, even by the wildest demagogues and most infuriated partisans, yvltlisufficient Vifiicruiionand respect to exen? t it from indecent out age. We need use tioargumsnt’to show that if the Expunging proposition be fraught with any portion of this mischief, it ?ot, either to gratify the mover of it, to propitnfo- the idol of party, or to satiate vi idictive feelings any where, to receive sanction from the Senate, or countenance from the F icple. It is said, however, that the People have con demned the action ofthe Senate in the case be fore us, and demand font it be reversed or set aside. If this po.'i iou were contested, it would be difficult to maintain ii.by any su lncior.it proof. But, forthesakeofafgume.it, we will admit the truth of the statemei..'. Aiffe-ugh we, do in our hearts believe (hat; > prop .sitiori iu politics can be more true than that embraced in the obnox ious Resolution, let es admit that the People have condemned it by a decisive expression of opinion. Say that it is so : nay, say that they have rightfully condemned it:—and what then? Is this the only ease in which there has been an uiid »übted reprobation of proceedings in Congress by the People? Surely not. Every one who knows any thi: g of the history of his country can readily call to mind repeated in stances of cases, in wim-h uo possible doubt could be entertained of their condemnation by t.;e votdicl. of public opinion. Without going back to tl.e Alien and S. dition Acts —remarka ble cases, however—wo will fostance one ot t;iore recent date, Withi? the personal recollec lio.i of most, oi our r<:.id ,:s. We n for to the Act f;in:i;iur : y known anu pcliiicully damned by the title of tae ■isafom Law. That act, introduced 0.1 the moiioii of Mr. Johnsox, (one of the candidat s between whom a choice of Vice President is veiy shortly to be made,' was passed with little hesralien by both Hon.s< of Congress in March, 1816. Itwas received with such a burst of disapprobation by tho Peo ple, that, at the opening of ths second session of the same Coiignis.-, <»;i the !?d of December following, tho roll of Members was hardly suf fered to b.‘ called over before a proposition was preso. ted for its r. j cal, on the ground of the cdiuni attached to it, nod it was repealed.— Repeal was the remedy, :uid the true remedy, for al. gisialive error. Did at;y one then pro pose to expunge from the journal of ib.w pre ceding session the proceedings thus nek- owl edged to be most c b.mxii us to the People 1— | Was such a thing ever dreamt of.i’i th; tease, byway of cure, us an evisccrmion of the j >ur ! 11..1s of the two Houses? Or has it ever been I proposed in any other similar case? Il it has, let it be shewn. 'A’e know’ of loco such, and do not believe that such a case exists. But, it is argued, the Res<T.i!io:i of the Sen ate, censuring a particular act oi the Executive, was not an act performed in I he legitimate capa city of the Seuat s, and theres ore should be ex punged. If it were true that the Senate had in ibis case exercised an authority denied to it by rhe Constitution, still, as we have shown, u re scission of the act would be the lawful remedy, and would be tie expedim 1 orc, even as nn al ternative. But the Se nile exercised in this case no more nor other juris.lictiou than both the Senate and the House of ItepresOntalivcs have ext raised on various occasions hereto fore, if not without dispute, at. least without having their proceedings therein proposed to be expunged. The right to approve the conduct of the Executive certui’dy implies the right to condemn it. The affirmative ai d the negative powers must go together. V» e remember very well a case of approval of the conduct ol thi Executive, in which the right as w 11 as the expediency of the measure were '/cry gravely OjUestioned, but affirmed by the Senate by a ma - jority composed of more than all its Republican members of that day. We refer to t he rcsolu lion introduced by Mr. Giles, of Virginia, by which the Senate resolved, in December. 1810, that it would stand by and stq port” the Execu tive, (in the case of its dismission of Mr. Jack son. the British Minister.) “-and call into action the v. hole force of the tuition, if it should become to. < y .Ma to. Me- v ? 'tr Oto ,/ -y necessary, rn consequence of the conduct cf the Covii'nmt :!. m th s respect,” &c. .. ; re !.; :i Cf..::: . v.'j.';: 3 forn’e v. :■? no doubted’ Ex p -.j.. ~. r right or \> r-: : . I ■ ■ of its constitu- tional autiioi'ity ; atju yet the Senate iaougat it t0p...’l ■ t Weil till , r ~to; in. i.y to op yfcif the conductdftiic Ex. cuiiv by a'vote to which there were cut us the wiicie boe-v but four disse.ilier.ts, oi ,■ horn Mr. I'niiyciiy Picii- EiiiNow-s cue, a:..! Mr. Jamiis lin.T.wr-m another; botu higHy respectable ao is; er but not much agpruvuiLus politicia j ■ is?- ■pubiiciins of that j pj u Crtse J,,. at-? had the power to apyrouc, does a. y or.? doubt, that they had tr. equal power to condi'niu? ire not these pow.rs corn iat.ve ? Are they ri- 1 . iu truth iLisep.inbie ! one, who is not bln <'ed by passion tr prejudice, can deny it. Now, .hen, we pit it to our readers, whether, if the Senate have he power of disapproving of the conduct, of fo.'iJxccu’t. re in a case strictly within the pale oi is cotisiitutio'ial duty, that power can be dem d to the Senate beeause, i:i the opinion oftheSiiaic, the Executive has, in the case in whichits conduct is disapproved, transgressed its rigitful authority, and done an ■". ct whii’ii the Couiitution does not authm i.: -, ? We challenge an aswertothis question. Yet, though it is a quesfoti v. Inch cat; be answer: ;i duly in line way, itis upon a different presump. ti f’i that, is rested,is we understand it, thear ... mtint, the sole .T..tomant, to ilie Ex : ..'toin.r R.s d is . tt ; exception to’Tiff ' ord: .ar?’ ?.i’ii.. : 'lie S.-'.’fote and of other Le gisiative bodies. 11;; have not thisjuir iiica ion, it has none. O’ ifcssedlv withi ui prec ide it is alike onfbitnded iu nglit, and unsupported by rt iso::. We Have referred oi'lv to isolated cases in L x ..':d; live history, l.'ecau.se it appears to be needless to miiitiidvirustrations. But the jour nals of both Hun.>s abound io them. The same resolution, rerrre 1 to above as originat ing wiih an eraincit Senator from Virginia, was concurred in aro bv the House of Repre sentatives, a ! i.:r a oi'g debate, involving rhe (pinstie.il of-riiieiph as well as that of expedi euc' >:3: ijd in tiii; resolution. Both Houses ■- .gross, iiideed,p<jsse: ; s, beyond ail doubt, th? ri,p’i freely to express tbeir opinion in re fere -.ceas wdi to the co '■’ ict of the Executive as to any oi n r public matter. Ilpon any (h»- ferent hypothesis (:i.e power of impeachment being, i.; th;: case efthe Chief Magistrate, ob. vious’y unavailable and illusory) the Executive is under no real effective responsibility what ever for his acts. I f there be no purpose of public utility to be answered by this proposition to mutilate the records of the S.e:.ute, and if it be, besides, contrary to usage, as well as to reason, is there any object to be accomplished by it, on pure party grounds, to justify the pertinacity wi h which this purpose of defj."i >g the journal of the Senate is jiressed ? The vote which it aims to stignntize will still stand the recorded expression of the opinion of those who passed it; it. will so stand in ail the published copies of the proceedings, and on the pages of th? thou 'mid pn!-’in journals ofour country. Ex- - cord cannot undo the fuel. '. . - ■ J ,p. ...■■'the past has power, . been.” I. h" m.-nsure w.>md show, indeed, that, th? majority cftlie Senate new differs in opinion from the majority which passed the resolution. But an objection fatal to it, in the mind of any cool or reflecting man, is, that it seeks to ex press that, difference by a method altogether unusual and liighiy offensive ; a method held to be unconstitutional by a large portion of the Public ; a method which has in fact been vo ted to be unconstitutional by an intervening Senate, when there was a majority opposed in opinion to the resolution proposed to be ex punged. Them< Shod whereby it is proposed to express this opinion is, moreover, held bv ma:', v to be degrading to the body, insulting to the record, an outrage to the feelings of those Senators who dissented from it, and most evil and dangerous as a precedent. In this last view, how deeply is this act to be deprecated ! What a spectacle will be pre sented to the world when it shall become the practice for successive parties, as they obtain ascendancy in the Senate, to aim to stigmatize any unpopular proceedings of their predeces sors bv mutilating and defacing t 1 - mrnal, and thus reciprocatingconte tints atd .oi'.mc; ! Yet. if the example is once set, can it be doubt ed that it will be fallowed by others? Can there be a single gentleman now in the Senate, however much inclined to support this mea sure, who is prepared to look with complacen cy on such acts becoming the common prac tice of the body ? Hud, indeed, the resolution of 1834 been passed by the political friends of the ChiefMngistrate, there might then be some show of reason (though still insufficient) for these same friends, ii .dera change of opinion, s n king toobiiterale the record ofan act which thev repented. But, in the case before us the vote was the act of those wh > differed from the Executive the:'., and who differ from him still. As an expression of opinion it cannot . he reversed or weak••ned, except by tnrirecan ; tation ofthose who avowed it; and it is unjust i io thorn, as members possessing equal rights, denv them the privilege of placing their i :veio s on the com non record, kept for the i purpose of preserving the decisions oi each i and of all. If that vote can be rightfully obliterated from the record, anv other alteration can be mr.de in it that the majm i v for-the.time-being choose to order. T'l y may as well cha-ge a member’s vote as to expunge it, because both equally deny the right of the member to show, to those who coma after, what that vote was. The mtqoritv might, therefore, with the same propriety chnngp an aye into a ro, or a no i.it au rye, 011 the record, as to extiuguish either one or the other. The extinction and t! 'ch r wou d couailv infringe a personal, 1 . and constitutional right. a party measure, moreover —one having rtd’.w ’ace solely to the person!:! feelings or bni-or of the President of the L T uted States— this violent remedy will, notwitbstiwdisg ;ii; ils violence, bo inoner- jivc. It cannot reverse the declaration made- by the majority of the Senate in 1834; it. will onlv show that he pre sent majority—a very small one too —differs from the majority of that day. A declaratory resolution, disapurovi-'g the opinions expressed I i 1 1834, would' be equally efficacious; and such a proceeding, although on several ac counts not to be desired, would not outrage propriety. It womd comport with custom — would be free from all anpearauce of vindic tiveness—free from insult to the minority, and would as effectually heal the wound sup posed to have been inflicted on the Chief Ma gistrate, ns the effusive and most unconstitu tional course now proposed. We believe that no question before. Con gress h : ever been viewed with so solemn .d. ; a dinghy-the thi iking Public, as th io<. wl> ,j there is too much rea- " .0 rm to be adopted by the Sen , . . r o ■ 1, we declare, in all sol t that we look upon it with more op pressed feelings than we should upon a pro position heedlessly to involve.the nation in the calamities of wqr. Wo shall look upon its passage with a more painful emotion than we experienced, when, many years ago, we saw the Capitol in flames, and our own individua property committed to -the forqhof an ir.vad i::g oticmv. Time c:in obhterite the evils oil ' war, and industry repair its ravages. But | what time can heal a wotied inflicted .bv the I S mate on its own honor? I' sa . orsj we know, of arr.).' '.nce, to i ,terpose oer immble voice i.i a question upon which the .■alnst minds of cur country are exerting tli-ir powers. But in the full scf the heart th< tn nth speaketh; 'and it is-not v.mhont the hope of inducing some cf th -se more coini ler..'-: geaiJcintm who are coeEcier'tiousiy a; proachirig this act as an act cf duty, to pause mm reflect v. hether Inert: arenct Seine iiicriiiccs tooiearliil to b? _.. -di (.1 to the vito ictivo ( xec'i ..s cf partv, e I of vindictive parly lc;'(’..'U's, that we have s.-/|j ii- is much. There is i. . • d sca.-cffy aZj I { so itd sacrifice which we v, oiild not cht/ff I j make to avert the iiupcnfli g calnro* .I. God knows that the sacrifice woui/ | by us wi>h fei ii. gs unt tii : d >j p. ■" ’ ' lel!CC ’_ . ami wrh-.lmsJe and edv ™;tivo ol • saving the Constitution cf ou <; ro ’ 11 a , wound, and the Senate cf tH cols^?J r '' >n \ " <ii..honor, which we hasy 11 ? SUxCi ?' 11,1 Senate iiself would ; From the United 1 e S ra an ' ’ Webrwe i P x returned from witnessing the hist act oftff political drame--nn act of deg radation Ai:d abasement unparalleled m the an mils A'mar kind. An act which, by set- t’■;v f. e dociri e that. Congress carmot pre --rfo the 'lowers confid :d to it by the constitu te':, or lawful!'.' resist the encroachments ol ti;e Executive, strikes a tatiil blow at the entire f'-ame of our s fover'et'. nt. and converts it at oi’ce i .to a practical monarchtj, wiih unkmit 1 ed powers. The deed is done 1 . Th? constitution has | been grossly ami wihu'.iy violated, a.:<bbe Jour- I nah? of the Senate been dei'aced by those who justly merit the title of traitors. They have taken the great charter ?f American liberty, and basely laid it at the feet of their master. There are no termsofreprob.'tbm strange, ough to express the scorn am! det’station th; : befit their conduct. They may have rewar is for this solemn mockery, hut the infamy o’ the act instead of falling on those w hom th- intend as victims, will be branded on th. iro ■ brows, as indelible proofs of their own ignminy. i The deed is done! The m?.j":ity of the I Senate, or what was the Senate ofthe United I Stator-—at the mid font ho ir— m hour seated io such business —!?■ e <d i: ■ red themselves —declaring ir ! ■ ’ whole worid that they are wilL •■■ ■ 'the public records, and outrage - it’itimi which they had sworn to supper, in ord -r to do homage to the President of the United States. The. deed is done! In the face of assem bled multitudes from every quarter of the globe, the records of the tuition have been torn from I its archives, and publicly defaced and folsified 1 We did not, we could not. witness tr is laU act ofindividualbaseness ;i:id nation..: degradation . We fled from it. ns from a pestilence. I : ’ig nant and disgusted, many pursued the same course ; and, under the canopy of the quiet heavens, enquired whether the scene they had i witnessed was indeed a reality or a drecm. The deed is dove! The constitution is struck clowa by th" parrici:!:’-! hands of obse quious vassals. Tit re is no ba:rier left to the usurpations of power. ”he spirit ofour ou’ce free institutions is irone, and the lifeless skele ton of dead forms alone remains tor us and our children. r fhe deed is done! And the last act is but an earnest of what is to come. An American citizen, without th? slightest, evidence, a stran ger in the gudery, surrounded bv hundreds, was rudely dragged before this midnight inqui sition, and, in defiance of every principle of American liberty, was refused to !>e heard in his defence!! This accorded with the whole proceedings of the day. They who knowing ly trample on the constitution will not stop to enquire about the rights cf private citizens, i’lu; time is past —the contest is over— we live now under a despotism. The deed is done! But the voice of an in sulted people is yet to to heard. The betray ers of their country’s honor, and the violators nfher constitution, have vet to answer for the deed before the bar cf public opinion. They ask but for the guerd an which the act deserves. Th-v will get it—THE BLAST! NG CURSE OF INFAMY ! EXPTKGreG S2Ji&«»7.I T T OXS. It is impossible for us to give any thing like a synopsis of what was done yesterday on the expunging process. The debate was so am mited in its character, and so absorbi-.-g in its interest, that it required a much more practis ed hand, and more disciplined feelings th tn we possess, to have sketched even us outlines. The hand forgot its office, while the eve and the ear were engrossed with theirs. Nor are we ambitious of the honor of chrmiicjeieg this funeral of the const ituti > —this hist and lowest J act of degradation. The time must come J when the actors in this—shall we call it farce or tragedy I— shall receive from an honest and intelligent people that measura of recompense which the act and the .viofire deserve at their: hands. The present may bestow rewards pro- | portioned to the demerits of prostitution; but l the future will upporiio i its recompense by a j fir more honorab ea .d equitable sta dark— Men, intoxicated with power, emulous of the honors and h ipe’.ui <»f:he rewards of excessive servility, urged o:> by the ignoble ambition ol I b i g forem st in the work of abasement, may trample the constitution of the country under foot; plant an indelible stain on the national character—and stamp the records of a mighty ! people with the foul bint of falsehood and per- > iurv; but the end is not yet —a day of reckon- I iiig will come, and when the rancor of party : contests hits passed away, and the turbulence j of popular feeling subs;,led, '.he names these j men will stand out before tboeyesot the whole I world as synonymous with i ihimy— -corned, i detested, and accursed, by every noble, virtu ous, and patriotic spirit. We have said we could no* give an outline ofthe speeches delivered. N >tes were taken bv others mid the whole debate wif,m course be published. We must co itent ourselves with na- ; miugthe speakers and the ord-.ria addressed lie Senate. *. . Mr. Dana./; h.' : eluded the r ■miw. • - day. lie ■libyMr. MF,. torturing ■■ m ■ ; dr wont Mr. RWTVT'JjT’ ply. He started front his seat in the utmost conceivable wrath. His whole frame quiver ed with anger, which seem d to struggle in vain for a vent. 1 i il;■■ tempest of his fi-eh -gs his prudence forsook him entirely 7 , and with a face as pale uh that of a corpse. and a tongue | faltering out wild incoherent clamors, he pour- 1 ed fourth what his antagonist called “a rabble ; of ideas," in admirable contusion. It han been I better for his feelings and his fame had he re- I mained silent. The reply oi’l.is well poised I and collected adversary, he, at least, will never j forget, though his years should embrace the i remnant of the time that is to come. When Mr. Preston again took his sent, Mr. I Rives attempted a second time to disengage j himself from the shirt of Nessus which enve- ; loped him. but the effort was more feeble than lhe first, and be sat down with a countenance I which pictured th' deep agony within. Mr.' Niles, then came to his rescue-—talked fora' half hour; but we heard mt a sentence heat- ! tured. The whole audience, tilled with the j deepest 'emotions, seemed totally disinclined io I •listen .to balderdash. Mr. .Mo- re then tnndou j few just and pertinent remarks in I of the vote he should give; Judge fojjn speak . iowed, ami after expressing as the ' upon the subject, moved an to accord ' 'lour was la-e. The parffoflfoore again r:- | thl.i privilege lc him. j/f again lost. Mr. I new.d th? 'notion. about ten mm- Calhounfo'm arc at ;d indignant elo utes, i" a sfr:i to he overcome by his *'• sat down, as it appeared to .ir "•’ :' ; f’ ' ’ tteranceto . : occasion ex Cited. ■■. '' ~ rose md said, tbit he had in- tended to . it" us the Senate in defence ot the . r";;nai resolution sought tube expunged; but from what had passed he supposed ihat the privilege wou.d be denied unless he spoke at di d late hour. Mr. Moore again rose to move a:'. mrameEt. Mr. Clay s.ad lie should not now ask the favor. r. Moore then urged him to give way to the motion, which he final ly consei'ted to; and the motion was carried by a majority ol two. So that he has the floor to-day. With this brief,outline, the reader must be content for the present. a lie debate was one of greater interest than, we have ever witue ;:d and we shall take the earliest opportunity ol layi: git before the public. Inthb Hcxse.—Little cf general interest was done, except the reference of th biij -or the reduction of the revenue to the Cuuimfoee of the Whole ou the state of the Union and making it the order ol the day ior 1 nuisday From, the Correspondent cf the Fhila. Enquirer. XN .'?<;?!SS One word for A) kansas. I f she is not now “nominally for Air. Van Bur.a, Judge White in fact,” the day is not remote when she wilt be loe.tid in that position. But a few months — certainly two tears will not elapse, before the nodiics oi this country wiil turn on the pivot of the stave question. Oathat subject—and it ie one that will create two oi the most angry jichlical parties that ever convulsed a nation— can the co’.to ,:■ :.ye, or the policy ol Arkansas b? doubt-ci ? Just admitted to the Union, and just opening her wilds and prairies to the slave, she wi’l he found exceedingly sensitive; and can it be supposed that she wdl vote for a northern candidate, when the Norlb is arrayed i against the “ i istitution of slavery ?—The ques tion for the South to decide, in summing up die Fresldentiai question, will then be, “ Can wo, consisientlv with our inter; st and priaci | pies, sustain a northern candidate —a man | whose habits, education, and associations, ren j d r him the oppoherit of foe ‘institution oi slave. Jry ?’” Will Arkansas, when the question ih | il:u.i propounded, vote for ary 7 man north oi I .desou ami Dixon s imaginary line 1 i From this dav forth, till the slave question is settled, the S >uth will not again vote for a orthern candidate; and the North, in obedi ence to the dictates of powee, if not from the dictates of policy. not vote for a southern man. Henceforth, in mv opinion, there will he but two patties in the Union —the one em bracing the free States, the other the slavehoid i- g moependencies. It is but too apparent — and I HIT! sorry io sav it—-ihat the uorthom anti middle Stat, s are determined to try the ques tion to which I unwillingly refer. I am not a prophet, nor the son of a prophet but. let me don' in predictions. I ?F'w viously pledf-vd binisself to opptjfce * , I speak of these things incidentally, and not with the design of mooting the subject of “Southern Institutions.” In relation to the subject of abolition, my sentiments are well known to all who know me. In me, the abo litionists have for years found an ardent and a zealous opponent —an opponent who was actu ated bv the love he boro the peace of his coun try ; aid the experience I have had has taught me, that no influence or power this side of the ■: aw?, can stem the current of that feeling of she North, which is now moving with the ve locity of a typhoon in opposition to “ Southern institutions.” The South should know the .act, a id be prepared for the approaching tem- Ilavmg long since abjured political strife, and bailor ” ....-.d '..oi. to attach myself to i.hc chariot wheels of party hereafter, I only i.tend t;> notice these things calmly and dispas sionately. I have not the slightest, disposition to interfere with the political interests or for tunosof Mr. Van Buren or Judge White, or the interests er fortunes of any other gentleman, who may now be a. candidate, or who may hereafter be an aspirant for the Chief Magis tracy of the Union. Before another Presidantia! election can pos ,-ibiv take place, the North and the Sauth—or j more correctly speaki: g. ths slnvuholdi.g and the non-slaveholding State?—will be in the sit uation efpolitical a. tipodes ; and the struggle for conquest will b? warmly and bitterly c.m- I tesfed between them. The r.ovimhve’mlding j States now hold th 7> b?la-'.ce of po ver-—they 1 will adhere to it; nor will the miserable twad- I die about the lux'-iriimi ii ids of Tex s. induce ! them to surrender what they now p-. ssess, to ! yi< -c that, control which they are too wily not i to wield for the furtherauca of their own inter- I e:.t and affva t.ige. Martin Van Buren is too I adroit a politician not io understand these things I a -d von may d -nend upon it. will adhere to i the aon-slavaholJi' g States, as the only hope i of securing a re-election. ■' From the Chronicle ’nd Sentinel. [FEC-.n OUR CORR I-SPO.X DON T.] Wasxkn ton Cm 7 , Jan. 15th, 1837. $ I Since I last wrote to you the Ta.riif and the I expirngiug Resokiiio.is, Slav > been th ? engross ing subjects —the former in the House the ! latter in the Senate. I slated to you. that not -1 withst ."ii , the flourishes, some ofthe party ; make about Free Trade and the elaborate, an i ti-tariff report, that accompanied the bid, to I reduce the sevense, at its introduction, that ataoßmg would be.. nothing mount to be ‘ The result so far. shows the justness bill has been put to rest •; has been referred to the - ■ iSjLnerfeci.ly well, lirat 11 as if it w<7?T nt tMte.’ '-ut let me -t. Mr. Cor- ' wm.one ot ?'V * ino mmmtt.ee oi I V> ays an I "b?®! J r lu j*i ; 's.lay, on tn ’ ' ’-w . on*- 1 ’ r ri •<-ir!esof j the Report, and be bill- It ! was a most powsrfuiafflnnstructive speech— lon the whole more valuable than any 7 speech lof this Session. The theme he urged with ’ most elonur-nce &. fervor was the inviolabh.- i itv of ths coki’KOMise. The effect of this | part of his speech, was evidently immense. ' tie completely enchained thi> attention oi th 1 whole house. The Representatives oi the South ' and West crowded around him, andironi what wns dropped by jevcral of them at the time, I and what I have since ’earned. I am convinced Hur.’ is net om- Southern or Western man on 1 the opposition, mid who represents the plantin ■ | i terest, who will not oppose the i" ! Io tix vir. i inis. They believe the purpose ofthe framers I of it is to make a DiJmo-wtr.•.tfo's ox Pkotec- .. .. ttha policy of’Mr ren. annou iced in that memorable declara ion that “he would carry the South by Miung' with Southern Measures” —and they are e termii.ed, as fares in them lies to put down tms part of his system, of governing by delustoa and excitement. After Mr. Corwin took nur seat, Cushman of N. H. a mare nartisan. ai*>s«>' and talked Auti-Taiiff for an hour and more.' and to get the ignorant to bslieve that the par tv are in earnest about, reducing the Ruvenuej expressed the hope that the President would' call an extra Session of Congress so-vn for t ® purpose of passing this bill!—in case the pres* <mt Congress should not have time to act upotv it.” After a little more talk, Mr. Alulenberg, one of Van Buren’s most servile tools moved' to LAY THE Bini, ox THE TABLE ! TIIIS is tO vet favour in the high Tarin’ State of Pennsyl vania. Mr. Cambreleng and Mr. Mann grew highly indignant of course,’ as had been pre vicu i’v arranged; but the House took up and went to dinner, leaving matters in this state. Next day the subject was resumed ; and the first movement convinced me'hat the bill was not intended to be passed. Afr. Lawrence a Ren rose'itative of Boston, who moved the i'■'definite uostponement ou a aursoaj, withdrew tii-J motion, iu*d ma<h the proposition to refer to th-. Committee of th:; Whole. The strong est Tariff man in the ! louse and those pretended to be most anxious for fl.-e passage of the Bill, including Cmibrelmg & all the most prostrate partisans of if magician aided in voting for the reference, i.. vain were several success ive efforts made to have tiie bill made the gen oral order for a particular day-— 1 hey all fail cd. Why, because should it be made the spe- I cial order' there would be some prospect of its befor sassed vt the present session. But in tim Committee of the M r hole there is no such danger. It will not b? touched, but for the purpose of being interposed perhaps to prevent the passage oi’another Distiibutton Bill, rur. ( la"’s I .and Bill, orsome other measure which, would reduce the amount of public money un der the control of the party’s leaders. 11 wilt b". krnt alive but sleeping. In the meantime I the Report of Cambrideng will be scattered. I over the whole A di-Tariffregion, as the expo sition ot Mr. V Buren’s (.pinions, and dema "oirues and sb will rise up and proclaim th:it he was p”. ited from carrying out that policy, bv th ■ Federalists and Whigs.” Your answer will be ready and at hand however. I f the party wish to reduce the revenue why Ido t they doit ? They have a majority in j both branches. Why send the bill to the Com ' mittee of the Whole. The Speaker decided i that it was net necessary to give it. that direc i fjon but the party were resolved that it must go that wav. They were so anxious it should not be mad-? a law. that they were determined to send it to rhe ody quarter a here it can nev ; r be heard of more ! Tho deb'ite o?. Expunging was highly inter esting. Mr. Crittenden’s speech was one of the noblest ever heard within the walls of the Capitol. In wit—m withering sarcasm— in powerful and lefty declamation, it has few parallels in the records oi eloquence. Afr. Preston’s speech too, on Friday 7 , was most splendid and impressive.— Both these gentle men spoke like American Sen: tors filled with uncontrollable and unutterable emotions at the ■hornght ofthe disgrace which is soon, I fear, to be brought upon the body of which they are members. Their impassioned and indignant _aaaaajj|fcodaced_a deep i npression on the Bfclau-.litory.— The more \dmm- i Amu-gers die time abashed and. tne sacrilegious character ofthe act they 7 contemplated performing. ..It was ex. pected on Friday that the order would be gir on for execution!—for execution of the Senate’s journals—for execution of the constitution— for execution of lhe dignity and independence ofthe Senate. Mr. Preston was roused to the highest degree of intellectual power by the con sideration, and he was at times sarcastic and scorching in the extreme. Rives was touch ed too quick by some indignant allusions of Preston’s to the degeneracy of Virginia, and arose and undertook to vindicate his State. But he was so much excited that he could scarcely speak. He poured out a torrent of wrath against the opposition, railed against the Bank, the Aristocracy, tec. &c., like any foul mouthed demagogue addressing a set of bull headed clod-cmnpellcrs, and took his seat amid tha disgust of his audience . Preston replied wi h great spirit, and Rives rejoined. It was growing late, and several motions were made to adjourn, but the majority steadily refused.— Mr. Calhoun then rose ai d spoke for a few moments with great solemnity and impressive ness. Again the motion to adjourn was re newed, and this time it prevailed. Mr. Clay has the floor. The Committee of inquiry into Whitney’# case are steadily and actively procuring their investigations. The report will not, howev er, be made for some time. M. The Expunging Resolutions. — These reso lutions have passed the Senate by a vote of 24 to 19. i his degrading act of servilitv, is at length consumated. The following is a stak’mvnt of the yeas and nays,lost its passage, it will li? seen that both of the Senators from YEAS—Messrs, Beaton, Buchanan, Brown, Dana, Ewing, (III.) i'ulion, Grundy, Hubbard, King of(Aln.) Li:m, Morris, Nichols, Niles, Paige, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Sevier, Strange, Tailmage, Tipton, Walker, Wall, Wright.—2 1. NAYS—Messrs. B.tyard, Black, Calhoun, Clay. Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of (Ohio,) Hendricks. Kent, Knight, Moore, Prentiss, I'-.-.'Ston Robbins, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, ’.-V. bster. White—l 9. The Senators in italic, represent Whig States. Seo. Journal. Alarm in the Creek Nation.— lntelligence has just beenr. i-.nved in our city that the In di. in Warriors h > were encamped about 25» miles from th i-tce under charge of Lieut.. Sloan, brok ose yesterday morning, and took, to the woods, carrying with them their Rifles*. aintinitio.!, &c. / their number is some two hundred, and there is every reason to believe that they are as hostile as at any period ofthe. late Creek war. A family came into town last evening, who had fled from alarm, stating that the Indians appeared numerous in the.- neighborhood where they had lived— that they were constantly whooping and shooting around their dwehing and gave every demonstration oi hostility—as we stated a fortnight since, there are about four hundred warriors vet re-, main in the Creek Nation, and agreeably to our best inior nation, they have ail good Rifles und a. supply ot powder and ball: what dam age may they not do? What defence have the Whites ? The friendly Creeks now at Dade’s battie ground digging ditches would be of more service at home. lhe Volunteer Companies of this City hold themselves ready at a moment’s warning to take the held, we have net learned whether tl’.n Governor of Alabama, has ordered out any troops—he news has not probably reachedl him yet.— Columbus Herald of Jan. 2.0.. Z?eatA of Black Hawk.—The Red' River Gazette reports the death of this celebrated warrior. He was drowned in the Red River from his canoe’s upsetting, in coming fro mi i ti-'iitv. probably in a suite of .—-U. ’ " ‘ '