The southern Whig. (Athens, Ga.) 1833-1850, February 11, 1837, Image 2

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c.ii’t li a■•<! I'wo-thitfS bulwarks anti iipiw cks ofthe R-'Ver, without the *'i °rrpwsmlw z- Buntline eave one glance totfieuark forhtafi.f thethema . that crowded his forecastle; anti applying ,he t'"" i r e! his month, thundered forth the word ‘ Liberty ! In an instant the Americans, who had gathered ■shaft the main-mast. 5 eapi di’rom the hammocks and nettings, ai d sprung like so m; ny cats upo. the deck and in the rigging of the Englishman. Like a torrent they swept away the few who had remained on board of her ; and now, rang ing themselves along the bulwarks, they pre pared to repel the enemy ss they attempted to r, gain their own ship. “Cast oft' the ainppols !” shouted Buntline. and that loud ord- r awoke the Britons from the stupor of amazement in which they wen throWtl by the sudden and singular mov moot inf their opponents. They mounted the bul warks and endeavoured to regain their owe vessel; but they were everywhere met by (opposingcutlasses. In vain they press’d—i Vain they thronged; th y were < very where driven back upon the Rs ver’s deck, or pu md into the sea. They rushed frantically forward, but their hopes were baseless: they might as well have attempted to force a wad oi is on, as to beutback that rat.k of hi roes. Some of th ir opponents seized a huge spar, and were push ing the two vessels apart. They separated— they were yards asstmder —and the unscathed English brig, with her yankce er. w. f reed a head, leaving the shattered, harmless onlk o. 'the Rovei in the hands of a hundred distracted Britons! Three of the wil lest huzzas that ever yet rang upon a startling ocean, burst forth from the lips of the victorious Americans, as the star spangled banner unfolded itself from the peak of the prize : then pileafter pile of canvas rose upon her tapering spars; and when the sun that night sought his ocean bed, a wide ash of blue water rolled between the statily pviz ofthe Americans, and the shattered wreck oi their once trallai.t privateer. Cewr®. Speech ol* ,Wr. Robea'tsosa, (of Virginia,) On Mr. Wise's Resolution to inquire into the 'condition of the Executive Departments Delivered in the House of Representatives, on the 4t/i and sth of January, 1837. Mr. ROBERTSON began with observing that, although entitled to the floor, he had not intended io interrupt the business in which the House had been just engaged, by a Call for the order of the day. I a truth, he should have preferred that the subject now under consid eration should have b < i permitted to lie over, until hi- colleague, who had presented the ori ginal resolution (Mr. Wise,) should be present to defend it. But it had been the pleasure of the House to order it otherwise ; and, co, cut - Hn'g, as he did, in the propriety of that resolu lion, he should relucta tly assume the task, which his colleague would have so much moi" ably performed, of vindicating it against th objections urged m debate, a id the itisiduous attempt, bv way of amendment, to defeat it. The present discussion, said Mr. R., has been pronounced by a gentlcma •, who took part in it, (Mr. Mann, of New York,) one o the most useless that ever occurred i > this Hall. And, as far as respects the success of the pro posed measure, the remark, judging fn>m the fate of similar efforts to obtain the privilege ot inquiring into the condition of th ■ Executiv Departments, may be perfectly just. But th it gentleman regards it as us less, because, he tells us, no one now objects to the passage ot 'the resolution in some shape or other. A shall see, sir, how this is when the vote shal be taken. But granting it to be true, still it is nil-important that the shape of the resolutio be such as will attain the object in view. If the form proposed by my colleague be adopt'd. it will justify a thorough investigate i; if the amendment prevail, all inquiry may be sup pressed. Gentlemen, however disposed to in vestigate, may be uuwilli ig to assume the ch., racter of accusers or witnesses. They may not personally know the tr th of the facts in to which they would inquire, nor ch >ose to vouch for the suspicious which are abroad. To demand a specific accusation before i-iqui rv. is to reverse the order of proceeding The verv purpose of an investigatio i is to as- : Certain whether there is or is not grou. d for accusation. If specific charges could be made and sustained, without a previous inquiry, i - quiry would be unnecessary ; we might pro cecd. at once, to impeach the officer, or correct the abuse. The shape of the resolution, therefore, is i ot matter of form merely, as gen tlemen would seem to imply. In one form it will throw the door open to inquiry ; in anoth er it slams it in your face. If the form be so immaterial that ail discussion be us less, why. sir, Was the resolution, originally pro >osed by my colleague, not accepted at once? Why has an amendment been offered so unaccepta ble to him and to thus ■ who concur with him? Unless this amendment was designed to pre veut the full investiguti.» they ask, wh it pur pose could it answ ”, xcept to pro' k>- that useless debate, of which gentleme i complain, and in which they have taken so large a share ? Instead, imwever, of taking the vote upon a resol'itio i which, it is said, ail are willing in some shape to adopt, it has been vehemently assailed, and a multitude of obj 'Ctio is, utterly frivolous and inconsistent, have been arrayed against it. The gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Pearce,) objec’s that it is not bold enough. To use his own elegant metaphor, “it does not take the bull b. the boras ” If gentle men have a v thing to say against the Presi dent, he desires it sh.ili b ■ done in due form, and then, we are to u iderstand, till! latitud< would be allowed. But he immediately refut s his own objection ; for he adds that, i p issi ig upon the acts of the President's ministers, we necessarily pass upon him. The gentleman from Louisiana, (Afr. Rip ley,) on his part, objects to the resolution ex pressly upon the ground that it is a direct as sault upo i the President himself; that it im putes to him falsehood and corruption ; and declares, that to institute an i quiry would be to sanction the charge. Thus, sir, one obj cts because the resolution is not bold enough, the other because it is too bold; one because it does not take the bull bv the horns, the other because it does. It is impossible tha’ both can be right in the reasons assigned, yet both will concur in voting against the resolution ; and, shape our course as we may, we cannot reconcile the one without disobliging the otn- None will contend th it my colleague’s reso lution is not sufficiently broad. That, sir. is the fatal objection ; it was desig ed to be ef fectual. Ge.‘tlerna i complain that it is too broad; not spec/'/ic enough. It is v rv much, says the ge iti in tii from New York, (M •' M itin,) in the nature of a general search, icar rant ; and the ge t| mm from I dia ia, (Mr. Lane,) is opposed to a roving, unlimited, unre stricted committee. Let. us suppos ■thitth sc objections prevail, and tint, a commit t is ap pointed under the restrictions imp s -1 by th amendment. My colleague. as chair n an, pro coeds at its head to the Treasury Department. The sign of R •nb n M. Whitney, in I irg ■ ca pitals, attracts his antic ■. My coll 'ague, y u .know, str, has uivays manifested a stru-.g de- sir? to i"V stig te the •■ature of the all ged c > I’ cxi > h-tween IVhit ey a- . t-n'Ti asw. lie is about to <• t. r. Stop, say the gentlemen, specify your charges. I m::ko no; e, my col league replies ; I come to institute an inquiry. Then we cannot proceed, sir; ire. are not a ro ving. unrestricted committee. B sidesi. sir, this Mr. Whir '(-v is a private gentleman.; he occu pies a barber’s shop. Barber’s shops doubt, less may be found sometime.’ very convenient appendages to banks, toeuab; them to shave their customers; but my colleague might be at.a’ossto understand what occasion there could be fir one, if it boot' that description, «o near the Treasury. Overruled, he proceeds to the other Departments, lie requests to see the official correspondence. What is your specific charge I I wish to inquire into the appointment or dismissal of such a d such offi c ts ; the recent appointment of Barker, for i .stance, who, it has been stated on this floor, kept back the poll-books of an election for par tv purpose, a :d has been rewarded with of fice in the midst of an insulted and i dig larit commit itv. Do you charge corruption, or a base? No; my object is to inquire. We can only inquire into specific charges. Permit tn ■. then, to see the books cf the office. Hold, sir; what particular entry do you allege to be false, or fraudulent I 1 cannot'tt,?!, says my < olleague, what the entries m iy disclose be fore lam permitted to see them. That would be in the nature of a. general search. He i.- again ov-.ruled; the books remain s. ..l 1 books for him, and he returns from this fruitless errand, as wise as he went. But h ■ makes a r port ; and how does he respond to the broad assertions of the message ? Is all right? Are nur public functionaries all diligent, all honest? Sir, he cannot answer the question. He ba.-- been permitted to open no book, to inspect no record. And this mock examination is to b claimed o > b half of men at the head of our Ex cutive D partmeuts; of honorable men, it is said, tv justly assailed I Were yon to en ter the house of a suspected felon in search of stolen goods, he might be expected to insist, that general search-warrants were unconstitu tional, and to forbid vou to open a closet, or tur i a key, until you should specify, on oath, the article alleged to have been purloined; and, if brought to trial, he might call on som quibbling attorney to seize on any flaw in the indictment to get him off. But men filling high and responsible stations cannot, without, disho or, rely upon any defence which precludes a thorough i vestigation into their official con duct. Such a course would justly excite sus picions, where no. e existed before ; and whee they did, would confirm th.m. V. hut, sir, would you thi de of the clerk of a ba k, or other institution, over which yeti might preside, who should refuse you permission to inspect his books, unless vou should first make a spe c tic charge, and designate the particular entry to prove it? Would vou not infer guilt, a.. i st.i.itly dismiss him from vour service? Sir, the investigation now proposed on th part of the Public, in no respect differs front that which every private institution or iadivi dual is at liberty to tn ke. The people sure!} have the same right to know in what way their affairs are managed by th ir own agents. They will ot be sat is fid that such aa iiv s tiuation shall be denounced as inquisitorial refused, unless their representatives shall st | forward as witu sscs or accusers; or, it a ■ ■owed, that commi’te-s shall be sect i .to th public offices hoodwinked, tal tied down t specific allegations. Still less will they agri 10 be told that the Executive officers are not the servants of the People, but the President's Ministers; more sacred even, than the Minis tors of a King, that all inquiry i ito thwir co * duct shall be suppressed, because the Pres, I sit has borne testimony to th. ir fidelity, :i ' t > question that is to assail his v racitv Yes, sir, such ar ■ the doctrines ow heard o his Hour. To this complexion have we come at last. But, sir, while one gentleman (Mr. Riplev. de ion.ices the proposed inquiry as i.nquisit rial, and another (Mr. Laue) as wholly u ipre cedonted, and the gentleman from Rhode 1.- land is opposed to it, because it is already pro. vided for by the rules of louse. Sever ales the standing committees, he tells us, ait'.o g others the Committee of Ways and M a.iS, have authority iodo every thing con templated by the resolution. If so, sir, sure ly the proceeding is not without precedent ; a id, if not inquisitorial in its character, why does not the gentleman from Louisiana mot to abolish the rules which require it? It is impossible to reconcile these mconsistenter c>es. There is othi g inquisitorial or illegal dema - ded by he resolution. It proposes to i .sur trie performance of an important duty which we owe to the country, aid which has been too long neglect 'd. But if the gentleman from Indinnna (Mr. La e,) will not regard the authority conferred bv the rules of the House on its standing com mittees as a precedent in point, what will he say to the pr cedent in the case of the Post Office examination? Aware of its force, In sought to evade it by telling us, that that ex amination was moved or by the Chairman of ’h Post Office Committee. What then, sir ? T 1 ’ objection is not to the power, but to the m.nnber who applies: not to the resolution, but to the mover ? It would, indeed, appear ! so. But two days past, a resolution, offered by o ieof my colleagues, (Mr. Garland,) to in- ■ q tire into ’li connexion between Whitney and he Treasury, was .inauim.iusly adopted—una nimously— hough, in substance, the same with tlia which another colleague, on a different si le of the House, (Mr. Wise,) had, during a great part of th ■ last session, struggled in vatu to carry through. Yes, sir, fortunately, th Post Office i ivestigation was moved for by a trie ,d of the Admi listration ; it was directed, too, notwithstanding the President hid pro claimed that all was well, by those who cer tainly did not mean to impeach his veracity. Vo specific charges were demanded. Toe committee was vested with a sweeping autho rity to examine, generally, into the condition and proceedings of the Post Office Depart m .it; and the result of its labors was the de velopment of a mass of iniquity, seldom sur passed in the history of the most corrupt Go vernments. Suppose, sii, the doctrine of spe cific itions had been then enforced. Who could have specified the neglects, the frauds, ’he erasures, the corrupt and collusive practi ces of every kind, which prevailed i i the 1) partment, many of which were, for the first time, discovered in the progress of the exami nation, and astonished even those who suspec ted most? What sized document wou'd it have required to comprise the specifications? And now, when an examination is ptoposed in to all the /) parlments —every one of which, it was once broadly intimated by an Adminis tration go .tieman on this floor, (Mr. Smith.) if the light, should h ■ I t in, would disclose si ini'ar deli i piencies —it is gravely i isisted that no inquiry shall be made, or, it atith n ize I, that i' shall extend to o abuses except such as shall be specifically alleged. Sir, th re is no want, of authority in this 11 us’ ,or of piec dents, to jus ify a gene ral ex.uni latio > into the condition and. proceed ings '>f the Departments. AU th tis wanting is ’he inclination to exert it. Gentl men sho d I show pr cedent for refusing it. Duri ig the last Admi istration, when Chiltons reso lutions were u idi-r discussion, a ,d every spe cies of eorruiitio imputed, the ge al man I' o n Rh iI ■ I a id, wh > now calls for specific charge., though dien a friend of that Adimms- tr/mi, declared that tin; mo'o extensive t! inquiry, the nr»re he should b - p cased. i wish -d th.it a history of i's whole proceed!::;.: cotti-l b- written in su..be;,m the heave, that, all might see ; and th ■ Adm : u-Irmin:, p > ty, to their honor, voted for the reso’.ut; ■■ without one di-y 7 ■ >iec. Wh it a <■<- trust does not ,h. irco laet exhibit to that <. the party now in power, who object to i i.pn ry, while constantly proclaiming their wills.>;■ uess to meet it, because it may wound the l ! i\ sident? Or seek to shelter the public officer.'- -i ler xc -pli-c.s io form ' A.re gc. 'tiiuii scrim n sir, in this demaw' for specific iirgns? Why was it, thw., tb..- a resolute -, .>[f ’.red last session, noma -,ding a inquiry i to an alleged illicit cotitmxionbetween ’Vlbte , and th- Tri ■asurv. was rciieat.-di'. a dfi ui’y rejected ? Ever- the amendme lof f red ’ov mv colleague, from Ute Bru..swiek hs rich (Mr. Dromgoob'.') proposing hmnblj to solicit the information fn.m th.: S cr.-tary oi the i reasurv, the officer implicated, ultimat. -- iy failed; the gentlemen now culling for speci fications, (Messrs. Mat.n, Pi,'arc . Ripley, and Laue,) with one voice volt g against the last proposition to take it tin, made by my friend fr.>m Accomack, (Mr. Vt. ■>,) and succeed 'd, will; an administrate . tmj ritv of 51), i is:i tling tdl iitqui 'y. But. if it shall be the p’eas'tre of the House to adopt the amendment; it'specific charges must be made, it will, perhaps, not be so diffi cult to present them as gentlemen may have imagined. Charges have b' in made upon this floor, upon authority which the gentleman from Rhode Island, at least, will not question, well meriting investigation. Sir. they were made hy the gentleman himself. I was not.present; but I am 'a t permitted to doidit, though it se. ins almost incre- ible, that the g > th-in-tn who, some four or five vears «pi, defiv> r- 'I a speech in this II 11. on the resoiution relating to th ■ Wiscasset Collector, mid who her-’ the sei ' > name, and represented the same State, is the same, gentiem in who oft. red lh:i amwidm nt, and whom I now bi-hold sitting near mo. Heu ! quantum mutalus al> il'o ! i beg I- ave to recapitulate some of th; most prominent •harges. Mr. Robertson then e -iirncrated a variety of charges contained in the speech of the member from Rhode Island, i i April. 1832. Congres sional Debates, vol. 8, p, 23:)7. H a read pas sages to show that the member had substan. tially charged the Preside t a :d his parly— IHzt’i neglecting the reform and retrench ment they were pledged to effect; irit/i viewing those who ha. i previously been in ojfice 08 conquered, enem'es, and. the offices themselves as the spoils of hie i iclors. He said that the ge.itb ma ;, to use his own •xpressive kingu m, hud • the bull by the horns, and ha 1 ch rgecl the president hiqjself- With improperly :ipy d.niing members of Congress to office.; With using his offici d patronage and. irf.u ence to make Mr. Var -htren his successor ; With content: ing '■ e authority of a. co-ordi nate''ranch of the Go ernment. the Senate; and With usurping or abusing the power if ap ‘ pointment. Mr. R. commented upon these charges, and he arguments and proofs adduced by the mem !> r from Rhede Island in support of them. He s till, th :t the abas s complained of hid "■verb; en investigated,—that it was time to ■ quire iher the charges were well sou id :!, md if so to provide a reined .-. He observed, that to the list of members of ongress named bv the member from Rhode !sla :d, ou whom Executive favor h id been be ■■towed, numerous others might now be added ; hat the President had indulged i i this prac 'ice, the co rupt tendency of which he had Tins 'll’ poi ted out, to an u ex impled extent. To the instances a i.lucei! to prove th? Pre. • ide:.t’scontempt for the authority of the Sen te—those of Stambaugh a id Rector—he would add that of Gwinn, awl ih ■ more recent c. se of the former Speak, r of this House; i d argued that th President, i i keeping pcr -■i sin offie” • . ' Senate had rejected, •r keeping Kiiees vac.. ; which the public ser vice required should b ■ fi'i <l, until the Senate should conform to his will, had, i i effect, appro priated the whole power of appointment to i.ims' ls, and violated the Constitution, ia its ri'. if ' ot in its letter. In rega to the charge against him of u.-i g his offi-. : atroiiage and mflue.ice in the ei i. ion of liis successor, he would o ilv say that, if the gentleman from Rhode Isl uid, nearly ive ' ars past, saw grounds 'o believe that the President had thrown “ his mantle” upon Mr. Van Buren ;if he thought hims'lf justified in .r se ting the vivid picture he then drew, of he President with his pet candidate “on his shoulders;” it was impossible he could have seen any thing since io shake his belief; on the contrary, the Gwiiai letter, the Baltimore caucus, the late electioneering tour into Ten nessee, were corroborati 'g proofs, with many others, that the President had k< pt. his eve steadily on his object, until it. had been finally consummated. While upon this subject, said Mr. R., as the merits of the President elect have been brought into discussion, 1 will take the occasion to sav that, however reprehensible I may consider the , manner of his elevation to the Presidencv, for one I am unwilli g to preju lge his course; still more, to proclaim in advance an uncom promising hostility to his administration. He is constitutionally elected. The People have, at least, gone through the forms of an election : and we owe it to them to give his measures a candid consideration. Nor is there any tiling in the course prescribed to him to justify, i:> my opinion, predetermined opposition from anv quarter. It is true, the humiliating co ditioii has been imposed upon him offollowing in the foots'eps, and carrying out the principles, as they are called, of General Jackson : but this, in reality, is no •■esti’ictio:; : it gives him full latitude; a carte blanche to steer his course to any point of the political compass, tor what principle is there, or measure, which has ever agitated or divid <1 the American People, in respect to which General Jackson has not, at different times, held opposite positions? Let us test the operation of this pledge upon the future policy of the Admiuistra'ion. Will .Mr. Van Buren favor retrenchment and. reform I )Vhv, sir, so did General Jackson : it. was the very watchword ofthe party. Will he set his face agai .st them ’ He may plea: 1 .he example of i s predecessor. Will he reco tend a protecting Tariff — He will find full ■.• 1 11?'> i’it. in th,', early messa ges oi General Jack.- and his course during the controversy with South Carolina. Will he discountenance the principle of protection ? The (atei messages, especially tlie last, if they do not abandon it, f: liter it away until it ceas es to be of any practical importance: besides, General Jackson was always for a judicious tariff; a,:d that we know is any tariff that is popular with 'he majority. A Nation Bank: wh it course will he take in relation to that ? The prediction has been ma le, bv far-sighted politicians, that fimryears will nt e! use, certainly not five, before such an iusl mon will bu organized. I trust, sir, it is a false prophecy. But Mr. Van Buren may recommend or approve it. in conformity with the opi ions of Gen. Jackson in the mes sages of 1829 and 1830; or he may denounce uncompromising hostility, and refer to the bat tle with the monster. Internal Improvement: will ho oppose the d 'Ctriie ? We sh ill l»‘ told it had been long I since crushed beneath the Maysville veto.— ' Si nzaern©S ft t® ♦ ill h • sanction it ? The c ortri'.tis < xperdi s lavi:-h -d Oi) this u JU -:t sy.d- tu •u. i: g tn ■-ent Admi istraiio , greatly believed, those ofali the preceding .ions together, will pr- ■ ■ that he, .wing the footsteps oi ti. arai Jack.- ■ Will ho mnintai.i i n idafe the rights e l.ltrs 1 Wliv he a 1 Ge. . .Jackson were ai - ays J-flersotiiati R< imb'i aai.s —strict con sructiomsts. Will he trample 'h im beneath is feei ? lie may 1.- . th ; I’rocl,malto , d show ‘hat he is h’it carrying out. the prm ctples ofGeni'i;:l Jac!;so The Surplus Revenue : will he recommend ; distribution amoiig th ■ Slates? Ihe mes ages of 182!) and .1833 will support the re commendation, and refute every argument ■ ujai st. ns propriety. Will he deny the right of Congress to ret: . l<> the P.'opi 'v. hat has been unlawfully wrested from them ? So does th.- m-'isage of 1536 ; which contains a full re cantation al the doctri ties of 1830. So. sir, he may reward members of Congress with Executive appointments, or di-uoU'-ce such aypnm ine,'its as mak'iig corruption the ord' rof th:: day; ho mav deprecate the use cl official patronage in inters "ring with the freedom, of elections; or employ it in securing the electic'. oi his o-.- : favorite t i the presidency, and not d. part ■ :n the footsu-psof his predecessor. i repeat that the pledge of Mr. Van Buren to carry out the principles of Gen. Jackson commits him to no settled scheme of policy.— There mav, str, perhaps, be one exception on a subject of great interest to the country; I mean the disposition ofthe public domain.— I'pon that I fear, from the tenor of the last message, and more especially from what fell this morning from the gentleman from .Missis sippi. (Mr. Claibotine.) thpt his policy has been already decided, apd pledges given of pe ! culiar favor to the new S ates. That gentle ‘ man, it' I correctly apprehended his remarks, i intimated that such expccta ions had been cre )■ ated, which bad i d iced himself, and the State ' he represeuts, to support Mr. Van Buren, a stranger to them, in pref reace to Judge White, a highly respected friend and neighbor; and threats were held out. of a refusal to vote ap propriations, or to act with the party in power, unless those expecia ions were speedily ful filled. [Mr, Caliboone explained, li: saiTh t, ir. tile warmth of argument, he might have ex pressed himself in terms that did not proper.y convev his meaning. He and his constitue ts i regarded Mr. Van Buren as every way quali j fied for the Presidency: believing this, they I were induced to support him in preference to Judge White, because thev had reasons to think his election would be m >re favorable to the views and interests ofthe new States. lie meant to convey no threat.] Mr. Robertson. I am incapable, sir. of misreprt'senti g anv thing said on this floor.— Th-' gentleman’s explanation leaves the mat tei jutt. as 1 stated it. I should not b ’ve ad verted to the remarks he made, had I not sup posed thev fullv I'xpr- ssed his sentiments. If < his judgment, upon reflection, does not approve ; 'hem. I waive at v further observation upon I them. I must acknowledge, however, sir, that ; I should have been pleased to hear what rea sons the gentleman had for the expectations it seems he and his constituents entertain ; and I warn him, and the party with whom he acts, that the old States, who surrendered this im mense. domain for the common benefit ot all, will never yield th ir perfect right to partici pate equally, at least, in that which was once exclusively their own. But. except in the particular instance, Mr- Speak >r, which I h ive ju;.t m mtioued, il tha’ - be ati exception, there isscarcely a single prin ciple or measure which Mr. Van Buren may not ad<?pt or repudiate, without violati .g his pledge to follow in the footsteps of General Jackson. He will bi! borne out in either cas bv the preceptor practice of his pr: In most cases he will fi ■ both; tn -c one wav. and the practi he other. Let him then, as he may in good fa.i ';, .>•!■...t those which will bring about a reformatio : oi the manifold abuses of the Government, and a reduction of its present wasteful expenditures ; let him sethis face arums' the schemes ofthe abolitionists ; discern Lena- co an iniquitous ta riff, a national bank, an unjust and uncousti tutional system of internal improvement; let him abstain from violating the rights of the States; from the exercise of undelegated and doubtful powers ; from the corrupting practice of bestowing lucrative appointments on mem bors of Congress; I’t him, sir, above all, fol l iwing the advk. ‘ bis predecessor, exter min te the monster, party spirit, and take care that the public offices be tilled w:th capable and honest men ; let him do this, conforming to the good old republican doctrines, and tits meas ures at least sh ill have my humble support, here or elsewhere: a -o, I doubt not, that of my friend from South Carolina, (Mr Pickens ) who has so indignantly and eloquently denounc ed the principles that have brought him into power. [Mr Pickens reqtt sted his friend from Virginia would allow him to explain. He said ! he had declared u.icompromisii g hostility to j the principles upon which the new Adtninis i tration was coming into power, and that no j thi g could reconcile him to ratify those prin i ciples by a re-election ofthe man, although he might be found supporting any e.fhis measures that might be sound.] Mr. Robertson said the observations allu ded to had probably been misunderstood, and he was pleased that the. opportunity had been afforded of correcting any misapprehension. But. sir, I have too far already, I fear, vio lated parliamentary order, though not peril ips congressional usage, in following other gentle men who have toiichid on the course ofthe lext Administration. The two Administra tions are so connected, or, rather, identified, that, it is difficult to look at the one without see i >.g the other. Like ihe colors ofthe rainbow, th-v are so happily blended, that it u<>‘ easy to sav where one ends, or the <T ' egms.— We behold, indeed', not. so much a new jid.'. m istratioi) as a continuation ot the old one. under a new name; not so properly a succession as a regency— that, sir„is the appropriate name a regency bound to carry out the views, and ob Y the wil! ofthe reigning monarch. 1 have enumerated, Mr. Speaker, specific j charges made bv the gentleman from Rhode [stand; sufficient, perhaps, to occupy the at tention ofthe committee tor the residue oi this session. If the gentb-mni, will not obey the suggestion of some of his friends, and withdraw the amendment. I shall ask permission to m- I s rt. these charges in it, in order, as he will pro bablv be a member of the committee, in it he iua> have an opportunity afforded him of mak ing them good. There is one other charge, however, found ed on occui rences of a later date, that ought not to be omitted. 1 allude to the removal of Melviil, Coggeshail,and others from subordin ate appointments in the customs, by Littlefield, the collector of Newport. An account of this transaction will be found among the records ofthe Senate, in a report made on the last day of the last session. Sir, the gentleman fr< m Rhode Island object, ed to the resolution before us because the com mittee might, require the Departments to fur nish information relating to removals from of fice. Li# seemed horror-struck at the bare thought of such an investigation, W ell may it !>.■ dreaded ; forth ■re is no part ofthe aclto>. of the Government in w hich there would pro bably bo found more corruption, injustice, and | oppression. But this, sir, is a specific charge, j mad,; by one of his own follow-citizens, of an ■ .so practised in his own State ; and the gen will. [ trust, aid the committee in as- ■ truth. 1 ,in his petition, that he held I his appointment under the former collector, | Ellery, for ten years; that Ellery was satisfied | with his conduct, and so infortiu d Litllefi'dd, his successor; that he was continued in office by Littlefield until March last, when he, with ; four others, was removed. He ascribes these ; removals to the influence of paity spirit, and : mure immediately, to the proceedings of “ac Administration meeting,” held at Newport, and at winch, :t is said, the gentleman from Rhode Island was present. I ask that his statement on this subject may be read. The Clerk read the following passage : “Not long after Mr, Littlefield became co). I lector, he was called on bv those who reeom : mended him to office, to know why he had not imule the removals from and appointments to ! office which he had ptomised, in case he ob tained the appointment of collector. He was accused of keeping in employment those who had uniformly opposed the Admiuistraticm, to the exclusion of its supporters; and he was threatened with their displeasure if he did not speedily comply wi'h his engagements, made previous to his appoi: ;-:i ;:. A meeting of’ partisans was soon after add, styling them selves‘a committee of the Admi istration par ■ ty,’ where a list was made out ofthe officers of i tlie customs required to bo removed, and of I thosa who were selected to bn appointed in j their places; which was sent to the collector, Littlefield, with a request that he would im [ mediately make those removals and appomt- I monts; which list of proscribed officers, and ' those who were to take their places, was sent bv the collector, as his own list, to the Secre [taryofthe Treasury for his approval, and it : was approved of by the Secretary of the Trea- I sury. “Ofthe officers attached to the customs nt Newport, who held office when Mr. Littlefield came in as a collector, three were retained and five removed ; ofthe three retained, one had i not recently opposed the Administration, and gave assurances that he would not in future ; ; the other two had uniformly voted with the ' 'ministii tion partv. Os the five removed, one had sometimes voted with the Administia tion parly, but declined voting when members of the General Assembly were to he chosen, ‘ who were to electa S iia'or to Corgress, his father-in-law being the Whig candidate; two of them were not freeholders, of course hatli.o vote; and two others, by their votes, had uni formiv opposed the Administra ion party.” Melviil further states in his petition, that Lit tlefield told him that Coggeshali had been re moved because he and Ins son uniformly voted against, thv Administration ; that no complaints had been mrde against 7i/m, (Melviil;) that he . had performed his duties correctly and laith fullv ; that, it was not the Collector’s wish that he should be removed ; and that he should be pleased to see him reinstated, which he thought j might be effected by a proper representation !to the secretary of the Treasury. He further ' states that an horn ruble member of Congress from Rhode Island, for whom he had voted as long as he had a vote, anil to whom he applied for an explanation ot the cause of'his removal, j informed Him “ that it was stated by one of the i committee who made th? nomination,that, live ; cr six years ago, when Governor l ? '':iner was J a. candidate tor Governor, although Melviil vo. tftd for him, vet he voted for the whole opposi . tipm ticket. But the strongest reason tor his r 'Gmoval was, that he was not possessed of a. (•ehold estate, and could be of no use to the /. Irty, even if he was favorable to their mea sures ;" “ that it was incumbent on the party > to husband all their resources;” but further said,“ if he would possess hi mself of a free nr: ’ estate, and support the Admin'strution, he ’>•' pointed to a better office, when the . :.-sto:n house act should pass.” As to < n? ihai. this same member ot Con , i>ress told him he (C.) had been reinstated up on "the express condition that lie and h s son should, in future vote on the, side of the Admin istration.” Melviil solicited the Secretary of the Treasury to inform him for what, cause he had been removed, declaring that it would be a source of consolation to him and his family, to know that there were no charges against him of incompetency or neglect. He addressed i him again, representing all the facts ot his case, ; his support of the Admi..istration ever since i the first election of General Jackson ; his faithful services in office, his inability at his i advanced age, if deprived of its, emoluments, to support a numerous family. He appealed ,to him for justice. The Secretary replied : that his communications had been referred to : the collector, with instructions to report upon : disease. He requested a copy of the report ; ; and received a brief answer, that the collector had only exercised his legal rights, and that the Department saw no occasion for its further i interference, but would leave the responsibility jon the collector. He repeated his request, j and was answered th.: •• <!. representations ot [ collectors to the Department were, generally, jof a confidential nature.” He them sir, pre i sented his memorial to the Senate. He asked : nothing for himself, but prayed that such legis. ; lation might be had as would r. strain, in future, : such an abuse of power as hud been practised . towards him. The gentleman from Louisiana indignantly denounces all inquiry into the conduct of four I Executive Departments, as inquisitorial.— Wh.it will he say to the inquisition which those Departments themselves have avowedly i established ? The < haracter ot’ every public officer, of every citiz'ii of the country, lies at : the meiey oflhese secret tribunals, liable to be stabbed in the dark by the hands of unseen as sassins. Little, sir, does Levi Woodbury de serve the high encomium that gc. th man pass ed upon him. if the document i have referred to contains the truth. If, sir. he knew and ap provud the oppression exercised towards Mel ■ ili. ins ;..-nt is as hard as tl;e granite rock of' his native State. I go further: it'the facts are as they tire rcpreseiit-'d on the oath of';i man whose i •. racily seems not to be question , ed, and the Secretary oi the Treasury has sanctioned these proceedings, he deserves Io be disgracefully deprived ot’ the power he abuses. s, sir, unless Mr. Madiso i, the purity ot' whose life and principles wi I < xhiltil a striking contrast with those of some who will i:> t lie umials of the present dt:v, has misconceived the nature of this one for which the President justly subjected to impeaeht'.K i.t An old and faithful public servant missed because he is too poor to buy a vote, oi too honest to sell one. I’e is of no further use to the party ; that party, sir, »vho profess to oe the exclusive friends of the poor; and in his old age reduced to beggary, his reputa tion, all that is left him, b asted, perhaps for ever, and the privilege denied him of knowing the charges against him, or being confronted wiih his accuser. Yes, the official document m the possession of the Treasury Department, which shows the real ground of his removal. | and may prove his iimocense, wuhlield, not | from him oidv, but even fr-om a committee of he Semite. There is one circumstance disclosed in these ' proceedings that should not pass unnoticed. 11. shows the slavish doctrines that the system of proscription adopted bv the present Admin istration is but too well calculated to inculcate. Ono of the removed uflici rs —removed, as he seems to suppose, solely upon political consid erations—testifies that lie informed the collec tor that, though officers of the United States Government might vote as they pleased in State or municipal elections, “ it was his fixed opinion that a man holding an office under the Government of the United States was not jus tified. in. voting against any officer who was fa vorable to those who administered the Govern ment.'' Tins, sir, is the democratic republican doctrine: that no man is worthy of an office who is not ready to sacrifice his conscience for the good of his party. And zee are not to be permitted to inquire even into the action of the Government which is thus destroying the freedom of election. It would bring suspicion upon the heads of the Departments: Their reputations, we are told by the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. Lane,) are like those of inno cent women: to suspect is to damn them. Then, sir, are they damned already, beyond redemption; blasted long since, by the gentle man from Rhode Island. Sir, that gentleman, A'hen denouncing official corruption in the case of the Wiscasset collector, said, and said truly, t/irtt iniijceiice his nothing to fear. No : I a d. if we mav judge of the future by the past, guilt has nothing to fear. What pu ishment followed the uup-iralled negiig-nce, corruption, mid abuse detected in the Bust Office ? It is know;:, sir, throughout the country. The head of the Department was forthwith removed, and promoted to one of the highest and most hon orable stations in the gift ofthe Executive. Sir, every means is taken to elude investiga tion, The gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Ripley,) has even condescended to appeal to our sympathy, bv representing the President as lying on his sick bed, and talks of the ingrati tude of republics. Ingratitude is not so often the sin of republics, as gratitude is the grave of their liberty, it is the gratitude of the People that too often overlooks the faults of some brilliant conqueror, and arms him with power—their own power—to crush them. What- more would the gentleman ask for Gen eral Jackson? He has received, as well as the gentleman himself, a full share of the bo. nors and emoluments of the country. I am grateful to both ; and eqtia’ly so to the poor soldier who fought under their command, and whose bones whiten the battle-fields of our country. I profoss none of that sickly sensi bility tnat yields all the glory and honor to the great and powerful, and expends itself in la mentations for their calamities. I regret to hear of the bodily suffering of the Preside t, as much as I would of yours, sir, or of' th. t of the gentleman from Louisiana; no more. But. what connexion is there between tha Pre sident’s indisposition and the measure under consideration? If any gentleman will say that tiie President’s personal attendance is ne cessary, I will vote to defer the inquiry until he shall be restored. But I cannot consent that all legislation shall be suspended because the President is sick: that our frontier shall be ravaged, the poor Indian robbed and mas sacreed, the peculator fatten on the public spoils, and corruption and oppression go un punished and unexammed, because the Presi dent is sick. I will not believe that this inves tigation will give him pain. Thi gentleman from G. :rgi,t ( Mr. Glascock,) tells us that he is arnnm ized to say that the President desires a it-: investigation ; and gentlemen ought not to distrust his sincerity. Sir, sick as he is, it is better that, he should sometimes hear the plain language of truth, than to be nau seated with doses of flattery served up daily from this Hall. It is lime this struggle should end. Gentle men tell us it ts too late ; it is the shmt session, and one committee cannot perform the lafoi Last year I had tha honor of Inr investigation, aid, that it si p i'-.: i* i But the long session. In the seven committees are too many. In the short session, one is not enough. True, sir, it is a Herculean labor; but let us make a beginning. If the Augean stables cannot be thoroughly cleansed, at least the filthy heap may be remo ved that blocks up the entrance. I'rom the Correspondent of die Chronicle efi Sentinel. ’Washington. Jar. 2 i) th, 1837. I informed you in my last, by Express, that the Michigan Bill had passed. It received the approbation of the President oi Wednesday evening; and the next day the credentials of the Senators elect, Messrs. Norvell and Lyon, were presented, and those gentlemen were ad mitted to tin ir seats. The motion for the ad mission of Mr. Crarv to a seat in the House was not made till Friday, and there was some debate on the subject, the question being raised by xlfr. Robertson, of Va., whetherthat gentle man was legally elected, as the choice was made previous to the constitution of Michigan having received the sanction of Congress. The objection however, was over-ruled by the decision ofthe House, and Mr. Crary appear ed, was qualified and took his seat. Mr. Bell having succeeded in intreducing his Bill to secure the freedom ofelections, that S’ bj'ct was dscussed during a portion ofthe morning hour for two days. The time allotted to him has been far too limited for such an exposition of the considerations that prompted him to introduce this measure, as he wished to in ike. But even under this disadvantage, his remarks for the fifteen or twenty minutes on each day he spoke will repay the most care ful perusal, and deserve the most serious atten i lion oi evi-rv man who values the puuly and freed ini <d'elections, and has at heart the object ■ of seem ing the people in (he quiet and co isci entious exercise of the elective franchise. I : send you hereu ith a copy of the bill, and a re- I portoi’.Mr. Bell’s remarks. H hen the subject was brought up on Friday, | a personal scene of a painful character took place between Mr. B- 11 and Mr. Jarvis, ot Maine, which however, terminated in explan- J ations satisfactorv to their mutual friends and to the whole ! louse. Both gentlemen behaved wiih the utm-ist coolness and composure. The satisfactorv arrangement ofthe misunder standing was. 1 think, protracted by the well meant but injudicious interposition ofthe House and the speech's of individual members. Difficulties ofa personal nature are, 1 atnco.i --: vinced I’rom all 1 have observed here, much ■ more easily settled out of doors than in .he halls | of Congress, and in the presence ofthe crowds ' that fiii the galleries. Every gentleman is the ■fejt " uardian of his own honour—as he is the hts own feelings, and it is better ion than to put him Uiider It a niaj nity of who® " the pri'S|k. " . A ;iiu, that, the friends ofthegiSK w’ sessed any magna nimity orfe ' - 1 Would have brought ab"iu'a i?W.. • i fir More a perempiory ' Y'aSfehilr-ught of. They are both :■: ii whosetirinuess and courage require no i indication. The Land Bill is making but. slow progress in the Senate. Mr. Walker whom “the par iy” have put in the jslace ot Mr. Senator Ew ing, at the head of the Committee on Public Lauds has “link even below m his own—noth ing i.i the preparation of this measure and in getting it through the Semite, d.lierent mem Ih'is still continue to file upon it amendment after umeiidnient. Mr. Senator Buchanan • <avc it a kick the other day by introducing a [ new amendment, and declaring if it should not be adopted he could not vote for the measure. I really believe Mr. Clay has exerted his per sonal influence successfully to make the bill unpopular with a majority, so as to kill it off and obtain another chance tor the passage of his Land Bill. The Tariff! the Tariff! W e have had another demonstration on protection in the Sen. ate ! Van Buren’s first lieutenant Silas Wright, one of the most clear-headed and dexterous politicians living, has brought in a Bill of his own to reduce the revenue. I see the wretch ed old weather-hen ofthe Richmond Inquirer, has made a terrible ado, because in noticing the introduction of Cambreleng’s humbug bill, I took occasion to warn your readers and the South, that this was a mere manoeuvre—apart ofthe infamous system of equivocation, by which the appointed accessor dared to an nounce he will be able to carry the South. “The Washington scribbler of the Augusta Sentinel,” as the false-hearted and servile old man presumes to call me, repeals that tha Van Buren party intend to do nothing towards an effective reduction of the Tariff. They have the majority in both branches—why then do they not go to work ? Why so much talk? I wish the Whigs from the North and South would urge them to vote on either Cambre, long’s or Wrigh 's B;1, and we would then see how ihm who pretend to be so zealous for the passage of these bills when there is a deter mination not to have th in acted upon, would turn against them. Van Buren’s friends irt the North will not permit the tariff to be touche ed. The bill reported by the Committee onPub> he Lands, in reference to the Treasury Circu lar, to designate and limit the funds receivable for the revenues of tile U. States, was taken up yesterday in the Senate, and Mr. Benton made a violent speech in opposition to it, in the course of which he assailed Mr. Rives’s proposition, and the committee on public lands. His speech was so outrageously arrogant and dictatorial, that the Rives section of the party held a meeting the same evening, and determin < d that he must be put down.—Accordingly Mr. Walker of Mississippi commenced opera tions yesterday, and made a speech, the whole object of which seemed to be to hold up the Missouri Senator, and his specie humbug,, to the scorn and contempt ofthe country. “God save the country,” he cried, “from the ex treme and extravagant opinions of the Senator from Missouri I”—He did not believe that any one participated in these opinions— Benton stood alone in his doctrines. He was very severe on him for having opposed Jackson in 1823, and now pretending to be the exclusive guardian of his conscience, and wound up a. speech of great personal bitterness with the declaration, that he was ready to go into a contest on the subject, with Benton, here or elsewhere. Rives followed, and compliment ed Walker in the highest terms, on the vigor ous and successful opposition he had made to Benton’s doctnaos. He said he wished to fortify some of his arguments but obtained the indulgence of th ate to postpone the sub j ct till Monday.—When it is expected he will widen the breach that has been already m ide. There is deci ledly a split in the camp. There has been a tremendous dust in the Committee ofinvestigation into the conduct ofthe Executive Departments. The President i i answer to resolutions calli ig on him for in formation has addressed to Mr. Wise a most insulting letter, denouncing the conduct of the House in raising the Committee, and that of t ie Committee in the course they have pursued as inquisitorial/ He refuses to answer ; and savs he will take care that the heads of depart so much business to attend to, on the calls of this I —That they shall offiee hours at ;nv rate, lie also charges Mr. Wise and “his coadjutors” with having made allegations against his administration on tlie floor ofthe House, and calls o i the Committee to call them before it. The majority of the Committee have obeyed his commands and subpoeued Messrs. White and Calhoun of the Senate; a id Messrs. Pickens, Bell, Peyton, and others ofthe House. They will perhaps regret this sep before long. Some of them will make disclosures which the party will not like so well should be made public. The President’s letter has produced rieat excitement, (t is disgraceful hat the vile creatures around h nr shou d make such a tool o the poor mbecile old n an.—The M hitney Committee are pur suing their inquiries. The developeme is they will m .ke will show .. mass oi auus? and cor ruption that will aetoi ish the country. M. From the Southern Recorder of February 7. Congressional Investigation. We are informed by the correspondent of the Columbia (S. C.) Tinies, that the Committee of Investigation on Whitney’s case, meets with much difficulty in prosecuting the objects of its appointment. Whitney, it se< ms, will only I answer such questions as suits his own con vein cnee and purposes; and by another cor respondent it. will be seen that, by grossly in suiting Mr. Peyton, he had well nigh brought the investigation to a final and very summary conclusion. Yet, with all, it is said that proof is accumulating which will greatly amaze tile people. The Times’ correspondent further states, that .Mr. 'Vise, on the Committee to investigate the j abuses of the Government, meets with still greater drawbacks, every possible difficulty being thrown in the way of the. prosecution of the enquiry. Interrogatories, it seems, were sent to the President, whose reply, it is said, was an insulting refusal to answer. He ad dr s« s his letter, (says this writer,) mainly to Mr. Wise, and saysthathe considers the w hole matter as his affair, and .is he. i ii.s speeches, had made charges against him of corruption, he was bound to prove his charges himself.— That he and his associates who upheld him, and repeated these and similar charges, should be brought before the committee and examin ed, and if they did not prove them, stand con victed as calumniators. That he and his of ficers are not bound to furnish evidence against themselves, on vague and indefinite and gen era! charges, and he will order them not to leave their duties to attend to any summons of any committee like this, come from w hom it may. He expresses surprise that the House of Representatives should have adopted sneh a resolution, and shows throughout, the most con. temptuous disregard of the dignity and privi leges of the House. When published, as it will be, it will not fail to create a strong sen sation. We agree with the commentary of the cor respondent ofthe Times, that the determination to withhold from the people and their Repre sentatives any information in relation to tho conduct of the departments of the government, when an investigation of such conduct is de manded by the people through their represen tatives, is wholly inconsistent with the nature and great design of our institutions. It is one of the very first and most important maxims of a government such as ours, that the people have the ir.questionable right to enquire i n(o and to be made fully acquainted with the act ings and doings of their public agents, and any tfort to screen from the scrutiny of the public the conduct of their mere agents, (servants or hirelings as the Democratic republicans some times call them)—is directly at war with the essential spirit of a government of the people.