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-~j • c The old nen of the *' ure b’ tasted cos- fee in their youth, its use then being exceed ingly limited, ns a bod v, are taller than any e qunl number of men taken promiscuously from the traders and professions ot these degener ate times. All this is imputed by some to the stinting influenc of the coffee. If coffee drink ing in this climate does prevent children from being as large as they were originally designed to b e —parents, ambitious of practising upon the principles of calisthenics had better return to the old-fashioned, though excellent and ap propriate, dish of bread and milk, which under ordinary circumstances never failed to give health, height and happiness to those who were reared upon it.— Medical and surgical jour nal. < • If therefore, the conclusions above set forth be cerrect,pa rents, who are anxious that their children should possess that first of locomotive blessings, a pairoflong legs, must prevent the tender juveniles from solacing their young sto machs with genuine coffee ; though, we pre sume, they may go on with their infusions of parched rye as long as they please. We can not pretend to say what is the influence ofcof fee drinking upon the longitude of the human frame ; but we have our eye upon several in dividuals who carry their crowns several inch es above 6 ft, and to our certain knowledge they have been steady and industrious coffee drink ers ever since they were strong enough to tilt a saucer. Ifthese individuals have been cheat ed of their full growth by the use of coffee, if would be a curious inquiry to speculate on the height to which they would have gro.vn upon the more stretching diet of bread and mdk. But. joking apart, we have very little doubt that’ not children alone, but adults likewise, would be much healthier, if both tea and coffee were prohibited articles, and if something of a less stimulating nature were introduced in their stead. This, we believe, has always been the doctrine, but thera is little likelihood that it will ever be enforced, and so, whether it makes u* tall or short, fat or lean, civilized man will go on as heretofore, taking his tea and his cof fee with clock-line regularity. Both, however, might be advantageously denied to children. Saturday News. From the New York Daily Express. The Consumption. Such have been the improvements in surgery, that there are some hopes that a cure for con sumption may at length be effected by its aid. It is a line in which no efforts have as yet been made with a view to the absolute allevi ation of this all-pervading disease. The atten tion of medical men has never been directed to so apparently hopeless a resource as a means of arresting the career of a malady hitherto re garded as exclusively within the province of the physician, and not having even a remote bearing to the remediate virtues residing in the knife. But such will probably be the turn which things will take, and under this convic tion I am induced to lay before the Public the following plan for the cure of this unhappily too common disorder. In order-to render this matter intelligible to the mass of people who are roost deeply interest ed in the discovery, it will be necessary to make them, in a measure, acquainted with the opinions which have been hitherto entertained by physicians in regard to the nature of this disease, and to give a brief description of the structure of the lungs, and the manner in which they affect the vital functions of oxidizing the blood. '• The lungs are bodies of a loose or spongy consistence, contained within the chest. They are placed in the right and left sides, and are separated from each other by a membranous partition, running from under the breast-bone directly to the back-bone. The lung of the left side is the smaller, from the heart being si tuated it) that cavity. The windpipe goes down the neck, and, dividing into two branch es, enters into the back part of the lungs, close upon the spine. The lungs lie loose in the chest, like a bag or bladder, whose orifice is at the windpipe. We will suppose it to be a bladder inside of a bellows ; if we stpp up the hole or valve in the bottom board of the bellows, and suppose the mouth of the bladder to come out at the nose, it is then in precisely the same circumstances that the lungs are within the chest. Raise the handles, and the air passes in at the nose and tills the bladder inside the bellows ; depress the handles,, and the bladder is emptied. But lei us open the valve underneath the bellows, and the air, when the handles are elevated, will rush into this opening, instead of the smaller orifice of the nose. The lungs are in the same relative situation. Make an opening tn the inside, of the chest, and when the ribs are raised in the act of breathing, the air is drawn through this new passage in preference to pas sing by the more circuitous way of the mouth and windpipe. As the air is drawn in upon the exterior surface of the lung, the latter (which we will suppose the bladder again) is pressed down and more and more emptied by every breath, until it is reduced to its smallest size, and all the cavity outside of it is filled with air. The lung (for these are cases which arc not speculative, but of almost daily occurrence) is compressed in this manner to a body not larger than the fist, which shows the exceeding spon giness of its structure. This opening has sometimes been made by accident, sometimes to give issue to matter or air collected within the cavity, and for various other purposes. It is practicable as a curative means only, from the fact that the lungs are contained in two se parate and distinct apartments, divided, as be fore stated, by an impartiawi partition. If they were both in one cavity, and the air let in upon their outside, it would be an end to life, as no breath could gain admittance to the inside of the lungs. But as it has been proved in numerous instances of disease, and where op erations have been performed, that a person can live by the breath of one lung, and allow the other to lie idle, the idea originated of at tempting to cure a disease in the onelung, which is under your mastery, while the other goes on ■*with its functions. The only way in which consumption is ever cured, is by the collapsing or drying up of the lungs, the cessation of breathing in it, and the sinking of that side of the chest. The other side of the chest gene rally becomes enlarged. Consumptive people live on for years, when, to a l intents and pur poses, they have not half a lung. And a dis tinguished wrjter haa expressed the opinion that one-twentieth part of the air usually taken into the lungs at one respiration is sufficient to sustain life. Tho system of cure here proposed is found ed on a careful consideration of these facts. If the lung can bo placed at rest by the admis sion of air to the cavity of the chest, the great obstacle to the cure of consumption is removed. So long as it is kept continually in motion by the passage of the air through every portion of it, an ulcer, or any other disease which may exist, cannot possible heal. If the motion did not aggravate the complaint, the state of dis tension in which the lung is kept, and the sepa ratum the diseased or ulcerated surfaces maintained by this distension, would prevent the union of the opposite sides of tho ulcers. A wound will not unite unless the edges are kept together—and a sword wound of thelun<r is only cured by the instantaneous sinking down of the wounded orgai , and the consentient,'- tact which is produced'between the sides of the cut. Thus Nature seems to have pointed out this means of cure, and to have placed con sumption, as it were, under an impossibility of being removed by medicinal remedies, or by any other means than the knife. It is like the hip complaint in this respect. It is impossi ble to produce a perfect siate of rest in that joint—as in any position in which the patient may be placed, sitting, standing, or lying, eve ry movement of the body centres in the head of the thigh bone, and continually aggravates the existing disease and renders it incurable. Now, the object of the operation for con sumption is to make a permanent opening into the side of the chest, so as to allow the air to enter freely and compress the lung—to give Nature an opportunity (while the lung is it) a state of rest) to absorb the diseased matter, or to heal the ulcerated parts by cicatrization, and to afford the surgeon an opportunity to re sort to the ligature or knife, where they may be beneficial. In the first place, the surface on which Nature has to act in her curative at tempts is very much reduced; in the next place, there is no interruption to her efforts, oc casioned by the process of breathing, or bv the irritation of the hectic fever, which seems to be simply an indication of her struggles and her inability to conquer a great disease—since we in variably see it manifested when the body is laboring under a very’ extensive external sore, or an internal disease or abscess where there is no possible chance for the escape of the matter or the consolidation of the parts, as in i the case of the liver and the lungs. In the | next place, the matter, or pus, instead of coin ' pelling the "lungs to violent efforts for its ex pulsion through the windpipe, and the want of ; strength to do which is frequently, if not gen j erally, the immediate cause of death in this j disease, finds a ready issue by the artificial j opening. Again: the parts cannot so well be-, i come callous in a state of quiescence, and if ! they have already become so by the constant I motion—as in fistula the compression to which they are subjected will promote their union, as in ulcers on the leg—their collapse alone fa vors this result. To be brief, where applica i tions, incisions, inspections, tec. are required, they are easily made. If it is found nccessa- I ry to remove any diseased limb, it can be es ! fected. It is not necessary to enter into the details >of the operation. It is not os severe as one i half of those daily performed in this city ; and, as to its practicability, we will not throw away reasons in discussing a matter wich admits of no dispute. Those who are aware that an in cision has been made into the abdomen, and an ovarium of enormous size successfully re moved, jby Dr. D. L. Rogers.)—that the bold and skilful hand of Dr. Mott has entered the breast and almost passed a ligature around the heart itself—those who know that hip joints have been made ly a dash of the knife, as in a case by Dr. J. Kearny Rogers—will not won der that a diseased lung, which has ceased to perform its functions, should be seized and ta ken out mainly from its location in the body ; much less need they bo alarmed at the trivial operations of making a small incision in the side as the first step in the way of giving life to the destined victim of consumption. Were the operation the most terrible, as it is the most trifling, thee would be no cause for apprehension that a man’s system in so low a state as that of a consumptive patient would not be able to bear the shock. Persons reduced to the very confines of the grave by any long pro tiacted disease in one of the extremities, un dergo amputation better, and rise with reno vated health from its effects sooner than those who are brought down in the full strength of their bodily powers, and are compelled to sub mit to a mutilation of one of their members. The danger of the operation is less, the pain is less, in proportion to the lowness of health and strength of the patient. Instead of giving stimulants to sustain the -system, we should in many cases rather have recourse to bleeding, in order to diminish the quantity of blood cir culating through the lungs. Without, therefore, particularizing the dif ferent steps of the operation in these prelimi nary observations, we shall content ourselves with presenting a summary of the arguments which have been advanced in favor of the suc cess of these remediate measures for the effec tual cure of consumption, and leave readers to judge of the degree of confidence to which they are entitled. I would not be guilty of flattering, against my own conviction, that de lusion and fallacy of -anticipation which are often observed among consumptive subjects, j and which frequently lead them to hope, in de fiance of all the evidences of approaching dis ; solution, that they are at that very time on the j point of perfect restoration to health, and to | hold up their shrivelled arm to you and ask you to look at the plumpness of it as an incon trovertible proof of their returning vigor. Such hallucinations are too melancholy to be trifled with in so grave a manner. The reasons upon which I found my assur ance of the feasibility of this mode of cure are : First, a man can breathe and retain his good health with one of his lungs only. Secondly, Nature sometimes effects a cure by drying up ono of the lungs ; and this is the only method in which she ever does effect a cure. Thirdly, the operationis neither difficult nor dangerous. And, fourthly, the diseased lung may be w hol ly removed if necessary. L. I*. WARREN, 438 1-2 Broadway. From the New York Daily Express. PHRENOLOGY—COLONEL BURR. Having a short time since heard of a phren otogteat e.vd.unnat;»,. <-£’ the hua<l of Col. Burr by one of the phrenologists of our city, whose name is given below, we requested for the pur pose of publication, the results ofthe examina tion, and give it below for the amusement of our readers. The distinguished character of Col. Burr, his many peculiarities, aud his curious history, will make the communication of our correspondent highly interesting. To the Editros ofthe New York Daily Express: At your request, I send-you the phrenological character of Colonel Burr, as taken under the following circumstances; A fiiend,acquaint ed with my phrenological bias and studies, re quested me to examine the head of an aged gentleman, then lodging at the house of a lady in Broadway, who was also anxious to have the science tested in the case. We called to. gether about a year since, and I was announc ed as the phrenologist, but no intimation was given respecting the character or name ofthe very aged man into whose room we were in troduced. The examination was permitted by the Colonel only on the solicitation of the lady above referred to, w ho, by the way, passed with me as his niece. But very few remarks were made by the persons present, excepting some gay expressions by the lady, designed to keep up the interest .of the Colonel in what was passing; butuothiug was expressed or implied which led me to suspect who w’as the personage. 1 was under the impiession that he was from the country on a visit. In this paper I shall'not attempt to give the minute points of conversation, but only to preserve the character and facts of the examination. If any inaccuracies are found, the persons pre sent, whose names arc herewith transmitted, are ready to correct them. Being under the ■ mnression that he was uneducated, it w,-' 1 ’ remarked that it would be impossible to keep ' such an organization in active, or in private j life. His head indicated an aversion from > religion, great strength and activity ofthe low- | er propensities, with a powerful practical in tellect. It was asked if I could tell the cha racter from the head, so that there need be no doubt respecting it. It was replied, that the head mu a t give a correct character, as the tem perament was a firm one, ai d the body re markably symmetrical, though the head was the largest as to the proportions. Being re quested to give my opinion without reserve, I did so ; and shall give you the geneial remarks then made, with but few executions, as the re collection of those present has'pi eserved them, j I said, “ Sir, you are a man ot great natural | endowments, capable of the highest order of I actions, and possessing indomitable energy of character. I never saw a stronger marked heau. Your passions have always been in dulged. Your ambition is cf the self-directed and power-grasping kind, your sentiments averse from religion, your benovolence is ex clusively for your triends,yoer judgment acute and practical, your knowledge universal, and particularly your memory of facts and powers of observation are ofthe highest order. You would prefer arms as a profession ; you would make a skilful commander, bold and enterpris ing. As a lawyer, you would engage in poli tics, and be intriguing. You would sacrifice all to self. Y r ou would love your wife, adore and indulge your children.” I proceeded to designate the developments necessary to such a character; and as this paper may fall into the hands of some who are interested in phrenological minutiae, I will give them. The fibres anteriorly were long, pos teriorly long and broad ; superiorly in the re gion of firmness, very long, but not broad in the superior region, except, perhaps, rather so in hope and ideality, Coustructiveness was large also a slight depression following the line of the occipital suture to c< mbativeness. The mastoid processes were peculiarly crowded outward, and had the appearance of being wi dened. The b r ain fell from self-esteem rather obliquely toward combat iveness, but the gene ral proportions were vety even. The broadest front of the measure was at the junction of sensitiveness, combativeness, and caution, giv ing these organs a peculiar combination. To all I said the Colonel gave the greatest attention and expressed no dissatisfaction. The interview lasted about one hour; allot’ which time was occupied in the phrenological analysis of his character. Several very inter esting coincidents of remark and characteris tics occurred, which need not be introduced in this paper. After I. had concluded all I wished to say, I was introduced to Colonel Aaron Burr; and the reader may picture my astonishment in being thus in the presence of a man who had filled the world with his name, and our country with.astonishment, and whose history will go down to posterity as that of one ofthe greatest statesmen and soldiers America can boast. I hope no one will charge on the writer of this a disposition to disturb the honors of the dead; lor this paper would not have appeared but that it will add one more to the thousands ofastonishingyiicZs which establish the science of phrenology. Yours trulv, T. BARLOW. Phrenological Rooms, 286 Broadway, > May 22d, 1837. " $ political* Remarks of the Hon. John C. Calhoun. Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March2l, 1834, on the motion of Mr. Web ster for leave to introduce a bill to continue the Charter of the Bank ofthe United States for the six years after the expiration of the present Charter. {Concluded.) The Senator from New Y ork, (Mr. Wright) in assigning his reasons for believing the Bank ot the United States to be more danger ous than those of the States, said that one bank was more dangerous than many. That, in some respects, may be true; but, in one, and that a most important one, it is strikingly the opposite; I mean in the tendency of the system to increase. Where there is but one bank, the tendency to increase is not near so strong as where there are many, as illustrated in England, where the system has advanced much less rapidly, in proportion to the wealth and population ot the kingdom, than in the United States. But where there is no limita tion as to their number, the increase will be inevitable, so long as banking continues to be among the most certain, eligible, and profita ble employment of capital, as is now the case, With these inducements, there must be con stant applications for new banks, whenever there is the least prospect of profitable employ ment—banks to be founded maitdv on nominal and fictitious capita), and adding but little to that already in existence—and with our just and natural aversion to monopoly, it as diffi cult, on principles of equality and justice, to resist such application. The admission of a new bank tends to diminish the profits ofthe old. and between the aversion of the old to reduce their income, and the desire ofthe new to acquire profits, the result is an enlargement of discounts, affected by a mutual spirit of for bearance; an indisposition on the part of each to oppress the other; and finally, the creation ot a community of feeling to stigmatize and ojipose those, whether banks or individuals, who demand specie in payment of their notes. This community of feeling which ultimately identifies the whole as a peculiar and distinct interest in the commiuiiiy. increases and be comes more and more intensejust in propor tion as banks multiply; as they become, if I may use the expression, too pop ilous, and from the pressure of increasing numbers, in maintaining their existence, there results a corresponding increase of issues, in proportion to their means; which explains the present extiaordinary disproportion between specie and notes, in those States where banks have been most multiplied; equal in some to sixteen to one. There results, from this state of things, some political considerations which demand the profound attention of all who value the lib erty and peace ofthe country. . the banking system - rests on a solid foundation, there will be, on their part, but little dependence on the Government, and but little means by which the Government can in fluence them, as as little disposition on tho part ot the hanks to be connected with it; but in the progress of the system when their number >s greatly multiplied, and their issues, in pro portion to their means, are correspondingly in creased, the condition of the banks becomes more and more critical. Every adverse event in the commercial world, or political movement that disturbs the present state of things, agi tates and endangers them. Thev become timid, and anxious for their safetv. and neces sarily court those in power, in order to secure their protection. Property is, tn its nature, timid, and seeks protection, and nothing is more giateful to Government than to become a pro tector. A union is the result; and when that union takes place—when the Government, in fact, becomes the bank direction, regulating its tavois and-accommodation, the do vnfall of libeity is at hand. Are there not indications • hat we are not F --of out H e tt SB? Ii i things? Do we not behold in those events which have so deeply agitated us within the tew months; and which have interrupted all the busmess transactions of this ".ommunity, a strong tendency to this union on the part of one department ot this government, and a por tion ot the banking system ? Has not this un ion been, in fact, consummated in the largest and most commercial ofthe States? What is the safety fund system of New York but a union between the banks and the State, and a consummation by law of that community of feeling in the banking system, which I have attempted to illustrate; the object of which is to extend their discounts, and to obtain which, the interior banks of that State have actually put themselves under the immediate protection of the government. 'I he effects have been striking. Already have they become substantially mere paper ma chines—several having not more than from one to two cents in specie to the dollar, when com pared with their circulation will be found but little better. I care not (said Mr. Calhoun) whether the present commissioners are parti zans of the present State Administration or not; or whether the assertion of the Senator from New York, (Mr. Wright,) that the gov ernment ot the state had not interfered in the control of these institutions, be correct. Whe ther it has taken, place or not, interference is inevitable. In such state of weakness a fee ling of dependence is unavoidable, and the control of the government over the action of the banks, whenever that control shall become neeessnry to subserve the ambition or the av arice of those in power, is certain. Such is the strong tendency of our banks to terminate their career in the paper system—in an open suspension ofspecie payment. When ever that event occurs, the progress to convul | sion and revolution will be rapid The cur rency will become local and each State will have a powerful interest to depreciate its ■cur rency more rapidly that its neighbor, as the i means, at the same time of exempting itself from the taxes of the Government and drawing the commerce of the country to its ports. This was strongly exemplified after the sus i pension of specie payment during the late war, when the depreciation made the most rapid progress till checked by the establishment of the U. States, and when the foreign trade of the country was as rapidly conversing to the point of the greatest depreciation, with a view ; of exemption from duties., by paying in the debased currency ofthe place. What, then, is the disease which afflicts the system ; what the remedy ; and what the means of supplying it? These are the ques tions which I shall next proceed to consider. What I have already stated, points out the di sease. It consists in a great and growing dis proportion between the metallic and paper cir culation of the country effected through the instrumentality of the banks, a disproportion daily and hourly increasing tinder the impulse of the most powerful causes, which are rapid ly accellerating the country to that state of convulsion and revolution which I have indi cated.—The remedy is to arrest its future pro gress, and to diminish the existing dispropor tion—to increase the metals and to diminish the paper —advancing till the currency shall be restored to a sound, safe, and settled condi tion. On these two points all must be agreed. There is no man of any party capable of re flecting, and who will take the pains to inform himself, but must agree that our currency is in a dangerous condition, and that the danger is increasing; nor is there any one who can doubt that the only safe and effectual « - emedy is to diminish the disproportion to which 1 have referred. Here the extremes unite—the Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Benton,) -who is the open and avowed advocate of a pure me tallic currency, and the Senator from Massa chusetts, (Mr. Webster,) who stands hero as the able and strenuous advocate of the banking system, are on this point united, and must move from it in the same direction, though it may be the design of the one to go through, and of the other to halt after a moderate ad vance. 1 There is another point in w hich all must be agreed; that the remedy must be gradual.—the change, from the present to another and sound er condition, slow and cautious. The neces sity for this, results from that highly delicate nature of currency which I have already illus trated. Any sudden and great change from our present to even a sounder condition, would agitate and convulse society to its very centre. On another point there can be but little disa greement. Whatever may be the different theoretical opinions of the members of the Senate, as to the extent to which the reforma tion of the currency should be carried, even those who thtuk it may be carried practically and safely to the restoration of a metallic cur rency, to the entire exclusion of paper, must agree that the restoration ought not to be car ried further than a cautious and a slow expe rience shall prove that it can be done, consist ently with the prosperity ofthe country, in the existing fiscal and commercial condition of the world. To go beyond the point to which ex perience shall show it is proper to go, w-ould be to sacrifice the public interest merely to a favorite conception. There may be ulti mately a disagreement of opinion where that point is, but since all must be agreed to move forward in the same direction and nt the same space, let us set out in the spirit of harmonv and peace, though we intend to stop at differ ent points. It may be that enlightened by ex perience, those who intended to stop at the nearest point may be disposed to advance far ther, and that those who intended the farthest may halt on this side, so that finally all mav agree to terminate the journey together. This brings us to the question* of how shall so salutary a change be effected? What th means and the mode of application ? A great and difficult question, on w hich some diversi ty of opinion may be expected. No one can be more sensible than I am ot the responsibility that must be incurred in pro posing measures on questions of so much magnitude, aud which, in so distracted a state ofthe public mind, must affect seriously great and influential interests. But this is iio time to shun responsibility. The danger is great and menacing, and delay hazardous if not ru inous. While, however I would nut admit, I have not sought the responsibility. I have waited for others, and had any one proposed an adequate remedy, I would have remained silent. And here, (said Mr. Calhoun,) let me express the deep regret which I feel that the Administration, w ith all that weight of author ity w hich belongs to its power aud immense patronage, had uot, instead of the deposite question, which has caused such agitation and distress,taken up the great subject ofthe cur rency; examined it gravely and deliberately in all its bearings; pointed out its diseased condition; designated the remedy, and pro posed some safe, gradual, and effectual means ofapplyiug it. Had that course been pursued, my Zealous and hearty co-operation would not have been wanting. Permit me also to ex press a similar regret, that the Administration having failed in this great point of duty, the opposition, with all its weight and talents, headed on this question by the distinguished and utile SenatorTrom Massachusetts, w ho is so capable of comprehending this subject in all its bearing, had not brought forward, under its auspices, some permanent system of mea sures, based upon a deliberate and mature in vestigation into the cause of the existing dis ease, and calculated to remedy the disordered; state ofthe currency. W'hat might have been brought forward by them with such fair pros pects of success, has been thrown on more in competent hands; unaided by patronage or in fluence, saving only that influence which truth, clearly developed, and honestly and zealous ly advanced, may be supposed to possess; and on which I must wholly rely. But to return to the subject. Whatever di versity of sentiment there may be as to the means, on one point all must be agreed; noth, ing effectual can be done; no check interposed to restore or arrest the progress of the system by the action of the States. The reasons al ready assigned to prove that banking by one State compels all others to bank, and that the excess of banking in one, in like manner com pelts all others to like excess, equally demon strate that it is impossible for the States, act ing separately, to interpose any means to pre vent the catastrophe which certainly awaits the system and perhaps the Government itself, unless the great and growing danger to which I refer be timely and effectually arrested. There is no power any where, but in this Gov ernment —the joint agent of all the States, and through which the concert of the fiction ofthe whole can be effected, adequate to this great task. The responsibility is upon us, and upon us alone. The means, if means, there be, must be applied by our ha ds, or not applied at all—a consideration, in so great an emer gency, and in the presence of such imminent danger, calculated I would suppose, to dispose all to co-operation, and to allay every party feeling in the heart even of the least patriotic. What means do we possess, and how can they be applied? It the entire banking system was under the immediate control of the General Government, there would bo no difficulty in devising a safe and effectual remedy to restore the equilibrium so desirab e between the specie and the paper which compose our currency. But the fact is otherwise. With the exception ofthe Bank of the United States, all the other banks owe their origin to the authority of the several States, and are under their immediate control, which presents the great difficulty experienced in devising the proper means of effecting the remedy, which all feel to be so desirable. Among the mqans which have been sugges ted, a Senator from Virginia, not now a mem ber of this body, (Mr. Rives,) proposed to ap ply the taxing power to suppress the circula tion of small notes, with a view of diminish ing the paper and increasing the specie circu culatiom The remedy w’ould be simple ana effective, but is liable to great objection. The taxing power is odious under any circumstan ces; it w’ould be doubly so when called into exeicise with an overflowing treasury; and still more so. with the necessity of organizing an expensive body of officers to collect a sin gle tax, and that on an inconsiderable .subject But there is another, and of itself, a decisive objection. It would be unconstitutional—pal pably and dangcroasly so. All political pow ers, as I stated on another occasion, are trust powers, and limited in their exercise to the subject and object of the grant. The tax pow er was granted to raise revenue for the sole purpose of supplying the necessary means o. carry ing on the operations of the Governments To prevent this power from the object thus in tended by the Constitution, to that of repress ing the circulation of bank notes, would be to convert it from a revenue into a perjal pow er—a power in its nature and object essentially different from that intended to be granted in tho Constitution; and a power which in its full extension, if once admitted, would be sufficient of itself to give an entire control to this Govern ment over the property and the pursuits of the community, and thus concentrate and con solidate the entire power ofthe system in this Government. Rejecting, then, the taxing power, there re main.? two obvious and direct means in posses sion of the Government which may be brought into action to effect the object intended, but neither of which, either separately or jointly, are of sufficient efficacy; however indispensa ble they may be as a part of an efficient system of measures, to correct the present or repress the growing disorders of the currency—l mean that provision in the Constitution w’hich em powers Congress to coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, aud the pow er of prohibiting any thing but the legal cur rency to be received either in whole or in part, in the dues of the Government, The mere power of coining and regulating the value of coins of itself, and unsustained by any other measure, can exercise but a limited control over the actual currency of the country, and is inadequate to check excess or correct disorder, as is demonstrated by the present diseased state ofthe currency. ■ Congress has had from the beginning; laws upon the statute books to regulate the value of the coins; and at an ear ly period of the (Government the Mint was erected, and has been in active operation ever since; and yet, of the immense amount which has been coined, a small residue only remains in the country; the great body having been expelled under the operation ofthe banking system. To give efficacy to this power, then, some other must be combined with it.—The most, immediate and obvious is that which has been suggested, of excluding all but specie in the receipts of the Government. This mea sure would be effectual to a certain extent; but with a declining income w Inch must take place under the operation of the act ofthe last ses sion, to adjust the tariff, and which must great ly reduce the revenue, (a point of the utmost importance to the reformation and regenera tion of our institutions,) the efficacy of the measure must be correspondingly diminished. From the nature of things, it cannot greativ exceed the average of the Government depo sites, which I hope will before many years be reduced to the smallest possible amount, so as to prevent the possibility bf the recurrence of the shameful and dangerous state of things which now exists, and which has been caused by the vast amount of the surplus revenue. But there is in my opinion a strong if not an insuperable objection against resorting to this measure, icsulting from the fact that an exclu sive receipt of specie in the Treasury would, to give it efficacy and to prevent extensive speculation and fraud, require an entire dis connection on the part of the Government with the banking system in all its forms, and a resort to the strong box as the means of preserving and guarding its funds—a means, if practica ble at al), in the present state of things, liable to the objection of being far less safe, eepaom ical, and efficient than the present. What then, Mr. C. inquired, what other means do we possess of sufficient efficacy, iii combination with those to which I have referred, to arrest the farther progress and correct the disorder ed.state of the currency? This is the deeply important question, and here some division of opinion must be expected, however united wc may be. as 1 trust we are thus far, on all other points. I intend to meet this question explicitly aud directly, without reservation or concealment. After a full survey cf the whole survey of the whole subject, I see none, I can conjec ture no means of extricating the country from the present danger and to arrest its farther in crease, but a bank, the currency of which, in some form or under some authority, is indis pensable. The country has been brought in to the present diseased state of the currency by banks, and must ba extricated by their agen cy. We must, in a word, use a bank to un bank the banks, to tb ? •’ ' ■ ' cessary to restore a safe ai d stable currency— just as we apply snow to a frozen limb in m Ider to restore vitality and circulation, or ho • up a burn to the flame to extract the inflama- I tion. All must see that it is impossible to suji 'press the banking system at once. It mus j ■ continue for a time. Its greatest enemies an j I ti.e advocates of an exclusive specie circula ! j tion, must make it a part of their system t> : ! tolerate the banks for a longer or a shorter p - I riod. To suppress them at once, would, if tl I i were possible, work a greater revolution —a i j greater change in the relative condition of the ; various classes of the community, than would : the conquest of the country by a. savage ene- | my. What, then, must be done? I answer, I ■ a new and safe system must gradually grow up under and replace the old—imitating, in ■ i this respect, the beautiful process which we I semetimes sec, of a wounded or diseased part H in a living organic body, gradually superseded , I by the healing process of nature. i How is this to be effected? Howisabank I to be used as the means of correcting the ex- • : cess of the bulking system? And what bank I I is to be selected as the agent of effecting this | • salutary change? I know, said Mr. C., that j t a diversity of opinion will be found to exist as ■ : ; to the agent to be selected, among those who ' , ; agree on every other point, and who, in parti- I I cular, agree on the necessity of using some j bank as the means of effecting the object in j tended ; one preferring a simple re-charter of ’ j the existing bank—another the charter of a j new bank of the United States—a third, anew . j bank engrafted upon the obi, and a fourth the i j use of the State banks as the agent. I wish, I said Mr. C. ,to leave all these as open ques ! | tions ; to be carefully surveyed aud compared , j with each other; calmly and dispassionately, s j without prejudice or party feeling; and that i i to be selected which, on the whole, shall ap r | pear to be best—the most safe ; the most efli t ] cient; the most prompt in application; and i j the least liable to constitutional objection. It j would, however, be wanting in candor on my 1 part, not to declare that my impressions is, that , a new Bank of the United States, engrafted I upon the old, will be found, under all tho cir i ■ cumstances of the case, to combine the great- | est advantages, end to be liable to the fewest - I objections; but this impression is not so firm- - j ly fixed as to be inconsistent with a calm re- - i view ot the whole ground, or to prevent mv - i yielding to the conviction of reason, should the ■ result of such review prove that any other is - J preferable. Among its peculiar recommenda i , tions may be ranked the consideration, that J | while it would afford the means of a prompt - and effectual application for mitigating and fi > i nallv removing the existing distress, it would at 1 . the same time open to the vyhole community a ; j fair opportunity of participation in the advan- - ! tages ot the institution, be they what they may. t i Let us then suppose (in order to illustrate ? j and not to indicate a preference) that the pre- • ! sent bank be selected as the agent to effect the - I intended object. What provision will be ne t ; cessary ? I will suggest those that have oc ; ' curred to me, mainly, however, with a view of - ) exciting the reflection of those much more fa -3 ■ miliar with banking operations than myself, . and who, of course, are more competent to form f a correct judgment on their practical effect. - ( Let, then, the bank charter be renewed for - I twelve years alter the expiration of the present 3 ; term, with such modifications and limitations - ! as may be judged proper, aud that after that t I period it shall issue no notes under ten dollars ; i ! that Government shall not receive in its dues 1 i any sum less than ten dollars, except in the t j legal coins of the United States; that it shall - not receive in its dues the notes of anv bank f j that issues notes of a denomination less than - J five dollars ; and that the United States Bank s shall not receive in payment, or on deposite, tin J notes of any bank whose notes arc not receiv- • I able in the dues of the Government; nor the ■ j notes of any bunk which may receive the notes 1 [ of any bank whose notes are not receivable by t I the Government. At the expiration of six , j years from the commencement ofthe renewed ■ j charter, let the bank be prohibited from issu i j ing any notes under twenty dollars, and let no i sum under that amount be received in the dues i j of the Government, except in specie: and let • j the value of gold be raised at least equal to : that of silver, to take effect immediately, so ■ that the country may be Replenished with the | I coin, the lightest and the most portable in pro- . ' portion to its valve, to take the place ofthe re ! ceding bank notes. It is unnecessary for me ’l to state that, at present, tho standard value of l gold is several per cent, less than that of silver, , the necessary effect of which has been to cx ; pel gold entirely from our circulation, and thus ] te deprive us of a coin so well calculated for the circulation of a country so great in extent, and having so vast an intercourse, commercial social, and political, between all its parts as ours. As an additional recommendation to raise its relative value, gold has of late be come an important product of three consider able States ofthe Union—Virginia. North Car olina and Georgia—to the industry of which, the measures proposed would give a strong itn | pulse, and which in turn, would greatly in crease the quantity pr -duced. Such arc the means which have occurred to me. There are members of this body far more Competent to judge of their practical operation than myself, and as my object is simply to sug gest them for their reflection, and for that of j others who are more familiar with this part of tlie subject, I will not at present enter into ar. inquiry as to their efficiency, with a view of determining whether they are fully adequate ■to effect the object in view or not. There are I doubtless others of a similar description, and perhaps more efficacious, that may occur to the experienced, which I would freely embrace, J I as my object is to adopt the best and most es- I ficient. And it may be hoped that if on ex- J perience it should be found that neither these [ provisions nor any other in the power of Con. I gross are fully adequate to effect the important ■ reform which I have proposed, the co-opera- I tion ofthe States may be afforded, al least to ■ tho extent of suppressing the circulation of [ notes under five dollars, where such are pcr- j mitted to be issued under their authority. ! I omitted in the proper place to state my ■ reason for suggesting twelve years as the term for the renewal ofthe charter of the bank. It appears to me that it is long enough to permrt> the agitation and distraction which now dis turbs the country to subside, while it is suffi ciently short to enable us to avail ourselves of the full benefit of the light ot experience which may be exjy to be derived from the opera tion under its new provisions. But there L • j’.cr reason which appears to me to be dfL' jto great weight. The char ter ofthe Ilank of England has recently been renewed for the term often years, with very important changes, calculated to furnish much I l experience upon the nature ot banking opera- I tions and currency. It is highly desirable, if! the bank charter should be renewed, or a new ' bank created, that we should have the full ben efit of that experience before the expiration of the term, which would be effected by fixing the ’ period for the time I have designated. But as iny object in selecting the recharter ofthe 1 Bank of the United States was simply to cna ; ble me to present the suggestions I have made j in the clearest form, and not to advocate the i rechartcr, I shall omit to indicate many limita- ! tions and provisions which seem to me to be ■ important to be considered when the question ! of ns permanent renewal is presented, should I it ever be. Among others, I entirely concur | m the suggestion ofthe Senator from Gcoreid.' of fixing the rate of interest at five per cent» suggestion ofthe very highest importance as Having a most important bearing on the value of property and the prosperity of the country in every branch of its industry, and to which but one objection can, in my opinion, be pre sented ; I mean the opposing interest of exist i g State institutions, all of which discount at higher rates, and which may defeat any meas ure of which it constitutes a part. In addition I will simply say, that I, for one, shall feel dis posed to adopt such provisions as are best cal culated to secure the Government from any supposed influence on the part of the bank,or the bank from an improper interference on the jiartofthe Government; or which may be ne cessary to protect the rights or interests of the States. Having now stated the measure necessary to apply the remedy, I am thus brought to the question—can the measure succeed ? which brings up the inquiry ofhow far it may be ex pected to receive the support of the several par. ties which compose the Senate, and on which I shall next proceed to make a few remarks. First, then, can the State rights party give it their support—that party of which I am proud of being a member, and for which I entertain- I so strong an attachment—the stronger because we arc few among many? In proposing this question, I am not ignorant of their long stands ing constitutional objection to the bank, on the ground that this was intended to be, as it is usu ally expressed, a hard money Government—a Government whose circulating medium was intended to consist ofthe precious metals, and for which object the power of coining money and regulating the value thereof was expressly confei red by the constitution. I know how long and how sincerely this opinion has been maintained. It is not my intention to attempt to change an opinion so firm'y fixed, but I mav be permitted to make a few observations, in order to present what appears to me to be the true question in reference to this constitu tional point, in order that wc may fully com. prehend the circumstances under which we are placed in reference to it. With this view, I do not deem it necessary to inquire whether, in conferring the power to coin money and to regulate the value thereof, the constitution in. I tended to limit the power strictly to coining I money and regulating its value, or whether it intended to confer a more general power over the currency ; nor do 1 intend to inquire wheth. j er the word coin is limited simply to the me. [ tats, or may be extended to other substances, if through a gradual change they may become the medium of the general circulation ofthe world. I pass thesepoints. Whateveropin ion there may be entertained m reference to them we must all agree, as a fixed principle in our system ofthiukiugon constitutional ques tions, that the power under consideration, like other political powers, is a trust power, and that like all such powers it must be so exer cised as to effect the object ofthe trust as far as it may be practicable* Nor can we disa gree that the object of the power was to sc ! cure to these States a safe, uniform and stable ; currency. The nature ofthe power; the terms ; used to convey it; the history oi the times; | the necessity with the creation of a common j Government, of having a common and uniform i circulating medium, and the power conferred to punish those who, by counterfeiting, may at • tempt to debase and degrade the coins of the ! country—all proclaim this to be the object. It is not my purpose to inquire whether, ad mitting this to be the object, Congress is not bound to use all the means in its power to give this safety, this stability, this uniformity to the currency, for which the power was con ferrod—nor to inquire whether the States are not bound to abstain from acts on their part inconsistent with these objects--r.or to inquire i whether the right of bunking, on the part of a j State, docs not directly, and by immediate com ! sequence, injuriously affect the currency— whether the effect of banking is not to expel the specie currency, which according to the as . sumption that this is a hard money Govern ment, it was the object of the Constitution to furnish. in conferring the power to coi i money ; or whether the effect of banking does not ne cessarily tend io diminish theva'ue of a specie currency, as certainly as clipping or reducing its -weight would ; and whether it has not, in fact, since its introduction, reduced the value ofthe coins one half. Nor do I intend to in quire whether Congress is not bound to abstain from all acts on its part calculated to affect in jurious'y the specie circulation, and whether the receiving of any thing but specie, in its dues, must not necessarily so affect it by di minishing the quantity in circulation, anil de pieciating the value of what remains. Alt these questions I leave open—l decide none of them. There is one, however, that I will decide. If Congress has a right to receive any thing else than specie in its dues, thev have the right to regulate its value ; and have the right, of course, to adopt all necessary and proper means, in the language of ihe Constiiu tion, to effect the object. It matters not what they receive, tobacco, or any thing else, this right must attach to it. I do uot affirm the rrght of receiving, but I do hold it to be incon trovertible that, if Congress were to order the dues ofthe Government to be paid, for instance, in tobacco, they would have the right thev would be bound to use all necessary and pro per means to give it a uniform and stable value ; inspections, appraisement, designation of quali ties, and whatever else would be necessary to that object. So on the same principle, if they receive bank notes they are equally bound to use all means necessary and proper, according to the peculiar nature of the subject, te give them uniformity, stability and safety. The very receipt of bank notes on the part of the Government, in its dues, would, it is conceded, make them money, as far as the Government may be concerned, and by a necessary conse quence would make them, to a great extent, the currency of tho couulry. I stay nothing of the positive provisions in the Constitution whicli declare that “ail duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States ” which cannot be. unless that in which they are paid should also have, as nearly as practicable a uniform value throughout the country. To effect this, where bank notes are received, the banking power is necessary an<J proper within the meaning of the Constitution ; and, conse quently, if the Government has the right to re ceive bank notes in its dues the power be comes constitutional. Here lies, said Mr. C the real constitutional question—has the Gov. ernment a right to receive bank notes or not? The question is not upon the mere power of incorporating a bank, as it has been common, ly argued ; though even in that view there would be as great a constitutional objection to any net on the part ofthe Executive, or any other branch of the Government, which should unite any association of State banks into ono system, as the means cf giving the uniformity and stability to the currency which the Con stitution intends to confer. The v*-ry act of so associating or incorporating them into one, by whatever name callol, or by whatever depart ment performed, would be, in fact an act of incorporation. But, said Mr. Calhoun my object, as I have stated, is not to discuss the constitutional ques. tions. nor to determine whether the bank bo constitutional or not. It is, I repeat, to show where-the difficulty lies—a difficulty which I have te.lt from the time I first came into the public service. I found then, as now, the cur. rency of tho country consisting almost entirely