Newspaper Page Text
and effect—verified by the experience of the
past “Sir, the project oi the Secretaiy o
the Treasury astonishes me—it has astonished
the country.’ it is ‘> ere that wo hnd a preg
bant source of the present agony—it is m the
clearly avowed design to bring, a second time,
upon this land the curse of an unregulated, un
controlled State Bank paper currency. We
are again to see the drama, which already, in
the course of the present century, has passed
before us, and closed in mis. It the project
shall be successful, we are again to sea the p >-
per missiles shooting in every direction tarough
the country, a derangement of all values de
preciated circulation — a suspension of specie
Paumenls— “then a further extension of the same
detestable paper —a Stin greater depreciation,
with failures of traders and failures of banks
in its train—to arrive at last at tho same point
from which we departed in ISI7. Sutler me
to recall to the recollection of the House a tew
more of the striking events of that day. lac
first Bank ofthe United States expired in March
1811. Between the Ist of January 1811, and
the close of the year 1814, more than one hun
dred new banks were established to supply this
more uniform aud better currency. For ten mil
liens of capital called in by that Bank, twenty
millions of capital, so called, were invested m
these. In the place of five and a halt millions,
about the amount of circulation in notes ot that
bank withdrawn, twenty two millions were
pushed out. Then cams a suspension of spe
cie payments, in August and September 1814,
As an immediate consequence of this suspen
sion, the circulation of the country, in the course
of fifteen months, increased fifty per cent or
from fo<-tv five to sixty eight millions of collars ;
and the fruit of this more uniform currency was
the failure of innumerable traders, mechanics,
and even farmers ; of one hundred and sixty
five banks, with capitals amounting to thirty
millions of dollars; and a loss to the (Jutted
States alone, in the negociation ot her loans,
uud in the receipt of bankrupt paper, to,aai
amount exceeding four millions of dollars.
Thei: warnings were unheeded. 1 lie r,x
ecutive kept on its course trusting 'o some ac
cident or good fortune to extricate it from the
result, or as some imagine, to erect a new sys
tem on the ruins of the experiment itself.
What were the results ? No sooner was tie
Bank denounced, than new Banks were chap
tered—on the veto they caine in and
hkvc bo*a increasing ever since. The issue
of their bills increased to an alarming extent.
Until 1830, ths deposites remained under Ex
ecutive direction.—Let in now see what were
the results of the Experiment up to this time.
On the Ist ofJanuary in the following years
the state of the Banks was this :
Number of Capital. Loa: s.
Banks.
1830 320 145.000.000 200,000.000
1834 500 200,000 000 324.000,000
1835 55S 231.000.00 j 365.000,000
1836 567 252.000.000 458,000 000
1837 677 324,000,000 591.000,000
And for tha same years —
Bills ID Cir- Liabilities
culation. Deposites. mi Bills &
Deposites.
61,000,000 56,000.000 117,000,000
95.000,000 76,000.000 171.000,000
10-4.000,000 83,000.000 187.000.000
140,000,000 113,090.000 255,000 000
186,000,000 155.090.000 341,000,000
Asin 1811, so in 1833, the direct co se
quence of refusing to establish a National Bn k
was the rapid increase of State Ba ks—a d
the more rapid over issues of Bank Bii s. In
seven years the Bank loans had increased three
fold—and the circulation and depositesju an
culation than the ordinary business of the coun
try required audthe consequence was the over
trading of merchants—the undue extension of
every kind of business, and of every kind of
speculation. When, therefore, it is said that
overtrading and speculation are the cause of
the pressure, the question recurs, how was that
Overtrading and speculation .induced?—aud
who is responsible? Remember, it is not the
over trader and speculator alone that suffer.
The speculation was extensive in the West
ern lands, and it was anticipated by Congress
that at the cluse of the year there would be a
surplus of nearly 59,000,000, in the treasury.
It was then manifest that tha deposit# Banks
were aiding their friends in tneir speculations,;
and it was found absolutely necessary to with
draw the deposites from the Banks and place
them in the custody of the States The Bill ,
met with the moat decided opposition from a
few of the confidential friends of the then Pres
ident and his successor. It was withdrawing
the right arm of power. On this question the
party divided —those who looked to the more
remote succession dreaded tha consequences
that might ensue and lie in their path. The
Bill passed both Houses, by more than two
thirds. It was sent to the President. 1 have
reason to believe that a veto message was
draw-n —and finally withheld, on ascertaining
that the Bill would pass by two thirds. Some
thing very like a veto was published in the
Government paper a few days after; and tho
President in his next message acknowledges
that he gave a reluctant assent. This Pill has
been charged with being one of the causes of
the pressure. If so, how did it become neces
sary—what caused the increase of the reve
nue? Excessive importations, and specula
tions jn (Jie public land induced by Bank over
issues. The great balance wheel of the cur
rency was destroyed.
Butthereis another view of this subject. Had
Mr. Clay’s land bill become a law, no surplus
would'have accumulated from land sales. Tho
proceeds would have been annually distributed,
and never would have been a fund for bunk
issues.
The effect of the distribution would have ra
ther relieved than added to the pxess'ire, had it
" TBeeD judiciously executed. It ought to have
been remembered that the importations of gold
for foreign indemnities, aud to supply the de
mand for the new banks —and, also to strength
en the deposito Banks again', their own over
issues, had sensibly affected tho money market
in England. In the two last cases the impor
tations were principally on credit; and this,
in addition to over trading, had increased our
foreign debts. It should then hive been fore
seen that there w ould soon be an increased de
mand for foreign exchange. In this situation,
any movement that should lessen the ability of
the Atlantic Bunks to fur, ish the requisite ae
commodaiio :s, would increase the embarrass
ment already commenced by the I reasury
Order. In charity, 1 will suppose that the
Secretary adopted tha ?. lv m that occurred
to him ; —that to pay a debt he must carry the
money to the creditor. He began th? opera
tion, therefore, in advance, by tea, sf ■ rriug tho
deposites from the commercial cities, whore it,
had formed the basis of discounts, to the inte
rior. thsre to remain useless until the day oi
payment arrived. It might not have occurred
to him that a draft on New York was worth
more in Ken'ucky or Ohio than the specie it
self. The consequence of the transfers w.s,
that the Banks in the commercial cities were
rendered less able to grant accommodations.
It was unnecessary to have removed a am
gle dollar, and the payment to the States
instead of causing embarrassment, might have
afforded relief. The drafts would have enabled
the Western merchants to have paid their debts
at the East, aud would have enabled the E; s- I
tern tnerthanU to have met the drafts i’roiii the ;
South.
I will now ask your attentanion to the Trea
sury order of July 11, v,hich like that foi the
removal of the deposites, was the act cf the
President. The subj- ct was brought before
the Senate at the preceding session. A reso
lution was moved that specie only should b?
received for the public la.'.dtq and after debate j
it was laid on the table, (virtually rejected.) i
Congress adj.earned, uu the 4th day ot Ju.y. '
and on the 11th tho Treasury Order issued, di
recting that nothing but specie should be re
ceived in payment for the public lauds (with !
some temporary exceptions.) The legality oi
that order has. been “ well questioned.” That]
point I shall not now discuss, i have to do '
only with its policy and effect.
Its policv, probably, was to prevent a surplus
tor a second distribution ; —although the danger
of receiving “ paper money” is one of the rea
sons assigned. This reason would amount to
, a confession that the deposites would be unsafe
, in the Deposite Banks!—a confession surely
; not intended. I rather infer that tho first was
. the real policy of tha order, from a concurrent
■ fact—that the land offices were closed tor a
i time, under a requisition tor additional sec..rity,
, from the Receivers. Why, in the mean time,
I the offices should have been closed is not very
: obvious. But what eiiuct could this order, to
■ receive nothing but specie at the land offices,
, have on the monev market nt tho East? It
. will be recollected that tha la d speculation
> was at its height—companies were formed and
- forming in every part ot the country —ro.u
; where were they now to get sp. ci ? At the
5 Eastern Banks. Large amou-ts of spec;.
, were drawn—and an indefinite demand for
more hung over the Banks They had already
’ j extended their loans as far as was prudent, as
I based on the specie in their vaults in July.
, They were now brought to a stand. Causes
i already mentioned had increased the demand
for discounts, while the runs on the Banks by
land speculators, and the fear of further runs,
had almost closed their doors. The specie
i carried to the West was there equally out cf
. the reach of commerce. The deposites were
temporary —transfer drafts might, at any tno-
• , ment, call them nut of the Western Banks. It
was not a fund on which it was safo to discount,
i Indeed they could make no discount which
would not call for specie to purchase land.
The money was thus taken from tha place
where it was in use, aud placed where it could
:. not be used.
You will recollect that tho pressure com
i raenced soon after the order. It increased
from day to day, and was supposed to be at its
height at the commencement of the session.
‘ Tho Tieusury Order was every where depre
cated ; aud the action of Congress was looked
to with great solicitude.
On the the first of March a bill passed re
pealing the Treasury Order. In the House
the vote was 143 to 59—and in the Senate 39
to 6. This bill foiled to become a law, by
,vhat is called the pocket Veto. Hal it been
returned by the President, it would have passed
by the constitutional majorities of both Houses. 1
Hie successor has refused to rescind it. He
has refused to obey the declared will cf more
than two third* M both Houses of Congress.
The pressure continued to increase : still
no relief came from tha Palace. All wsa si
lent there—as though the people wt re as the
late President declared he left them, “prosper
ous and happy.” Failure succeeded failure.
The oldest and the firmest houses, like youth
■ and strength before the cholera, roll one after
1 .mother, and still the Executive was deaf, if
i not blind to their sufferings. At length, wh-
• general bankruptcy- threatened.the merchants-
i the people of the city of New I ork assembled. .
-..-Tstrwsc cnaornjinsii di party', ana appoi ted *
• committee ot fifty of tin ir most respectable
citizens to wait on the Presidei t, and in a
i free.conference to lay the situation of their
' city before him. A delegation of sine repair
ed to Washington on the 3d of Mav, and re
quested an interview with the Preside t.
They were informed that ary communication
on tha subject of their mission must be i.
writing. This predetermined course gave
little hope of « iavorabls issue. They sub
mitted, however, to the requisition, anil pies n
ted to ths President a plain statement of the
actual condition of the city. They requested '
that Congress might bs convened at a.; early
day—that the Treasury Order should be res-
■ eluded—and a postponement sf suits on dutv
bonds. On the 4lh, the President gave them ’
! (what the Globo called) a short and decisive
I answer. He declined repeal! :g the Treasu
ry Order—and saw no sufficient reason tor
convening Congress before the stated sessio . I
Their last request he reserved for further con- :
sideration. The committee returned ou the '
6th, made their rep ort on the 3 h—on the next 1
div the Treasury Ordar of tha Bth relating t> 1
the postpoaamgnt of suits was received. It 1
admitted that in certain cases the Solicitor of '
the Treasury had power to grant some iudul- I
i geuce, but suggested such difficulties as would 1
probably render it unavailable. Ail hope of 1
relief from the Executive was new at an end. 1
Congress would not convene until December. 1
They iad endured the pressure for eight I ’
months. Hitherto ths united exertio s ofail ’ 1
had been put tar forth to sustain public coiifi. ■
deuce. No press had suggested emu an ap- ,
prehension of a suspension ofspecie payment*, j
j But the ‘decisive’ a: swer of the President I 1
i spread consternation through the citv. The I 1
■ j marchants still msde efforts to sustain the (
I Banks—but in vain—public contid. ee was i
i gone. Runs were uvade on the Banks—they '
1 made every effort to sustain themselves and i 1
i | each other. But it was too date. On the 10th;
i ! the Batiks (Deposite Banks and all) suspend
,i cd specie payments. And what is very re- !
markable, it was approved by all parties. 1,
Tho Batiks in all the cities followed ths e sam- ’
pie—and their course has been supported bv
..jjasJ-k-x-"ypinitm. As to the country banks they
i < had no alternative—prudence as well is ne-
I cessity required iht-in to sus p-and specie pay
ments: and 1 find that they too are supported
by the whole community. They might have
• paid out their last dollar and then have closed
t their doors. But it would have been deemed
■ a failure. Public confidence in their solvency
, would have b; ,; i destioyed. They took the
only prudent course, and with prudent manage
ment, they will be in co iditiou to resume sp ‘
cia payment whenever it is dc..e bv the city
, banks. I have read with great satisfaction
the resolutions of the banks adept d at Mont
pelier—they present a perfect defeace oi their
course. Public confidence in their solvency
is pot impaired, and their bills will pass cur
rent as lo ig as they maintain that course.
I The fact that tin suspension of spec.e pay
i meat has met with the approbation oi the whole
■ community, utiords the most conclusive evi
i douce of its necessity and ot tho general repro
bation ofthe acta that have rendered it neces
sary. There is now no pretence ot a facti
tious panic, gotte up tor political effect
I there is nothing i i the case but effects noces
i Saidy following k ow.i causes—effects lor:- ;
seen—foretold, —though hastened to their cri- j
, sis by the “decisive” answer ol the President.
• With what amazement must die news ot the
, LOil), of Muy have been received at W shiug-
to .. One effort more, and one only, was ’
i made to drive the Experiment to its end. On ;
j the 12th—a peremptory order issued that noth
1 iig but specie should be receivable lor duties. ;
3 —Obedience .vas impossible. The dratiß ol
the Treasury on the deposits banks were
evurv where protested ; and tite financial op
erations of the government came to a dead
stand. Here cuds the Expeiimerit ! !
The executive did not cfo< m it prudent to
a-suma any further responsibility—On the
151. b of May a proclamation issued summon
ing Congress for the first Wednesday of Sep
tembar ; the solicitor of the treasury issued a
circular, delegating his authority to postpone
stiiti on duty bonds to the several collectors
i and the Secretary of (he Treasury issued a
circular declaring the protested treasury drafts
t;> be receivable for duties and the public land:
; and these protested drafts are the only curreu
, cy of the government.
I have thus Sir. President gone through
' with the detail of the proceedings of the Exe
cutive involved in the resolution. Let us for
a moment review tha ground we have passed.
At the session es Congress oi 1829—39,
the President denounced tha hank as uncon
stitutional and as not affording a sound uni
form currency. The denunciation was re
buked by the reports of committees ct both
[louses.
At the session of 1831-2, Congress passed
an oct recharteriiig the Fa: k of the United
Slates. The President vetoed the act.
At the session of 1832-3, the President in
sinuated that the deposites were unsafe iu the
keeping of the Bank. Tite House adopted a
rcssiution declaring that in the opinion of the
House the deposites might safely bo permitted
to rcmam there. In the lace ot this resolution
the President removed the deposites and pla
ced them ir. State banks of his own selection.
At th-j session ot 1835—6 the senate voted
down a resolution introduced by .Mr. Benton
declaring that nothing but gold or silver should
be received for the public laud—iiet on the
11th of July the President issued an order to
hut effuct.—Congress on the second ot March
1837 passed an act repealing the Treasury
order—the President prevented its becoming
a law by retaining it. Tho presontexecutive
has refused to rescind it. Ha has been a
party to the whole Experiment. He has in
dorsed all the acts of his predecessor —and
pledged himself to “iulfow'’ m his steps. I
trust that I have shown that these have been
the principal causes oi our financial embar
rassments, that they have been done by the
Executive contrary to tho declared will of
Congress—against the advice of his bestfriends
—against the repeated warnings of the most
able statesmen, a':d against the lessons ot fit
-ty years experience.
What is to be the remedy? Congress is to
be convened. But to what end, unless the
President will respect its judgment? 1 have
hopes—have fears. I have some hope that
ha will abandon a tried experiment —that he
will in Lis message pledge himself to abide the
remedy that Congress shall prescribe, what
ever it may be. We may repeat the language
of Mr. Dallas “that with legislative aid it is
not necessary that the endurance should be long
—with legislative aid the Banks might re
sume specie paymei.t, and the government re
deem its protested drafts in ninety days.
1 My fears are from the pledge that he has giv
en, the pertinacity with which he has adher
ed to the Experiment and from (not tin? influ
ences but the) terrors that surrounds him—
What will he recommend? will any course be
recommended? Will the message, be a mere
defence of the measure of the executive—
with an endeavor to show what untold evils
we have escaped by the evils endured —leaving
it to congress to direct the future. These are
questions that cannot now be answered.
A suspicion, I find, is afloat that a Treasury
Ba k will be proposed, (Some have supposed
that this was the ultimate object of the Exper
iment,)—this is nothing more or lessthan a pa
■ per money system, in tile Continental sense
<>f the word. Nothing can sustain the credit
of any paper as currency, but the certainly oi'
its couvertibil tv into specie, at tho will of the
holder. The credit of’ no man—of no corpo
ration—of no government, however solvent,
C'.'.i sustain the credit of paper, at par, which
is not thus conveitible. The case of the Bank
of England is a proof of this position. It sus
pended specie payment# from 1797 to 1822—3.
During this time such w«s the confidence ot
th public in the solvency of tha Bank, that its
stock was above par-aometimes as high us
80 per cent-- yet, notwithstanding this, its bills
were at a discount of from 12 to 19 per cent.
As an ongine of political power, a Treasury
Bank would be subversive of the liberties of
the country.
After all, I have but small hopes of relief
f’n t?. any act of a mere majority. A two thirds
majority on this subject is possible, but. not
probable. We may be obliged to remain sms
pended until the Executive sh ill be satisfied
that his course is against the declared will of
the people, as it has been against that of Con
gress. In his answer to the New York Com
mittee he assumes that his destructive policy
has been sanctioned by the people. Let the
people then convince him, he is mistaken both
in the principle and the fact. How little do
the declared principles of a candidate enter
into the election after he has been regularly
nominated, and his partisans have arranged
themselves in array in his favor. Elections
often turn on a choice of evils; ar:d it is too
much for any man lo assume that Ins election
is evidence that every opinion ho mav have
put forth is sanctioned by every one who vo
ted for him. He who insists an such a con
elusion should admit ths converse that all who
opposed his election opposed every one of his
principles. Take the account of the last elec
tions—strike the balance aud what will it
amount to ? No assent can be claimed from
the people, the'governrnept, or the delegation
from tins state. They are not chargeable with
the Experiment or any of its consequences.
They have opposed it in every sta ti e of its
progress.
In the mean time, what is to bo done?
Wait in patience. Wo live under a govern
ment oflaws—we must submit tn such evils
as our rulers (formerly our servants) inflict
upon us. Make the most of the sorry con
eolation that you stifieh less than others, less
than even those whose countenance has given
support to the Experiment. You have not
sold your great staple {for drafts; —invested
the proceeds at high prices—you are not call
ed on as Endorsers. You, for this year must
submit to reduced prices. The crisis calls
upon all for forbearance, and renewed confi
dence—the creditor is appealed to for forbear
ance—humanity and interest both make the
appeal. The present state of things must
have an end. Ihe convincing argument-, the
sffective remedy is in the hands of the people—
committees, petitions and memorials are of no
avail—tha only argument that will be heeded,
must come from the Ballot Box.
trorn the Charleston Mercury, July 1!.
A X’aralle’—AmcieiaS i j ra-jny UU< l .Modern
As there arc certain leading points of resem
blance in ihe features ol ail great revolutions,
the most instructive lessons are to be found in
the most familiar portions ot historyj and if
even a partial acquaintance with these were
m:>re common among th® people, and amon°'
their leaders too, most of those evils would be
avoided, the causes of which are now discov
ered only through tho stern teaching of lorn*
and bitt.-r suffering.
1 he timt s ol Charles the first, were in many
thi igsanulagous to the times cf die Jacksun dy.
r-'-'-i ■fr ikt :. . ■ ’ j .
■•><>• -si< W v- *- ■>
nasty. There are strong points cl' resemblance
in the characters of both sovereigns—in th;:
corrupt, and pernicious effect cf female influ
ence in both cabinets ; and the character ol
ihe servile and rufrfoi.ty mmisier Laud, boars
a close likeness to one which might be found
man amalgum of Kendall and Benton. It
is consoling to argue, that as the tvram.y of
those times led to a revolution, the salutary in
fluence of whick, though often thwarted, and
seemingly paralized, have still cm.filmed to re
vive and prevail, and are felt at this day in ihe
freedom of the British people—so there is ro
reason now for us to despair of our young re
public-—the sun of whose glory may b* ob
scured by black and ugly clouds, but “to mor
row will repair its golden floods.” it is cheer
ing to believe, that the present gloom is the
thick darkness that precedes the dawn; that
the sufferings of tho people arc but the throes
that accompany the birth of reform.
That a nation is at peace am! rich, is no proof
that its citizens are neither wronged nor op
pressed. England under Charles was tran
quil and rich; and th« rorv argument against
reform at that time, will embodied in
the self-laudatory strains oft ur recent Treas
ury Reports, and of tho late Farewell Addtess
and Inaugural. “ I'he kingdom, they said,
abounded with wealth, plenty, •■nd all kind of
elegancies, more than ever; they did nothing
but applaud the happiness of Engl..nd, and call
ed those ungrateful aud factious spirits, wl;.*>
complained oftho bn acii nl'/aws a..ci liberties.”
Their argument is thus stated in an old number
of the Westminster Review, in .u article on
Guizot’s History :
“ Some countries that increase in wealth,
do so in consequence of being well governed.
‘•During these periods England so increas
ed, therefore England was then well governed,”
and “as the government was atone tii.ie a
monarchical, and at another, an oligarchical
despotism, therefore monarchical despotism is
good government, and oligarchical d-.-spotism
is good government and those who oppose
either are bad citizens, mid factious brawlers.”
The country prospered in spite of the gov
eninient, as it has been with us.
“ Notwilhstandii’g the lax ofship monev. the
commerce rmd coasts of England were unpro
tected, and Barbary eirates scoured ths Chan
nef;” just as, notwithstanding our Surplus lie
venue, a handful of about a thousand half naked
Serninoles, have ravaged our Territories, and
burnt, tmd murdered, and massacred, in defiance
of our millions of civilized freemen.
But the reverse Uat has come upon us, has
tak on tho argumentfrom national wealth out of ;
the mouths of our Tories. Their anti-commer
cial hostility, aided by foreign influences, has
at length shattered the prosperity, of which
they boasted, while they were undermining it
—and while the old monarch and his heir, were
singing thiir coronation paeans to the result of
their “ humble cffoits,” tho crash of general
bankruptcy commenced, and drowned their ex
ulting voices in the complaints and curses of
au indignant people.
“Thety am:y of Charles,” says M. Guizot,
*' if not the Most creel, was the most iniquitous
and most abusive tiiat England had ever en
dured. Without being able to allege in excuse
any public necessity, without dazzling men’s
miiscis by any great result, to supply obscure
wants, to accomplish desires without objects,
it condemned and offended ancient rights and
new desires alike, making no account oither of
the laws or opinions of the country, or of the
declarations and promises of the king himself;
attempting at hazard all sorts of oppression,
adopting at last the most rash resolves, .the most
illegal measures, not to secure the triumph of
a coherent and formidable system, but to sus
tain by expedients of the day and hour, a power
always in difficulties.”
Cun the historian of our times, possibly paint
more to tho life, the portrait of a cabinet con
solidating, p-ocZamafjon and protest-issuing, de
posite-removmg, responsibility-assuming, Se- ■
nate-insulting, record-expuugmg, VETOENG,
and specie-circular Administration, which has
violated so thoroughly all its pledges of retrench
ment and reform.
u Cunning lawyers, constantly searching the :
old registers, f®r some example of forgotten I
iniquity, laboriously exhumed the abuses of)
time past, aud erected them into rights es the '
crown.”
Such is the official duty of Mr. Indorser ;
General Butler.
“ Other agents, less learned, but more boM, j
quicklv converted these pretended rights into
real -and novel vexations.”
Such has been the underling tyranny and :
menial insolence of Mr. Post-master General i
Kendall, who disputes the authority of Con
gress —and claims the Executiva privilege of
irresponsibility.
“ And if any remonstrance was raised against
them, servile Judges were there to declare that
in point of fact the crown had of old possessed
such prerogatives.”
Our judiciary in general have we hope re
tained their independence—but then, look at [
the bench once hallowed by the presence cf’a
Marshall; —the servile TANEY “ is there.”
Charles tiled to govern without parliaments
and Jackson in spite of Congress—to succeed
iu which the aid of a third power was wanted
by both.
“The want was felt of a corporation, which
already strong in itself, had still something to
expect, from th.: crowij, and which, in going |
shares iu it, might serve * s a support to abso- ;
lute power. The English clergy had long been
soliciting this office; they were now called to
till it.”—p. 87.
A Charles tried the spiritual power, the
church ; Jackson tried the money power, »he
Banks—and having failed to enlist the one head
ed monster of Nicholas Biddle, substituted for it
a hydra headed scaly coil of Pets—or Deposite
Banks,—now demolished—and which Van Bu
ren will probably endeavor to replace bv a Na- \
tiotiai Bank under Government control—for
getting his pledge, in the letter to Sherrod ■
Williams, to veto any such institution, and i
thus, by violating pledges, walking in the foot
steps of his predecessor.
The contests between Charles cud his Min
istry on one side, and “the King’s poor Com
mons” on the other, often resembled v?ry close
ly the quarrels of the General, Wright, Bento::, 1
Polk, and Cambrelang with Z/ie General's poor ;
Congress.
“ The King wished them to vote supplies,
before they occupied ihemsches with redress
of grievances.”
“ When the House resolved to make griev
ances take precedence ol'supnlies,•Charles had
recourse to the interference oftho Lords.”
So was it at the last Session of Congress.
When the Houso insisted on the distribution
clause, our Royal party had recourse to tha rc- ,
formed, expunging degraded Semite—and de
feated the bill—and took care also to give the
go-bye ts» the investigation set on foot by Mr.
W ISE.
“When the Kmg sent a message to the House !
for subsidies, they were told while deliberating,
by Sir Henry Vvne, the elder, Secretary of”
State, that the King would only accept the >
whole of what he demanded. It was late, and ’
Parliament was dissolved ou the following day
filled with excitement.”
How much like, even as to the time ftf ad
journment, to the Sunday morning Session at
the conclusion of the last Session but one—\
. when the minions of power, Cambreleng and I
other “ l >ain, light men, fit to be sent on errand*’ t
—were making their exits and ciitrt’-nccs, and ‘
whispering in the lobby, about the storm that
was raging in the white house—the muttered
threats of vetoes, and the other ferocious de
monstrations es ihe Royal Lion?
i N’/e mis:ht extend tho parallel—but our limits
fin bid. We conclude by expressing our con
fidence that the consummation will bo the same.
That our nation winch has borne kicking long
and patiently—has at last received thekicktoo
much—which will break down the check of
forbearance, and set the ball of reform in mo
tion.
“ VVhat” says the Reviewer, was the result?
AH parties at length were resolved into two—
that of the Court and that of the Country—of
those who have pluu iered and mean to keep—
and those who would take back the plunder and
disarm the bandit.
“The party oftho Court went down in the
death groupie, leaving that of the nation tri
umphant; and the ‘Commons of England,’
who but a short time before had been ‘bis Ma
jesty’s poor Commons,’ andcroucjied like bea
ten hounds at the foot of a kmg, now bade de
fiance to the world.”
So mite it be with us and our Congress !
We '•an adopt without reservation the conclu
ding language efthe Reviewer, and apply what
he says of the prospects of Reform in England
to the prospects of Reform iu this Confederacy.
“But a new clement has entered into the
contest—that without which good government,
according to Hobbes and the Ere. ch econo,
mists, could not exist—the knowledge, by the
bulk of ihe people, of the fundamentals of po
litical science. The p> ople have now a fairer
field than they have ev.,r had before from the
first ‘syllable of recorded time,’ If a good use
is not made of it, it will be from some most
criminal neglect on the part of their leaders.”
From the Southern Recorder.
Public opinion in relation to the lata Feder
al ?;dm: i tration, wc- believe will onlv be rec
tiiied by the simple details of facts. Argu
ment muy bo met by argument, and reasoning
with reasoning ; and however much the weight
of thought or of logic may preponderate to
one aid?, yet it will generally be found, that
where the passions are deeply interested, that
each side will co. aider itself tho victor, how
ever repngaant to ths decision of calm and un
biassed reason.
Facts, however, and especially statistical
facts, are very obstinate things ; even the most
selfish and most deeply interested devotees of
error, find them the most formidab’e weapons
of truth ; aud tha honest, however deeply im
bued in erroi, acknowledge them the beacons
which illuminate theii way, and light them
back to the true course.
The history of th® late administration fur
nishes us with innumerable facts, short and de
cisive, which it should, we think, be the busi
ness of the advocates of the true principles of
the government, ever to keep presented to the
eyes of the people. These epitome’s of mis
rule, are the very things which are to correct
the public mind in relation to the true charac
ter of the Administration which has just clo
sed.
We give at this time one of these statistical
facts, in relation to the economy of tho late ad
ministration. It will be remembered that one
of tho chief objections to Air. Adams’ course,
was his want of economy,—his profuseness
with the people’s money; and it will be no less
vividly recollected that the cry cf Gen. Jack
son and his advocates for the Presidency, was
the retrenchment of tha pab'.ic expenditures,
and to bring back the government to a truly
republican economy, from which the adminis
tration of Mr. Adams had so widely and so
criminally departed. Tho following exhibits
the expenditures of the lour years of .Mr. Ad.
ams, with the last four of misrule of Gsn.
Jackson, and this entirely excluding the public
I debt expenditure. Let the people reflect on
the promise of retrenchment made to the ear,
! and its performance »s made in fact by the late
Administration :
Adams expended in Jackson expended in
1825, 11.490.459 91 1833, 22.7’3.755 11!
1826, 11,062.316 27 1834. 18,425.417 25
1827, 12,653.095 65 1835, 17,514.950 28
, 1828, 13.296.041 45 1836, 31,435.032 00 '
48,501.913 31 90,089.154 64
Does it not startle tho reader that tho econo
’ mieal administration of Gen. Jackson, which
went into office with the avowed and boasted
i purpose of bringing back the government to
the simplicity and economy of our republican
institutions, a departure from which, had
brought ths denunciations oftho people on the
head of Mr. Adams, and hurled him from
office; is it not a startling fact, that tho four
last years, of the last Admimstratioii, without
including the public debt, should have expend
■ ed nearly double the amount so much repro
bated as expended by Mr. Adams during the
I same period, and yet the eyes oftho people to
: remain apparently closed to the enormity of its
; criminal prodigality 1 The eyes ol the people
will not alway remain shut; they are already
j arousing from the apathy ol their misplaced i
but implicit confidence:. as when they do ’
thoroughly awake, and in sober earnest, take i
up the public hist®ry of a few years past, the
stern judgement which will result from that in
vestigatio.n, will, we trust, decisively prove,
that the plain a::d simple institution ot repub
| lieamsm, are safe in the keeping oftho hinds
I oftho people.
That the project cf a Treasury Bank or
some scheme by which the Executive shall
have absolute control over the funds of tho
government, is seriously contemplated at
Washington City, cannot, we think, any long
er be a matter of doubt. The following arti
cle from the Richmond Enquirer will we think
be considered conclusive evidence upon that
point bv all who aro acquainted with tf.o tac
tics of that paper. It is evidently a feeler put
, forth to the people of Virginia. Ritchie al
: wavs broaches a subject ot doubtful policy by
calling on his correspondents to discuss it; if
it is popular he embraces it—if not, he finally
rejects it. Chron. S,- Sentinel.
Proelems— for Discussion. — There arc ru
mors all >at, that some of the members of the
administration at Washington, talk ot issuing
Treasury notes, (of course, at a low interest)
I aud that these, along with specie, should be re
commended to Congress as a Federa! Curren
cy—aud Treasury notes to be offered in pay
ment to the public creditors, and to bo receiv- ;
ed iu payment of all the public dues. There j
is also somo rumor that they arc considering I
the scheme of separating ihe Federal Govern-1
ment from all ihe Banks—that is to say, nei
ther to receive the notes of any of the State i
Banks in payment, nor to deposits the public
revenue it: them.
Vie cannot vouch for tho accuracy of these
statements—but we invito discussion ns to
: their practicability and policy. The subject
! is deeply interesting—and much discussion
1 ought to be encouraged—first impressions
I ought to be rigidly scrutinized, and false views
j ought to be corrected. It is for the good of
ilie community th.it all these and other sug- i
I gestions should bo brought ti» ihe test of’anal
ysis at once.
V. ill our ingenious Correspondents assist us
; by their lucubrations, throwing them into as
\ condensed a form as possible ? Much tolera
tiou should be allowed to opinion on so compli
i cated n subject. Wo shall lay our own views
; before our readers. In this age of Expert
' i
meats upon the monetary system, there is
' scarcely one of us who has not something to
learn as well as unlearn. What we invite is.
a free and a liberal discussion.”
Sordlin’u Wilts*
At2aeisw 9 Ga. Saturday, .sußy 22 9 1837.
t
FOIL SOVEENOR.
We are gratified io learn, from intelligence
received in this place from Clarksville, that
the body of the lamented Hawthorn, who
was unfortunately drowned in tha Talula river,
has been recovered and decently interred in
that village.
Mr. Everett.
In laying before oar readers the conclusion
of this gentleman’s most excellent Speech, we
have necessarily trespassed upon our Miscel
laneous department, for which we beg the in
dulgence of that portion of our readers. So
well and inti rrntelv connected is his chain of
reasoning upon the subject which he treats,
that wc felt it would materially destroy its
force by again dividing it. The National In
telligencer speaking of this Speech says, “it
' is the most able »r.d complete review of the
origin, progress, and character of the “Ex
periment,’ that has yet appeared. It deserves
i the most careful perusal, and a universal cir- ,
cu'ution.”
We confess ourselves not a little amused at '
tho manner in which the whole corpse of the ’
opposition Editors have set upon us, for char- 1
giiig upon the Governor a design to Election- !
eer in visiting tho Cherokee Country. If we
had previously entertained any doubts on the
subject of his Excellency’s object, the extreme '
sensitiveness of these gentlemen on the subject,
would have removed those doubts. One thing
seems however, to be universally admited by
the presses of the Governor, viz. that an elec. ,
tioneering tour through the country would be
highly censurable, if not by themselves, certain
ly by the people. It is true this has not been
admitted in so many words ; but their anxiety ,
to relieve the Governor from tho charge, as- ,
fords abundant grounds for the inference. Our I
quondam friend of the “Standard of Union”;
has again placed his philosophy in requisition ;
for our benefit, and with its aid has produced ;
marvelous results. Tom is certainly a Philos
opher for no other than a philosopher could
possibly arrive at the conclusion that, because
wo had charged Governor Schley with making
an electioneering tour, we were opposed to the
Road and that being the supporter of Mr. Gil
mer, he was likewise opposed to this great
work.. Truly a Sage inference I To those
who have been tho readers of our paper, this
charge is too contemptible to require even a
denial, so far as it touches us--and our readers
are fully aware that wo have again and again,
challenged the opposition to the proof that Mr.
G. is opposed to the work, and they have not ;
dared to venture a word to sustain tho calum
nious charge.
Not among the least of those who have ral
lied so suddenly to the defence of his Excel
lency, is our neighbor of the “ Bannar,” and,
like al! new recruits in the service, lays about
him with a desperate hand: so much so, that I
at first glanca we were quite disposed to ima
i gine ourself literally demolished, bv the pow.
erful and cogent reasons which he has addu
’ced in justification of the Governor’s visit,
vizi “to exercise a controul and discretion” 1
ever the Chief Engineer “in the appointment
of all such assistants, surveyors, and attend,
ants, as may bs necessary for tho speedy ac
complishment of the survey.” It was pecu
liarly unfortunate for !iis Excellency, that ihe
appointments—for the making of which he
felt it his duty to repair to the Chattahoochee—
should have been made and concurred in by
his Excell ency, prior to his departure from
Milledgeville!— Of all which our neighbor
was fully apprised, and had so informed his ;
readers the week previous, as will appear by i
his notice of the departure of the Assistant
Engineers and their respective corpse. Our
remark, that the Governor’s visit was for the \
purpose of electioneering, is not quite so tin- I
. fortunate then as our neighbor of the Banner
would seem to infer, as appears by his own
showing. For though the Governor only re
mained one week absent fr.m this place, not a
particle of our charge is disproved, Aad tho’
lie may not havo had an opportunity of seeing
many citizons during his short sojourn, it is
perfectly evident that his supporters designed
and intended to make thia an electioneering
trip—else, why so many and fulsome notices
of it through the prints of the partv ? . NVe
can assure our neighbor of the Banner, that
we feel no alarm on the subject of ihe Elec
tion ; nor shall we unless there is a deci
ded change in the opinions of the people thro’-
out the State previous to that event.
nai-.r.i-r & Mr. CHisier.
We have had it in contemplation for some
time since, to “show up” our neighbor of the
Banner, and contrast the former course of ths
Editor with his present acts. This is a duty
we would w illingly have forborne to discharge,
had we consulted our own feelings, ns wc ne. ,
ver feel any disposition to expose to the world ■
tho inconsistencies of others? or unnecessari
ly drag before our readers the character of
one who has rendered himself so obi.oxious to '
a charge of such enormity. We certainlv 1
hoped that occupying tho peculiar and deli
cate situation which he does in this matter,
the Editor would certainly, however fulsome
his encomiums ot Gov. Schley might have
been, have avoided the utterance of unv char,
ges against Mr. Gilmer, which would impose
ou us the unpleasant duty of refreshing his re. i
collection with regard to his former course. >
But euch is his zeal in the cause of those of
whom he has recently become so desperate an
advocate, that he seems to have become cal
lous to every impulse of political modesty, and
in his reck essness, to have seared his con.
science to the force <»f former truths, and with
equal virulence assails those whom he once
supported as those whom he always opposed,
if these is such a party to be found ; but re. I
j ally we fear, such are the peculiar propertiea
> of the Editor’s politics —being always attrac
• ted by metallic substances — that a paity to
which he has always been opposed, would bo
; truly difficult to find.
It mav not be known to all our readers,
it is nevertheless true, that this selfsame Editor
who now so boldly asserts that Mr. Gilmer “has
! been tried in tho. balance and found wanting,
■ was onco the zealot#: supporter of that gentle
man, and that too, after all the executive acre
of Mr. G. were fully and fairly before him.—
In 1829 Mr. Gilmer was elected Governor in
■ opposition to Mr. Crawford, two years there*
' after he was opposed by Wilson Lumpkin—
j in which contest tho Editor sustained Mr. Gil
mer’s claims and supported him with all his
ability. Mr. Gilmer has not since been in of
; fice, consequently all ths acts upon which the
charges could have been based, that he had
} “ been tried and found wanting"’ were as fully
I before tho Editor as they now are, and yet ho
supported his re-election to office : —aud for
sooth after the expiration ot six years this
'■same gentleman becomes a candidate for the
' same office having undergone no change in
! politics, and where now is the Editor of the
Banner to be found? —Remarkable as it may
seem, he is not only supporting the opponent
Os Mr. Gilmer, but is actually daily making
charges of incompetency, &c. Ac. through
the press ugf mst him. W hat then must the
readers of such a journal conclude?
| Certainly they will have sufficient charily to
give him credit for honesty and sincerity in the
f one case or the other; and if in either, in what
! an unpleasant dilemma is the Editor left in tho
other. It. is a rule in the laws es evidence we
: believe, that he who testifies falsely in a part
I of his testimony, tho whole shall be discredited.
Might not a similar rule apply to politicians,
viz. that he who is found wanting in political
honestv and integrity on one occasion, should
be adjudged in future as unworthy of confi
dence /—We leave the Editor to explain these
seeming inconsistencies to his readers, as wo
; doubt not many might be interested with his
developements.
We perceive by the Alabama Journal that
Col.C. II- Nelson with his Command, passed
; through Montgomery a short time since, on
their way home from Florida.—The citizens
of Montgomery politely tendered them a dinner
which was respectfully declined.
rox THE SOUTIIET.N WHIG.
THE STCSJEMT’S fAKEWEEI,.
For me, no more the Chapel bell shall toll,
i Or Blenham rouse me from my downy bod ;
No more I’ll answer when Hull calls the roll,
Or run and hide as Lehman shows his head.
Farewell yc Faculty I The men who sow
1 The goodly seed on an ungrateful soil,
■' Are oft’ but poorly paid ; for thistles grow
Which choke the wheat and mock the sower’s toil.
Athens ! oh, Athens ! sure I love thee well I
Others too love thee, though they know not why ;•
. Now, when the hour is come, to bid farewel!—
i My accents fail, a tear is in mine eye.
Why do I love thee ? Not for the dark blue hills
That rear their summits in the distant west;
Nor, do I love thee fi r the pleasant rills.
Which flow so gently from thy ope’ning breast.
No, no— l love thee for thy daughters fair,
With whom I’ve spent a happy, pleasant hour;
I love thee dearly—for th}' daughters are
As rules, quickened by a gentle shower !
And must I leave thee ?—Yes ! A long adieu !
! Tho’ strong ties bind me to this spot of earth,
?.Iy bosom, still to nature's impulse true.
Urges me onward to the home of birth.
Child or So.-now.
FOR THE Wills.
CeSebratiim on She J'nly,
At IVarcoochee Valley, Habersham co. Ga.
Pursuant to previous notice a considerable
numbsr of the citizens of this vicinity, and cit
izens from other sections of the country met
at the stand previously prepared for tho pui
pose. The celebration \ias convened bv sing
ing and prayer, by the Rav. Dr. Askew and
some very feeling and appropriate observa
tions made to a few Revolutionary soldiers
who was present.
Declaration of Independence was then
read by Capt. Joel Dickerson, at the termina
tion of which a salute was fired by part of
Capt. Brown’s Militia Company, under the
command of Lieutenant Dooly. Then a most
feeling and appropriate oration was delivered
by Col. T. W. A. Sumter, which appeared to
fill the bosom of every person present who
had arrived to the years of maturity with the
strongest emotions on the importance of th«»
subject. At the close of the oration a second
salute was fired.
The Rev. James West then closed by sing,
ing and prayer, and the company was dismiss,
ed from the stand. At 2 o’clock, P. M. the
Ladies, Rev. James West, (Dr. Askew having
retired) tha Revolutionary Soldiers, the Presi
dent, vice President and officers of ihe day,
were invited to the table to partake of a most
splendid and sumptuous dinnsr, after the ladies
had all dined and retired tho gentlemen then
all participated. The cloth being then remov
ed the I’ollowmg toasts were read bv J. L. Mos.
fat, Esq. and the salutes tired agreeable to
previous arrangements.
REGULAR TOASTS.
Ist. Our Country; the ark of liberty, an
asylum to the oppressed cf all nations.
1 platoon.
2;!. The Constitution of the United States
framed by patriotic and virtuous Statesman;
may our rulers administer the laws on the samo
independent and virtuous principles. 1 round.
3d. The Government of the Uaitod States;
it has no inherent rights, aud can exercise on.
ly such as are derived from the people.
1 round.
4th. Ihe day wo celebrate; mav the patri
otic sous of America, cease to honor it when
time shall bo no more. 1 round.
sth. 1 lie memory of Washington.
t r • Standing and silent.
6th. Ihe President of the United States;
may his Administration be such that posterity
will approve it. Silence.
7:h. Georgia, one of the original indeperd.
ent, States, always ready to support our coirn.
try s cause with men and monev. 1 platoon,
Sdi. Agriculture; the first, most important
anil most honorable occupation of man.
3. cheers.
9th. Manufactures and Commerce; sour
ces ot national wealth; may governmeut make
taws to regulate, but never to interfere with
tho muuitia of business. 5 cheers.
10th. Iho State of New York; the first to
Commence public improvement; mav Georgia
not De the last to imitate her glorious example.
~ 5 cheers.
11th. Fhe Cuirency; specie for its basis,
paper for convenience. 3 chcux*