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TAILOR’S SHOP,
FpHE undersigned, recently from the City of
JL New-York, respectfully informs the citi
zens of Athens, and the acjacent country, that
lie has opened a Shop in the House.formerly
occupied as an Office by Doct. Ware, in this
place, near the Stale Bank, where he will be hap
py to execute any orders with which he may
be favored in his line of business. He has had
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Cutting of all descriptions, will be done
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able style.
B. F. CRANE.
Dec. 2,-31—tf
FOUR months after date, I will apply to Jack
son Inf.'Court,for (eave to sell the Reni Es- j
of Leonidas Few, dec’d. fertile benefit of the
heirs rand creditors.
JN’O- J, M’CULLOCK, Adm’r.
May 12,—2—3til
TLpOUR months after date, application will be
made to the Honorable the. Inferior Court
of Clark county, while sitting for ordinary pur
poses, for leave to sell one-fourth part of lot No.
221, in the 12th District, 3rd Sectiuii, Troup
county, Georgia; which lot belongs to the Or
phans of Peter Puryear, dec’d..
JAMES B. DE A VENPORT, Gear’d,
of Peter Puryear, Minor.
May 12,—2—4m
"071 OUR months after date application will be
S 1 made to the honorable the Inferior court o
Madison county, setting for ordinary purposes
. for leave to sell the real estate of Killis U.
-Bridges, dec’d.
JAMES SPRATLING, Adm’r
de bonis non.
May. 20 1838—4 Im.
171 OUR month i after date, application will
be made to the honorable Inferior Court
of Madison county, when sitting for ordinary
purposes, for leave to sell the retd estate of W il
liam Graham, deceased.
ELIZABETH GRAHAM. Ad’m’x.
with the will annexed.
July 7—lo—dm.
IAOUR months afterdate, application will be
made to the honorable Inferior Court of
Madison county, sitting for ordinary purposes,
for leave to sell the real Estate of William Bone,
deceased.
WILLIAM BONE, Adm’r.
June 23—8-4 tn
I JOUR months lifter date, application will be
. made to the Honorable Inferior Court, when
sitting lor ordinary purposes of Habersham
county, for leave to sell all the Lands and Ne
groes belonging to the Estate of Benjamin
VamrbanJate of said County deceased.
V * jno n JONES, Adm’r.
jULIA VAUGHAN, Adm’rx.
July 28,-13—1'“
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mutual*
From tke.Rielimond Whig.
TO HENRY CLAY, ESQ.—Letter VII.
Sir—My last letter has already issued from
the press, while, as yet. I had no opportunity
of resuming my pen. On reading it over. !
find myself discouraged from my task; fori
perceive that I have said nothing that may
not already have occurred to the candid and
enlightened, nothing that the factions and ma
lignant will not reject, nothing that the ignor
ant and prejudiced can be made to understand.
Conscious of this, I feel disheartened. But
my business, sir, is with you,and my own par
ty. I will not now permit myself to dispar
age the candour to which I haie appealed, by
yielding to a doubt whether you will listen to
what else I have to offer. Nor will I dis
trust that magnanimity and openness of nature,
which so remarkbaly distinguishes the politic
al friends, whom I would warn from the des
truction, to which so many have eagerly devo
ted themselves. It is the small and scatter
ed remnant of the true Church’’ of States
Rights principles, that I would again address
myself, in the hope of dispelling some of the
prejudices against the Banking system, the
folly of which I have lived to see.
This was the aim of my last letter, in which
I endeavored to show, (hat, as between the
different interests of the community, whatever
loss might result from the adoption of that
system, must, from the nature of the thing, be
borne by the moneyed interest, its creator and
director. Whether that interest, proverbially
intelligent, sagacious and vigilant, requires
the guardianship of the rest of the community,
to save it from sell-destruction, is a question
which Ido not propose to discuss. I have
nothing to offer to those “who think that wis
dom will die with them,” and that they owe
it to the world to leave behind them a com
plete system of regulations, reaching even to
the minu’est affairs of individuals. The men
to whom I address myself are not of that
school of “ presumptuous ignorance;” but,
even to them, it may be inteiesting to observe,
how, in promoting the general prosperity of
the community, the moneyed interest receives,
(though not an equal share of benefit) a full
equivalent for the sacrifice it makes to the
common good.
It is a curious instance of the perversity ol
self deception, that they who speak and act as 1
if the actual presence of gold and silver were
the smn’nwm bonum of prosperity, and regard
that as the only currency which a wise people
would permit themselves to touch, base their
system on principles which take no account
of the intrinsic value of these precious coin
moditu*-
But gold and silver have an intrinsic Vallie.
Thi# by the cost of nroduction.
All the, elements of value are employed in pro
ducing them, and these enter into their pro
duction with so much uniformity, as to point
them out as the best common measure of all
values.
They uro valuable also, as being fit for the
use of man in various ways. For utensils and
ornaments, they are preferred before any thing
else. In this view, indeed, they are not ne
cessaries. If they were only valuable as such,
then, like all other necessaties, they might
lose a part of their value, when the demands
of nature were supplied. But the appetite, to
which they minister, is one not liable to be
glutted by abundance; It grows by feeding.
There is no passion so craving and insatiate as
vanity. It is of the family of the “ Horse
Leech, and cries continually, Give ! Give !’’
and will not be satisfied. Hence, the demand
keeps place with the lupply. however that
may vary, with a steadiness not less uniform
than that of the cost of production ; and lienee
a permanency of value, by which all other val
ues may be measured.
But vanity itself must yield to Necessity,
and sacrifice a put t of its gratifications to the
wants of Commerce ; and here the laws of de
mand and supply again display their opera
tion. Hence, if from any cause, the precious
metals aro scarcer in one country than anoth
er, their value will bo greater there. It will
require more of other things to procure them,
or m otner words, the prices of ail things else
will fall. If, therefore, there were no substi
tute for them, and if the amount in circulation
in each country bore unchangeably the same
proportion to tho exchanges, prices would ev
cry where bear the due ratio to each other.
I hat ratio consists of such ar. excess of pric*
in the country where an article is consumed,
over and above the actual cost i.i the produ
cing country, as shall afford a fair compensa
tion for the Capital and labor employed lit ex
portation, and for the risk attending it. li'tl.e
difference is less than this, exportation will be
checked. 1 f more, the capital of the comsli
ming country will go to the producing country,
to contend for a share of this excessive com
pensation for the employment of capital.
Thus money will be imported, tho profits of
exDortatioii reduced to their propel' standard,
and the due ratio between the compensation to
the producer and the price to the coi suincr
restored.
If any people could devise a cheaper, and «
perfect substitute fol' specie, to be used in their .
domestic exchanges, they would have no need |
of specie among themselves. All they might ■
have on hand, would be scat abroad to those,
who, having no such substitute, would give
more for it than it would be worth to them:.
In that case, the exchangeable value, of this
specie in foreign markets would be added to
the amount of their imports and comforts. In
short, they would find themselves as much
richer, as il'lhey had had an equal amount of
superfiui'y in any other article.
This, though tiue, will not bo obvious to
many, because they are in the bidi.l ci 'link
ing only of such substitutes as are tessedly
imperfect. There is but one peril >-t Siib.-.li
lute, and that is perfect, universal mid uni'cmbt
mg credit. Unfortunately such is not to be
found, lor Hs existence would imply an univer
sal good faith, prudei ee, and presci i t wisdom
not given to man. But w< re the people ol
any country thus endowed, as confessedly none
is, they would but use the names of the com
mon coins of other con 11i< s for the puposc m
keeping their accounts-—bet their liiiill'A on
lances‘might till bn n tiled in foreign markets.
I'here alone would m mey be w.mtilig, am!
none would want it but. the importer. io
him, it would be enough to receive the pledge
of his customer io pay him, in Livmpmdor
!lavie. a certain numb rof guineas or oi Irancs,
to be raised by the export of cotton or tohic
co, or tiiiv other article. He wmi.it be, at the
same time, the common centre ol all the mutu
al exchanges of his customers, and credits
wtibhit/i would b-duice nil transactions tnat
could not ho settled by -imple b.u t■'!'•
“IVHERB POWERS ARE ASSUMED WHICH HAVE NOT BEEN DELEGATED, A NULLIFICATION OF THE ACT' IS THE RIGHTFUL REMEDY.” Jefferson.
It wdl be seen tint I am supposing an im
possible case, audit is because the case is im
possible, that specie or any other circulating
medium is necessary. But lam not sure that
the true philosophy of the subject would no!
teach us to invert the order of the common
form of speech, and to say that specie and all
its representatives are but. substitutes for cred
it, as it should be, and as it surely would be,
were man neither short sighted, ignorant nor
wicked. In proportion as the character of
any community is marked by these fruits, is
the costliness of the substitute for credit, which
they find themselves constrained to use. If
no man can be found who will trust any other,
then the actual piesence of specie in al! pur
chases will be indispensable. This is the
much coveted golden age.
It there be some who may be trusted, though
not universally, then he who is without mo
ney, and cannot command the confidence of
him with whom he deals, must look for some
responsible man who knows him, and procure
his pledge for the performance of his engage
ments. This is the system of bonds with
security, anti the harvest of sheriffs and petti
foggers. If there be any who de serve and
command universal confidence, and who will
lend their pledges to those whose solvency
thej personally know, then these pledges will
begin to circulate as a medium of exchange,
and thus will introduce the banking system
at the same time, in the direct intercourse be
tween the persons thus distinguished for integ
rity and wealth, the process of exchange will
be carried on without the inter. entioa of any
medium or pledge buttheir own. This com
pletes the credit system, of which the banking
system, though its convenient instrument, forms
but an inconsiderable part. There is proba
bly not a haberdasher in London who doos not
handle more specie and bank paper than Bar
on Rothschild. In ail large transactions at
this day, neither is used.
Now each ofthese stages of approximation
to a system of perfect credit, hr s, in its appro,
priate degree, the effect of rendering super
fluous a portion of that specie, which other
wise would have been indispensable. This
portion, then, is added to the superfluities of
the community, and its intrinsic value is added
to the total of exports, imports and comforts.
On the contrary, let a people fail back from
such approximation to universal confidence,
toward the opposite extreme of universal dis
trust, and it will presently be seen that an
amount of specie before unnecessary, will be
come indispensable. This amount will be
added to the wants of the community, and must
be supplied by a corresponding deduction from
their comforts—For want of the customary
competition, all the productions of the country
will fall below their proper value ; the price
to the producer in the domestic market, will
no longer bear the due ratio to that paid by the
consumer abroad ; and foreign money will
come in, instead of foreign comforts' Here
the intrinsic value of the money thus imported
to supply the purposes of a circulating medi
um, is lost to the community, and the amount
of specie brought into the country, will be the
exact measure of the amount of necessaries
and comforts and luxuries unavoidably dispen
sed with.
It is interesting and instructive to trace this
result to its final cause. The elements of cre
dit are prudence and good faith. It is some
defect of these that renders the importation of I
specie necessary, and the value of the sum im- !
ported is the measure of the self inflicted pen- '
allies incurred by a contempt of either of these I
cardinal commercial virtues.
Do you remember, sir, ZEsop’s story of the ,
dog whose foolish vanity mistook for a badge I
of distinction the clog which was fastened
about his neck to keep him out of mischief ? I
I am aware of no other instance of presumptu- ■
ous folly comparable to that of men who, ha- j
ving forced the community to tax itself to the ■
amount of millions of specie for the use ol ;
commerce,glory in their scheme, and boast I
of the importation as an honor to the rulers of
the land.
If, then, it be practicable that the lawsand
institutions of any community should be made
to lend their aid to the teachings of experience
and to prevent this offence and avert this pen
alty, should not the praise of wisdom and jus ;
tice be awarded them? And what then shall
we say to laws and institutions and rulers, I
which beguile the people to crime, and then !
urge the avenger to demand his victim ; nor,
so content, rest not till they have involved the i
innocent in one common ruin with the guil
ty ?
I think, sir, that commercial men will not
disclaim this account of the Credit System. I
think that the moneyed interest will accept this
plea offered on its behalf, when called upon to
show cause why it should not be placed under
the guardianship of the liiird.meney system.
They are not insensible of the wear and tear
ofcapital in the service of the commercial sys
tem, but they are conscious, that, in the ad
vancement of their common prosperity, they
receive more than an equivalent. The differ
ence between them and other interests is this:
They purchase this advantage ala price. The
'rest enjoy it equally at. free cost.
If these ideas are welt founded, they imply a
. compliment to the sagacity of our rulers, w hich
iit would be unjust to withhold. In their war
: on the Credit System, tin y ii: ve begun ;>t 'he
i right end, The foundations cl that system arc
j prudence and good faith ; and they first temp'
• the people to imprudence, and then debauch
■ ihem by corruption, We have heard lor the
; first time in the history of modern Commerce.
I that our merchants are tmfhithlul to their cotm
j try, in fulfilling their engagements abroad,
j I\.r doing this, they have been n baked in a
i lone of authority, by otic whom I do not name.
I because he belongs to a certain set wlv m I
! Mill never honor so far. Mr. Calhoun may
j take it as a tribute of respect to one who is
| not yet “less than arch at gel mined,” that 1
i have singled him out from the gang of swm
' dlers and sharpers, with which he has chosen
jto identify himself. The consumate insolence
of that other official has alone provoked tins
notice. They to whom be addressed his ad
moiiitijn paid him lets attention. But now
it seems that tlm. authority of lhe General Gov
ernment is to tie brought to bear on the trans
actions of individuals, in the way of pains anil
penalties. The precedent is get in lhe matter
oftho notes cd' the old bank of the United
Slates. The right to meddle with the affairs
of a legitimate Slate Corporation, is bast'd, I
pre st l me, on Air, Ca 1 houa's lie wma xim,j“ I but
i whatever we use as mono; is money,” and is
' therefore subject to federal legislation. 1 i’so,
i tl'.e next step may be to I'avof its with some
| penalties against the dealers m shin plasters.
' imposed by federal authority, The same pi'in
! ciple would legalize the condemnation of
I Back notes, othe r promissory notes and bond;-'.
| and file denial of all r< medy rm them. The
Stale Courts might still indeed, remain open
ATMIWS, GZXJHGSA, SATURDAY', AUGUST 1, 8 838.
to the creditors. But the Force Bill (to which
it seems Mr. Calhoun is now reconciled, as he
does not attempt its repeal,now that his friends,
the true State Rights party are in power,) af
fords a precedent for the removal of such ca
ses, bv certiorari, to the federal courts where
these mischievous symbols of credit might
meet their just doom.
But, after all, men of obi fashioned honesty
night and would trust each other, and mere
verba! promises to pay might still, as they do
now perform half'he business of the country.
The only, radical measure would be to bring
the arm of criminal jurisprudence to bear here
too, and to punish, as for misdemeanor,all who
might buy or sell on credit, or make or take
promises, or deal on any but the plantation
plan, of “ here’s one, and there’s ’tother.”
This is the point where the w.iron the credit
system should be pressed. Ail assuits on the
Banks are vain, as long as credit is unimpaired.
But introduce the degrading and demoralizing
maxims of despotism, and and there is an end
of Bank paper. Men of wealth must then be
gin to hoard securely, they must agree to at
tach a high conventional value todiamonds and
the like. They may thus elude alike the ra
pacity of the tyrant and the mob, bv concealing
princely wealth in the patches of a tattered
garment. Until this is done, credit will pre
vail; and the evidences of debt will bo trans
ferred, and the symbols of credit will perform
the offices of money. This is the true charac
ter of Bank paper, and though Mr. Calhoun
and Mr. Webster should unite to call them
money, they are not money. They belong to
the head of contracts, and their validity and
enforcement depend on the municipal sove
reignity, which the Federal Government is
Before I dismiss this subject of a Bank of
the United Suites, permit me to offer one more
remark. I have suggested a plan which 1
have ventured to recommend to my political
friends, as a means of keeping awake that
watchfulness over the Treasury, and that jea
lousy of federal power, which have so long
slumbered. A pecuniary interest is prover
bially a jealous interest, and men quarrel about
money, who agree about every thing else.
To you I would add, that a Bank of the
United' States, representing the pecuniary in
terest of all the States to extent of fifty millions,
will draw them together like flies to a drop of
honey. They may quarrel and fight over it,
tut they will never separate while the least
scent remains. “ Danns sum mtn Odis puss”
but I must be permitted to believe that, such a
Bank, judiciously organized andskilfuily man
aged, would be no small security at once
against consolidation and disunion.
And now. sir, having said all this, I beg
leave again to assure you. that I am not m love
with this plan. Were it in my [lower to es
tablish it and were i free from ail constitution
al scruples, I should tremble at the thought of
a now experiment on tho currency and pros
perity of the country. To deal frank y with
you, I have but used this suggestion as a text
for my remarks. It has served me as a sort
of mould to give form and texture to ideas
which otherwise might have been u'lintelligi
ble. If, by this means, I have succeeded in
presenting them distinctly, it will have served
my turn.
A Friend of State RigiiTs*
. TO HENRY' CLAY', ESQ—LetterVIII.
Sir—ln my former letters, I have only in.
vited your attention to the subject of the Bank
of the United States. In treating, of that, I
have carefully avoided all remarks which
might give rise to irreco. cileable disagree
ments between us. I have done this at the
hazard of falling into a strain of hackneyed
common place, and yet, I fear, no’ without
presenting many ideas which you will not ap
prove. It may be still more difficult to han
dle, inoffensively, other topics of which i wish
to speak. And yet I persuade mys' ls, that
the temper of my former letters, will be thought
to entitle me to u candid hearing, even on the
delicate question ofthe Tariff
That yoii may belieVe that I do not menu
to abuse the indulgence 1 ask, I begin by
assuring you, that I shall be careful pot to
trouble yon with the oft repeated argument
of tiie opponents, the unequal operation of
•die protective system. The “Forty bag Tile,
oreru” 1 shall leave to its author, having no
idea that he will ever relinquish, or that yon
will ever adopt it. I shall only use the fact, that
it Iris been put forth by him, and has been ad
opted by thousands. It presents at. ingeiffions
theorv, which, like the theory of the tides,
may or may not be true. But the business i f
the navigator is with the tides and not with the
Moon. Mme is not with the soundness of Mr.
McDuffie’s thee ty, but with the tact of its pro
mulgation and general acceptance in the .South
and wi h some of the results for which it pro
poses to account. These are the same, whith
er the theory be true or false.
The results to which I allude are political
—niff commercial. It is only in a 'political
point <>f view that I propose to treat the sub
ject, and it is to the lights thrown upon it, by
recent political experience, that. I would invite
your attention.
Yau have not forgotten, Sir, —none will ev
er target, th it most brilliant portion of vur
lite when you lifted the Chair of the House
of Renri'setitafivcs. Il must be to vmj a
source of proud satisfaction to rem’.’mbe>’, how
during Mr. Monroe’s last four V’ars, m Um his
Lieutenan’s were embarrassing bis Adminis
tration by tin ir indirect scrambles for the seep
tie. just about to /all from his infirm h ind, all
that there was of energy and spirit and
dig ;iiy and consistency in the coi.dtn’t of pub
lic affairs, was found in that then iiidependyut
.assembly of the Representatives of tke Peo
p,e.
lii the midst of these gratifying reminis
cences, will you bear the suggestion,that, per
haps at that very time i:i \hat body, ami by
your own hand, were planted the seeds of its
subsequent humiliation, and disgrace? Do
you remember your amazement and dismay,
when, not. long after, you saw the mere animal
instinct, which draws the rabble ot all coun
tries abler the dium and tile, and makes the
bloody banner of tl’.e conqueror their cloud
and pillar of tire, extending itself, as by infec
tion, through all classes, and perverting the
judo'cment of the wise, and taming the ardor
of the boh! and the spirit of the free ? Ami
why was this ? In the late confessions of Mr.
Calhoun, you have the answer. 1 need not
repeat his words, Sir. You heard them.—
You heard him declare, in substance, that he
and bis friends had given their support to Gms
end Jackson, in the hope that his personal pop.
ulnritv and arbitrary temper might, be to them
a refuge fr in what they deemed, the m just
•and oppressive legislation of Congress. As
long ago ns 1823, you had heard, from the
Hus of AZr. Rumlulp , i,the startling ikclarativu,
‘'that the times called for a man who should
carry into the Presidential Chair the spirit of
command.” Do you remember too, Sir, how
that gentleman admonished the Ilnttse, that it
was not until the English Parliament had made
itself odious to thejpeople, that the’public mind
was prepared to acquiesce m the usurpation of
Cromwell, and the violent diss< lotion of that
body ? You are perhaps not aware, that near
the close of his life, that extraodinary man,
not more remarkable for his eloquence, than ;
for an intuitive sagacity, which have often
gave to his constitutional rashness an appear- I
ance of inspiration, was asked the practical
meaning of that phrase, “the Spirit of Com
mand.” His answer was, that he meant by
it “a something that Ulen hold dangerous; ai
faculty which makes the possessor an object j
of fear to friend and foe ; in short, the disposi- ,
tion and the ability to make power go as far
as power can be made to go.”
Here you have a glimpse of the thoughts
and purposes of two men, as little addicted
to acquiesce in the will of a master, as any
that ever lived. Os the first it may be too
much so say, that he “would rather reign in
hell than serve in heaven.” Certain it is,
that no subordinate station has yet been found
where he could be content. I am not sure
that the other did not scorn mankind too much
to desire power to be exercised over such be
ings. The poet who imagined one who “scorn
ed to be a leader,” and whose boast i*. was that
“like the Lion, he was alone,” had sure’y
dreamed of him. How far the remarkable
man, who was selected for the bold task of I
breaking down the independence of Congress,
was pledged to these gentlemen, we have
now no means of knowing. Whether he was
expected to join with the latter in proposing
to the North, the choice between the repeal
of the Tariff and disunion ; or merely to inter
pose the vis inertcß of his authoritiy to even the
nullification of South Carolina, is well known
only to those who will not tel! the secret. I am
persuaded that Mr. Randolph gave no intima
tion but by mysterous silence. Others will
doubtless, be equally guarded. But. inf spite
of all concealments, yon cannot doubt, Sir, no
man versed in the histroy of that day can doubt,
that to some extent, the Chiefs of the State
Rights Party held his pledge, that his authori
ty and influence, direct or indirect; legal or
illegal, should be exerted to procure a recog
nition of the principles for which they contend
ed, a renunciation of the claim of Federal Su
premacy, and a repeal oi the laws of which
they complained. No one has forgotten Mr.
Haynes’justly celebrated speech in favor of
nullification, which the Author of the Reclama
tion proposed to have printed on satin, fram
ed tn gold, and placed among the muniments
of his estates, to descend as an heir-loom in
his family. No one has forgotten the familiar
boldness with which South Carolina put fotth
her hand to touch the Lion’s berad, nor the
precipitancy with which she drew it back,
when he utter’d that appalhngroar which shook
the laud as withan Earthquake, and at which
the sovereignty of the Statesand the whole
fabric of the constitution came toppling down.
No one who remembers the difference between
the bearing of certain gentlemen before and
after the Proclamation can doubt for a mo.
ment that they were completely taken by sur
prise.
It is superfluous at this day to enquire,
whether the usurper meditated from th:: first
the treachery he afterwards practised. That
he “paltered in a double sense,” with both par
ties, is certain. That hisjargon of a “judicious
Tariff,” and of “Internal Improvements of a
national character,” was adopted with a view
to such interpretation as he might find most
convenient, cannot be doubted. That he, even
then (conscious that he must break faith with
one party or the other,) foresaw that it might
Ibe most desirable to betfay the weaker, is
j quite probable. I for one anticipated such
' a result at the time. There were not wanting
i those who tried to convince the leaders of the
j State Rights Party, of the danger of giving
I Ihe South to Federalism, by placing in the
! Presidential Chair a man of Southern position
land Northern principles and holdings. It
i may be a lesson of practical wisdom to the
I ra»h experimenter m politics, to be told, that
Mr. Randolph, just before liisdeaih, declared,
I “that in the retrosrect of his whole life, of the
i follies of youth and the sins of riper years, no
thing so disturbed his last hours, as the
thought that that admonition had been lost on
i him.”
I Can we then doubt, sir, that when the phi
losophical historian comes to make up his es
timate of the causes of that sudden revolution
j which has made the Representatives of the
; People the mere instruments of the Execu
tive will, he will fail to trace it to the itnpti
! tience of the South under the American Sys
' tern? I know that he will read, in our jour
j rials, and in the speeches of our orators, that
every thingps attributable to the unequalled
popularity of Andrew Jackson. But he will
see that this too, is but an effect which must
have had a cause; and he must be a ctreless
reader, if he does not perceive, that that ex
traordinary popularity did not reach its highest
j point until after the abuses which it was sup
' posed to excuse.
When did ho become generally popular?
; V. c know that fie was not at firs: the choice
iof a majority. We know that tho mind of
j the country deniedhis pretousitftis with scorn.
We know that the moral sense of th.' country
I rejected him with abhorauce. Oit of his own
■ State, he was not at first thought of even in
I the M esterti Country and his: omiiir.tion there
i was’received with ridicule and disgust. But
I we are told, sir, <>( an honest German in Penn
{ sylvama, (if now living, he is doubtless a
{ staunch advocate of the tLb-Treasury,) who
was much addicted to hoarding. Some time
! in the last Century, he had put a wav some of
the notesofthe then Bank ofthe United States,
which he kept with a miser’s care, until the
year 1833. At that he became alarmed at
the removal of the and the ou e.y
against the Batik, and hastening to Philadephia
with his paper, could not be made to believe it
possible, that the Bank of the United Slates
which he found there, could be any other
than that whose notes he hold. We must not
laugh tit this. It is no whit more absurd in
its way, than the converse idea, which has
lately given birth to a penal law ofthe United
States. Well, sir, this worthy, and ot ieis
his countrymen, who knew nothing ofthe
public history of the country from the siege
‘ of York to the battle oi New Orleans, took
it into their heads, that, the victor in the one,
could be nothing less th in a resurrection of
the Hero ot the other. So they called him
.“the second Washington,” and dubbed him
• “the Hero of two Wars,” and “such it veil
; there rose, ol Jackson ! Jackson I 1” bursting
C from the thick darkness that ever broods ever
■ i the benighted vallics of that Btrtiaii region,
, I as left no reasonable doubt, that, if brought
forward, he would receive the vote of tbai
State. You-remember well, sftt. firs'
turned from you to him the tin s«-
who before had boasted you as the champion
and glory of the West. But they wnn’eu
a Western President, ns they want Wester,
mints and Western armories, and inland port
of entry, and national turnpikes, parallel to
navigable livers. You will not suspect me ol
disparaging your high pretentions, when I say
that even you owed apart of your popularity
to the obvious thought,!hat,in you,this wish wn
most likely to be accomplished. But,the omen
declared in favor of one of whom in that day,
you scorned to think as a rival. Like Aj >x
of old, you felt dishonored by your competitor.
Demptis honoreni amulus. But the neigh of a
horse gave the crown to Darius, and the bray
!of an ass did the same for Andrew Jackson.
But not at once. All this was not enough ; •
nor was it yet enough, even when North Car
olina turning to darkness the light that was in
her, joined in the insensate cry. He was still
in a minority* A plurality of voices had in
deed been procured; but he was still in a mi
nority.
All this is well known to every body; & they
who then understood what was passing around
them, also know, that this alone decide i in his
favour this great party in the South, who ’
had vowed the defeat of the admin ist ration, al I
every hazzard. and by any means. They had
no choice but to submit to a second defeat, or
to unite themselves to that brute -multitude,
who could not be made to hear reason. It may
| seem strange, how the mind of the country
should submit to be led by passion, prejudice
and ignorance. But such things happen, when
ever accident’ supplies the place of concert to
those incapable of concert, and sets the herd
in motion. The consequence is always such
as may be expected from any inversion of the
order of nature; and such it has been in this
case. I envy none his feelings, who. at this
day remembers that he bore a part in giving
the vote of Virginia to a man stained with
every crime, and profoundly ignorant of the
principles of the Government he undertook to
administer. But they who did this, were wise
and good men, visited by a sort of “judicial
blindness from on high.” Do you remember sir,
how, when some one spoke with merited con
tempt of the'presun’ptuous aspirant, Mr. Ran
dolph quaintly said, “that he had the best abil
ities of any man in the country, for he had the
ability to be elected.”
Well, sir, he was elected y elected by the
choice of some, and the reluctant assent of as
many more as made a decent majority.—But
who was his competitor? You, sir, or any
man of established and merited popnlaritv ’
No! Y'ou stood aside. Circumstances, blind
God, commanded it; and his competitor was
a man never popular, who was believed by
many to have gained his office by means
which added nothing to his popularity and who
had done more than all his predecessors, (his
father alone, perhaps excepted) to make him
self ridiculous, and his authority at once odious
and contemptible*
What evidence have we, in all this, of tint
overshadowing popularity which was to carry
through triumphantly all the measures of the
the new President, and to make it safe for him
to carry fully into action princples which his
predecessor had been turned out of office for
hinting at?
Bat leak at his majority at a subsequent
election, even when opposed by you! See
how his popularity had grown by the indul
gence of his arbitrary temper, on which we
are now told the peo >le looked indulgently, be
cause he was already popular. See how it
grew after his second election —how it even
became assignable to his very foot boy (he is
no better,) as soon as he declared war ng tins’
all constitu'ional and chartered rights, and
openly proclaimed himself the Rabble's King.
Men who looked only to laws and cGßS’itutions
stood aghast at his bold, unhesitating exercise
of the veto power, while the multitude threw
up their caps,
“As they would hang them on the horns of the moon.”
and shouted their devotion to one who indeed
“did bear him like a King,” and in whose face
they saw that which the herd, insolent and
servile, delights to call “master” They acted
over again that scene in life’s drama, which
the world has been witnessing since the world
began, and which encourages princes in the
abuse of [tower. It is an old lesson, which I
we in our Utopian dreams had been trying to
forget. They had seen in him that which has
tliven populaiity to tyrants from Comrnodus to
Henry VIII. and Bonaparte; Thev saw ini
him tii-it single-minded selfishness,!hat strength
of will which knows no other law—that reck ;
lesness of consequences—that readiness to re
ward friends—that eagerness to destroy one
mi s, that subdues opinion bv despising it, and
wins fame by defying the and ab
horrence of mankind. The place of th' sn
may be supplied by commanding taletits, by
engaging virtues, by wisdom, and by uniform
rectitude of [im pose. But these are, after all.
but substitutes for that “spirit of command”
which suits the natural taste ofthe vulgar, both
great, and small—ct the low and vile, the ig
norant and corrupt,! hat form the mass of every
peo[)!e under tho sun.—Compare the fate of
the first and second Edward—of Elizabeth and
James—of Charles and Cromwell —of Louis ;
XVI. and Bonaparte. Who tire they, that,
while preparing tile tragedy that brought their
mild monarch to the guillotine, were loudest in
tin ir clamors for liberty and equality. lite
very men whose ['ride afterwards was to dog
the heels of the triumphant usurper, whose will
was law to all because he himself acknow
(edged no other law.
But though these ideas illustrate the char
acter ofthe favor ofthe late President with the
u ahiuking multitude, they do not explain why
it was that his arbitrary acts provok ’d no in
dignation in the minds of men who had beer,
ih rough life, distinguished by a zeal for liberty
and a passionate impatience of lawless domi
nation. lam sensible of this—l am sensible,
100, that there may be little apparent connec
tion between what I have just said and the sub
jcct ofthe Tariff'. But 1 have already drawn
out this letter to too great a length, and must ,
defer these topir s t > another time.
A FRIEND OF STATE RIGHTS.
GEOIIGIA, CLARK COUNTY.
YVTIEREAS, Seaborn J- Mays, applies for j
Letters of Administration on the Estate!
of YViili-un Mays.sen’r. late of Lincoln county, •
This is therefore to cite and Admonish ab.
and singular the kindred and creditors ot seal
deceased, to be and appear .it my office, within
the time prescribed by law, to shew cause, (i
any they have) why said letters should not be
G:vcn under my hacd at office, this 14tli Au
gust, 1838. DAVIDJ fbxn.p. c. c . o.
Aug. 25, —L—lih
Vvl. Vl No 18.
I i From 'he Charleston Courier
DI REO T t M PORTATIONS.
We h-i vc devoted a L<rg« portion ofthis
( Courier, to the publication of a number of ict
• ! i.cih ou the -subject of Direct Importations, fur
nished us by Col. A. P. Haynk. whose ac*
uve and u .tiring ekeitions in the cause, de
-•uirvt'j the thanks ofthe whole Southern and
S iiiih Western People. We would ask for
ihf se documents, an nt’entive perusal arid widii
<Lss, miiiutioii, and for this purpose would rt
que.st editors in the Southern and South Wes*
j tern Stales, favorable tu the cause, to give them
an insertion iu their respective papers.
—-i
CharleitoA. August 15,1833*
Gentlemen —A< co npanying this commu
nication, you will have placed before you, a
numbi r of letters, addressed to me on the sub
jeet of direct importations. The facts they
devi iope arecheermg. tied require no comriient;
The agricultural and commercial interests
bo'h t-'ufte in expressing the belief, that the
success ofthe scheme would add to the wealth
and prosperity of this portion ot the Union,
without u ju-ily interfering with the prosperi
ty of other sections.
Thu crisis has produced a revolution in the
m .de of carrying on our foreign trade, espa*
ci.illy that between England and the United
Suites. 'I he < xtent oi the derangement is un
exampled in the history ofthe country. The
fact is. the whole system of exchanges is bro
ken up, individual credit destroyed, want of
confide.ice and distrust, have, io a great meas*
ure, suspended all profitable trade between
Europe and the United States; but especially
between England and the United States—and
E igLmd is that power, with whom we have
most at stake.
How will the South and South West, in fu
ture, procure the facilities necessary fortafs
rymg on our import and export trade with the
world, but especially wiih England? It is clear
th ff some plan must be devised for its re-esta
bl'-shmenl. and the sooner this is done the bets
ter will the South aid South West do their
own business—or shall they continue their
state ol' dependence on the Northern cities,
which have, m a great measure, been built up
by commissions, profits and charges on the
South and South West ? and this too, while
othei odious distinctions have beei. kept up ta
our prejudice, and most unaccountably sub*
milled to on our part. For example. I know
it has been a constant practice for letters of
credit from Northern merchants to be given t<»
irresponsible persons, often to a clerk* sent tn
tra s et their business, and which have been
accepted by our bat-k r.g institutions for 850,*
ouo to 8100,000, while letters of credit ofthe
South- rn and South Western merchants, of
equal standing r.nd respectability to responai*
ble houses at the North, Wotild not be takon
tor $5,000 by a Northern banking institution,
'l'he course of trade, unfortunately for this
Sou h and South West, has been heretoforo,
through the Atlantic and Northern cities, itt
cons qucnce of their established credits in Etf*
rope, especially in England, l>y Which they
have monopolized nearly the whole negotia
tions of our entire exports, and have thus been
enabled to secure to themselves almost the
whole of the profits of the trade of the South
and S-»u‘h Western States.
Now, the destruction of the credit of the
Northern merchants in Europe, hut especially
in England, for the first time since the forma
tion o the Government, places the Southern
and S luth Western merch ant on a better foot*
ing, as it regards credit at home and abroad—
in truth, the crisis places them in a position tis
vast power and strung'h, from the fact, that it
is our Cotton, that greet ut.d im[ oriai.t staple
of the South, which has almost exclusively
funs! ed he basis < fall remittancesand ex*
el,a g, s from the United States to the rest of
thu world. We are comparatively tndtpen
dent ofthe use of Banks—the Bank of the
S utheru and South Western States is our
Cotton—a Bank which has never yet suspended
specie payments.
Th re is, however. nnWher reason, and a
must iuq>- rtaut one, why this indirect trade, at
present carried <i.i between the Northern and
Southern and South-western cities, operates
greal.lv to the prejudice of the latter cities. I
ulltide to the fuel, that in this ruinous trade, we
tire constantly doubling our risks in all hf oitr
i:e'-o’.tatio:;s through tho North, besides doub
ling the charges and commissions. In illus*
tr-ttion of this, I will state a fact which occur*
redin 1837. A highly respectable firm at
Mobile, had execu ed orders fora large amount
of Cotton for English account, instead of no
! g ffiitiing direct, they, as usual, sent their ex
; chanties to NeW-Yerk to be negotiated thro*
• (heir iriei-ds at that place, (which is a great
C’.rivenience to the Northern merchant) and
drew on them for their reimbursement. In
the m, an tim ■, u (I before the bills arrived at
maturity, the house in New York suspends
ii.iymeiit, the control ever the Co’ton is lost, the
-uiui .1 at stake being $100,009 they hard
slit; the risk ol th-' sterling bills ponding, mak
ing their respons.bility $200,000 in the place
of 8100,00*), in addition to which, they are
I in .de sobj ct to the cost of piutest, to d.ima.
i ecs at N. w York 10 per Cent.; to damages in
! England 15 per cent.
I But this is not all in our connexion with the
I N nil.era ci'ics — by tho abuse and inll itkyn of
■ liie. ciftdit system, the South and the South
| Wes , and the eatire West, now find them-
i selves involved in their liabilities to a very
I m-eat <xt iff. 'The excessive imports and
great [u >‘i s of the Northern cities# caused
; iheiti t 1 p's- their stock of goods on die South'
W. hi r-.ty extensive credits,- however,-
lilv ch for the same; but when the
' .Mtitiei ts i. 'come div, and the Southern Mer
■!i\..i fi d himsdf unable to pay punctually,’
then commences that ruinous system nfdta#*
i a ami re drawing, t- clinically denominated
•i-,.- flying <f kites,” which means nothing
more m>r less, than ihat the transaction has no
' real business sou >1 ffioa whatever, and is a
iimst dangerous abuse, gtowing cut of the
ei fit s.stem uh'-n pustied too far. This
rir :u his svatem his the (ft. ct not only of multi*
pixi >g tin’’ liabihties, but fioqueatly adding 80’
I p,. r ce.it. to the iH’igiinil purchase, before the
■' causae :•> i is n i iiiy brought to a close, nnil
! ~|i this it the cost and risk of the Southern
1 '-Lich.. (.
lij.’ even this Is not all. Inorder to show
I mote cl ally the great disadvantages of this
! ind’teci trade, we will take the last of the year
; I <> i a .<1 the first ofthe year 1837, n period
.o , irmH’i.'l of les.?.’*, fiow then it is well un-
I derstood in the usual course of trade and busi-
■ miss th t the Southern and South Western
Merchant, is obbgi d in fall and summer to re*
pair to N w Y'erk and other Northern Cities
it 'i<eat expense of time and labor as well as
,f money, to pitrchasU Iris Goods. It will hi*
!\ collect* d, Cotton al theti.no, October and
N'lVettm-'i', ’.83 3, r.ted from 13 to 20 cts, and
, his. purchase of G ;ods, was predicated o*