Newspaper Page Text
and nothing c- uld < qua! th. ir grateful and ap
• L.udng admiration ol’liim by the bread',
of his mouth,had ffispers. ddl phantom in ihm
liir. nnd, bv hi« wmd <d power had mmihila
ted the Sonreig ty of tho States—Nothing
could cqiu.l the popularity oi tile I resident
wi-!l the people of the muimfacturi g slates
and ->f the whole North- Tbe triumph ol
Federalism was complete. i’he doctrines <d
consolidation, which she had always ch .ris.i
cd, but never avowed ; with which she tmd
often lt .pro»c!rM, ami which she had us
often denied, went no ,v the maxim ;/>! triumph
imt democracy ; and tongue and pen.and bnrt
ling bayonet, ami lite gleaming blade oi th.
vamiling lowlander, and lhe grim r.lie or th.
Ftcrn mountaineer, nnd “lives and fol limit
and sacred honor,” so often pledged to oppose
them, were now united in their defence. In
this sudden change of position am' charac
ters, lhe siliitdion of some oi those who aid to
shift their dresses on lhe stage, were ludicrous
enough. 1 have no doubt you rumcniber sir,
the amusing and .dilviug scene, when Mt.
Webster, doit g the hoi ors (as oi righi L<
should) of the college of Fedejalism, extended
the ri-iht hand ol fellow ship to Mr. Rives, and
made him welcome, while yet he could not
refrain from expressing his wood er, “ how
the devil he got there !” and this Mr. Rives
is lhe man on w hom, some would have it, '.ha-
John Randolph laid his anointing hand, conse.
crating him to the defence of the sovereignty
of Virginia. No, si i I From that day Will
iarnC jßives was to John’Jlar.dolph an object,' f
unmeasured and undisguised contempt No. sir!
J >hn Randolph knew that the last hope of the
sovereignty of Virginia died with him.
“Si Pergama drxtra
Defend, possen*, ctiam hac defensa fuisFent ”
This was his consolation in death. Be this his epi
taph
I perceive, sir. that I have, undesignedly,
mixed up so much known fact w ith conjecture,
that I have unconsciously glided from the lan
guago of hypothesis into that of narrative. 1
have not meant to aver all that 1 have said. I
only propose to ask w hether the political phe
nomena which we have witnessed, and which
have justly caused our special wonder, would
not be made plain to us, if it could now be re
vealed that all that I have suggested was as
true as a part of it is known to be. Should
we any longer wonder at the popularity of An
drew Jackson, first in the South, and then in
the North ! Could we wonder that, in the
minds of men, the Executive has since been
every thing, the Legislature nothing, and State
sovereignty less than nothing, “a bye-word, a
reproach, and a hissing.” Could wo even
wonder, that that boasted sovereign!v, while
bound in chains and led in triumph, submitted
tube decked in royal robes, and, crowned, as
with (horns, and taunted, and spit upon, to go
through the forms of authority, and to exer
cise its high functions, at the bidding of a mas
ter.
“ Great let me call him, for lie conquered
me!” has been the language, at o;;co abject
and boastful, of fallen ambition, since the w >rld
began ; ai.d by none has it been uttered w ith
more zealaus submission than by the very State
which had made herself most conspicuous as
the champion of State sovereignty. All have
had their turn. That of South Carolina is
now come, Your friend, Mr. Preston, will
tell you, that, two years ago, he was warned
“that the time was at hand, v.h u r. solutions,
commanding him to conform to Executive dic
tation, would be prepared in Wushi.gliMi, and
echoed back from Columbia.”
The part you acted, sir, on that occasion is
mot forgotten. But this is not iha time to
speak of it. That you commended the doc
trines of the Proclamation, without imi'iog
with the States Right Party, ami that von still
stood in oppositon to the usurper, without se
parating from such of your former friends as
pressed forward to welcome the new proselyte
to ultra Federalism, is well remembered. But,
I reserve, my remarks on that subject, till 1
shall come to speak of Mr. Culhoua’v boasted
triumph of Nullification.
I am sensible, sir, that nothing I have said
explains the remarkable fact that the President
retained his popularity in the North after the
removal of the depositee. That such a step,
iftaken before Ins power was established and
universally recognized, would have destroyed
him, can hardly be doubted. But he had al
ready shown himself to be master every
where. A Government of opinion had been
exchanged for a Government of force. It
was obvious that, in the South, fear had taken
the place of any more generous principle of
devotion; and when he proclaimed the war of
“the poor against the rich,” and hounded on
the rabble to the plunder of their former pat
rons and benefactors.be did but promise w bat
beseemed well able toperform. It was not
for them to see, that so long as the vary forms
of the Constitution remained, the great mass
of property must be safe. It was beyond their
foresight to anticipate the final result of a sys
tem, which, by beggaring their employers,
was to starve them. This consumatio i was
reserved for the reign of his successor, when
the author of the mischief had escaped into
privacy, from the consequences of his own fol
ly and wickedness- He was the fortunate
physician; whose fatal anodyne had not be
gun to show its poisonous effect, until be had
turned over the patient of his apprentice. Thea
ail was channel! from golden dreams and bright
imaginings to collapse, and horror, and con
vulsion, and despair, and death. Os all this,
the dirty parasite whose pride it was to bearj
the glyster pipe of our political Sartgrado, is
now to pay the penalty.
The rabble, whose agrarian spirit had been
thus aroused, had no interest, that they could
understand, in the Banks. They had, on the
contrary, down to the lowest operative, an in
telligible interest in the protective system, mid,
for the resvue of that, u ere gr.deful and devo
ted to the will of him who had accomplished
it. I’hat other rabble, the rabbin of State
Banks, with their safety fund, the creature
and instrument of Van Buren, exult -d over
the discomfiture of their great rival, Theusur
ers & shavers, every, where joined the cry, and
these, with the holders and expectants of of
fice who never quit the side of power, till its
fall is sure, u died to swell his triumph.
If now asked, whr.t all this has to do with
the Tariff, I answer thus :
All these evils, and all the mischiefs conse
qent on these, have had their rise in the agita
tions produced by the tariff’. The wisdom of
preserving a system liable to consequences so
fatal to peace and liberty should, at 'east, hear
a question. If any menus can bo devised for
preserving this system, and at the same time,
of quieting these agitations, restoring the ba
lance of the Constitution, and preventing the
recurrence of such evils, I shall expect that
your paternal attachment to the system, will
induce you to cling to it- But if this cannot
be done, and any ground of compromise can
be established, on which a part only of die sys
tem can rest in peace and safety, I shell ex
pect you to take that ground and maintain it.
It is in the confident assurance that you will
do this, that these letters are written, It is
less than I could wish, but all that I can hope.
That such u ground was established by the
compromise of 1833, I now believe. That
the faithful fulfilment of the stipulations of that I
compromise, will answer this purpose, I also I
now believe. 1 hat a departure from it will I
bu attended with the like, or worse mischiefs, <
I have no bo: dt. f)flheso al. another time, 1
shall take leave to speak. But, I must first
take notice of lhe compromise itself, its histo
ry, the understanding b< twec.ti the parties, at
the time, and especially of the part acted and
suffejed in that drama’ by one, w.io, i i the
spirit <>f a Christian martyr, finds exaltation in
abasement, and triumph in disgrace.
A friend of State Rights.
lltiu■:- : 77'.: ,
Aiiaer.s, «a. Saitirda y, -ep; fc iaj,: :S . 8, I 8:18.
CONGRESSIONAL NOMIN ATI ON.
V. m. C. Dawson,
R. W. Habersham,
J. C. Alford,
AV, T. Colquitt,
E. A. Nisbet,
Mark A. Cooper.
Thomas Butler King,
Edward j. Black,
Lott Warren.
FOR THE LEGISLATURE.
l or Senate.
Hon. Charles Dougherty.
For Represcnlat ices,
Richard Richardson,
William Stroud.
Isaac S. Vincent.
■CO” Read “ Brutus,” in this day’s paper
The author is an able, efficient and distinguish
ed member of the State Rights party. Hear
ken to his counsels and triumph.
Col." E E nber slia tu.
In another part of this paper will ba found
the response of this gentleman, to certain
questions propounded by “high inquisitoi ial
committees,” appointed by meetings of citi
zens in Taliaferro and Franklin counties.
In charity we hope that these meetings
were get up under an unfeigned patriotism,
the cal! upon tho candidates lor congress is
prompted by a love of country, seperate and
distinct from any party influence or prejudice ;
and that the voters of the two counties, who
have thought proper to make this call, are hon
estly desiring that ? information which their
resolutions seek, m order that they may act
advisedly in giving their votes. 'l’hat the
voters of Franklin have long been in need of
ttitze/t Z/gZtf, to enable them to vote cor
rectly, we have king believed. But to the
letter, which we cordially commend tothe pe
rusal of our readers, for its bold and manly
frankness, and its clear and lucid expose of
the views of the writer on the three topics
upon which his opinions have been sought.
Identified as Col. H. i« with tho dearest in
terests of Georgia, and as his ancestry was
with her early history, this letter cannot do
otherwise than increase the high estimation in
which that gentleman has been held by every
patriot, since he nobly laid down a high and
responsible office, under the Government of
tho United States, rather than enforce the de
crees oi that Government against his beloved
Georgia.
Tile I.ocsj Foerrsa
It is only occasionally that the true princi
ples of the Pan Buren, Loco Foco, Democrat
ic party come to light ; but as “murder will
out,” so will all frauds attempted to be prac.
ticed on the people. Hence, it sometimes
happens that, a bold and reckless member of
the party will declare the real doctrines of the
faithful. Such has been the case at a late
meeting of the party in Columbus, at which
they passed certain resolutions, which we sub
join, together with the notice taken of them by
the Mobile “ Advertiser.”
We ask our readers to examine well and
carefully- the first resolution, and see how far
it corresponds with the former practices and
professions of that party. It is well known
that during the six years the partv was in
power, more Bank Capita] was incorporated
and more monopolies formed, than have been
in all the previous history of Georgia. And
even now in the response of their candidates
tor Congress, to the various questions pro
pounded to them, we find them all declaring
in favour of State Banks ; and that too in the
face of these resolutions, and their much ad
mired specie clause in the Sub Treasury.
Can any unprejudiced mind long question their
ulteiior object? We think not, and all must
see, that they design, sooner or later, the de
struction of those State Institutions, under the
prudent management of which, our State and
country has grown into such unparelleßed
prosperity in internal improvements. Let the
people look to this matter, and examine the
question in all its bearings, and imagine for a
moment tho ruin which would inevitably
<iwait all classes of the community, except
tae UsUiers and money changers, if the prin
ciples of this party are carried out. Wnat
would be the value of that pioperty, now so
highly estimable, ifour currency was confined
alone to gold and silver ? We again ask the
people to ponder well on these things,and when
they’ feel that these things ought to be carried
into effect, then, and not till then, should they
support the Loco Foco Van Buren party of
Gee rgia.
Wo mentioned yesterday that tho spirit of
Loc> Foe.oism ii id broken out in Colum
bus, Georgia. The principles of this creed,
as embodied in the resolutions which it is said
were passed unanimously’, are as revolutionary
and destructive as the most ultra.agrarian could
make them. Wo annex the resolutions again
and ask our leaders to ponder on them. They
strike at the roo* of industry, paralize enterprise
and rob honestly acquired wealth of .11 its ad
vantages. But this is not the worst feature of
this new doctrine. VVcask what is t.ie differ
ence, in point of fact, between bank stock,
rail-road, canal, or oilier stock—which the
poor man as well as the rich is at liberty to
buy and to hold to the extent of his means,
—and any other description of propeily, or
any other privilege or immunity which money
can acquire? Is it not apparent then, that if
these doctrines are carried out there must be
a complete revolution in tho elements of sect
ety, ami a total destruction of the natural im
pulse to the accumulation of wealth ?
Let us see now “equal rights” notions of
Fanny Wright, Skidmore & Co. will operate in
the South, for here, it seems, they have already
been proclaimed as the true Democratic creed.
Four fifths of the people are noii-slavchokl
ers, and in all likelihood, four-fifths of them
■* i
will ever continue to !>•”•’mm-sluvchol.lcrs.
Now, we shall suppose ibnt sxt.ia disciple of
this new school of “Equal Right:/’shall go out
among the mass and preach up to them that
the “privilege” of holding slaves, and of em
ploye g salve labor, ci j >v .cl bv ihe rich few,
is;.,i uristocr.iiical privilege, at war v.i:h
•‘i qu .lity” and “equal r.gilts,’’against the in.
tcresls of four fifths of the people, a monopo
ly” acquired, “through the corrupting iiitluence
of money,” and theres •■re not to be submitted
toby the friends of “equal rights.” if any
o.ie is dis; used to doubt lhe prob.d>,lire of ‘lns
state of things being brought about i:i the South
he knows but little of human natare, and can
not have marked very closely the progress of
these revolutionary duct rises of the ultra Dem
ocrats. The mob that matched from the Park
and de troyed Hart’s fl.>ur store and threw the
private property it contained into the street,
were instigated by the same spirit and impel
led by the same notions of “equal rights”
that prompted the passage ci lhe resolutions at
Columbus. The Very same reasons and argu.
merits can be brought to hr ar as well against
one institution as another. 'Vo have seen that
the Jacobinical spirit of ultra Democracy hits
broken out m Georgia, and menaced with vio
lence the investments of lhe wealth’iv in the
stocks of the public institutions of the State,
and who can limit its furious career? It" it
succeed in one thing will it not b . - sure to as
sail another, and thus go on until the dead le
vel of'‘equal l ights’’ and ‘perfect equality’ in
ail things, has been attained ? Wo ask the
sensible portion of the Democratic Party in
the South to reflect upon this subject. We
ask them if there is, upon tho face of the
earth, a spot where the doctrines of Fanny
Wright, Skidmore &. Co. ought to be more
strenuously opposed than in the South. If
they are permitted to gain a foothold here, we
may anticipate a state of things, ultirn iteiv,
compared to which tho impotent efforts of the
Abolitionists of the North will bo as nothing.
We beg the intelligent Democrats to remember
that self-interest, prejudice, envy, and a desire
of levelling have been the ruling passions of
the multitude in all ages and al! countries ; and
when these are. kindled up the incendiary ap
peals of native born demagogues, no man can
tell where the footsteps of the destructives
will stop. We could say more on this subject
but we forbear. Every intelligent man will
see the exb-nt to which the miatnous doctrines
of the Equal Rights Party might be carried, if
it can bo shown to the mass that their interests
would ba hereby promoted, or that the rich
could be thereby made poor. If ii be said that
the people are not likely to war against their
own laws and against th ir own institutions,
we reply that the people have been known to
war against every thing against which their
prejudices have been aroused and their inter
ests made to appear to be opposed. If a
man cannot be permitted to own stocks ia in
stitutions established by law, and which are
confessedly beneficial to the whole community
and injurious to none, and which are, besides
indispensable in their nature, how long will it
be before his right to hold property that is pro
fitable and useful only to himself, will be con
tested by this same, arrogant tribunal ?
Here are the resolutions of the Columbus
“Equal Rights” Meeting, and the reader will
perceive that they prohibit legislative action
m every thing that lies a tendency to improve
the condition of the States and to promote the
welfare of the People through trie aid of indi
vidual enterprise and capital, and stigmatize
as ‘monopolies’ all those institutions in which
men of industry and frugality have been ac
customed to invest tho fruits of their toil & care.
There is but one step between the doctrines
here inculcated and levying of Black Mail in
its worst possible forms :
Resolved, That we are opposed to all mo
nopolies, created by legislative enactments, and
that such legislation is a palpable usurpation
of power, violative of the fundamental princi
ples of our republican institutions.
Resolved, That under the protection of the
broad canopy of our Constitution, the poor
man is guarantied al! the rights, privileges and
immunities ofthe rich. That they who would
attempt to abridge those rights, by the assump
tion < f [lowers attained through the corrupt
ing influence of money, are tyrants at heart
and unworthy tho confidence of a free and pa
triotic people.
Rese.lved, That we are in favor of the works
of Internal Improvement by the Stale, as a
State measure ; but that the power, claimed
foi the Stale, of issuing her bonds to loan out
among corporate bodies of men, whereupon
to borrow money for carrying on these works,
under their own control, and for their own ben
efit, is diametrically opposed to every princi
ple of reason and justice, subversive of the
broad ground of equal rights and privileges,
and destructive of the liberties of the people.
The following Extract is taken from the
Correspondence of the Charleston “Cornier,”
in which the operations of the Sub Treasury
is most beautifully pourtrayed. In Georgia,
i however, the collecting of the Cherokees for
removal, has furnished a more happy iiiu-tra
tioii than that, and t f which the good people of
the Cherokee Circuit have been made the wit.
nesses, and in many instances the sufferers.
When the troops were disbanded the mili
tary stores mid supplies, which could not be
removed, were offered for sale at the various
points at which thev were located. Tho sales
were duly advertised—but lo and behol 1! when
the goods were placed under the hammer the
wonderous workings of the Sub Treasury Sys
tem (which Mr. Cambreling declares is now
in successful operation,) would not stiffer any
thing but Treasury notes or specie to bo re
ceived in payment for them. The consequence
was, that the goods sold brought about one
fourth and in many instances not one tenth their
real value, and were bid tn by government
agents and favorites, who sold them to the
Citizens at enormous profits, for the very mo
ney which the government officers had but the
day before paid to the people, and were then
paying to the people for a’ 1 contracts with them.
And yet this is an administration which finds
zealous supporters in Georgia, and among
those too who witnessed this most stupendous
fraud, not only upon the government, but like
wise upon the people in that section of the
State. There were large quantities of good
Bacon sold for 4 to 5 cents per lb., which com
manded forthwith from the citizens three times
the amount; while Corn, for which the Go
vernment paid one dollar and fifty cents per
bushel, was sold in many instances for one
fourth the sum, which was bid in by those fa
vorites who cou'd procure the Treasury Notes
or specie, and instantly sold to the people for
the money which the Government had paid its
debts with, ai a price three or four times as
great.
Yet these are the advocates of a pure, demo,
cratic government, of equal laws and rights ;
and this is the party which has such great
love for the “dear people.” Perhaps the
© Y H IKB It t.7 >
I “ dear people” will ere long learn with what
1 sincci ii.' at! this si mg about their < quul rights
and pi’ivil. gis has b.eti made; and p ridveu-
Hire tin y mav dism.-'.'cr, uheu il is notion late,
ihattln-y have been most gloriously gu!lc >.
“W au.'.i Springs, (.'<. C.) Aug. 18.
i■■ M nil:: at Asheville, 1 v. itncss'id a pr c::cal
■ exhibltio.i of the i>p-ratio '. ofth:' much b lasted
' sub tless.irv system. The North Carolina
s, wh > h-id boeii i>i removing
I the Cherokees ft‘>m the the Stale, were as
j sembb■■<!. at iii.it place, to receive pay tor tboir
: services ; and instead of being paid off in gold
; and stiver, l:i t/ui cons!’■ilullon.il currency, which
they had a right to expcc. from a hrnl money
v ith the suit.treasury in actual
operation, or even i,i treasury notes, they were
put off with drafts o.i the M;tnhaltati Bank of
\ ork, doubtless much to lite profit oi such
speculators as know how t<> turn things to ad
vtiutage. Li this i.ff.'.ir, I learn that the U. S.
Paymaster was wholly Llamaless Lie re
ceived the necessary amount in treasury notes,
in sums (.no targe for transfer in the way oi
payment. The North Carolina banks refti
s ..' 1 .l to receive the notes on deposit, to be check,
cd on by the Pity master, add he was obliged
to make his arrangements with a bank in New
Voik. This is a practical commentary onthe
sub -treasury policy, to shew ds impracticabili
ty, and th.it the government cannot even pay
its troops without the ai.l and agenev of banks.
lEesusuptiMi.
The !wo B nil is, Rati Road, and Branch of
‘ho Sta te Bark, in this place, resumed specie
payments the first I nst. As yet no demands
have been made upon either for specie, except
for she purposes of change ; and we fuel con
fident no considerable amount will ba de
manded.
tPublac .Tlcetissg'.
'l’he eiiizuna of Athens are requested to
meet at the College Chanpel this day- at 3
o’clock P. M. for the purpose of considering
the porprieiy of sending delegates to the con.
vention of Southern Merchants to beheld in
the city <>f .Augusta on lhe 3 Monday in Octo
ber next.
S’exn.s.
I 'Phe Spanish population, i i Nacogdoches
I county, have recently manifested considerable
[disposition to revolt against the goterument,
j and had commenced assembling in armed
! squads. The prompt appearance of General
Rusk, with a large armed force, dispersed
them at once ; soma have made their way to
Mexico, while others have remained, giving
renewed pledges of fidelity to the Republic
i and laws.
oO”The Augusta Banks have all resumed
I specie payments. We have also understood
j that the Macon Bunks have followed the ex
■ ample.
‘
Tiie F’a.rmer’s EKegrister
j For August, is on our table ; which pre
j seats to the lover of Agricultural pursuits, a
! rich variety <>f entertaining and useful inform
I ati-ju. Let it be more generally imparted say
: we, in all sincerity. Contents next week.
CEieroßee SSemoval.
In glancing over a late “Western Georgian,”
we discovered a long letter from a correspon
dent of (hat paper, on the subject of the remo
val of the Cherokees, an which the writer
very honestly, no doubt, impugns the motives
of Gen. Scott, far permitting John Ross to be
come th ■ contractor for removing his people
to Arkansas ; and concludes that in justice to
the faithful colar democrats, they should
have been permitted to defraud the Govern
ment in the removal of these people.
We judge from the general tone of this re
markable letter, that the writer is some dis
appointed candidate for the office of removing
agent ; and we confess it has brought a. fresh
in to our minds, the fable ofthe Farmer and
the Lawyer, which we recollect in our boy
hood, (“ a long time ago,”) to have read in
Websters spelling book.
Had this disinterested patriotic letter writer,
obtained the contract, on the same terms made
with Ross, aye, it would have been in his o
piuion, a most excellent contract for the Gov
ernment —a most righteous and honorable ar
rangement for all parties ; but as John Ross
has become tho contractor, the correspondent
discovers numerous reasons why it is a fraud
upon tiie Government, and another means
of enriching John Roes, as well as depriving
the faithful from sucking a little Government
pap. Spirit of honesty, virtue, and patriotism,
whither hast thou fled I d
Words of truth and eobci'fldsS are these
which follow. The American people would
’do well to ponder them. They are taken
' from the aphorisms of Lacon—a foreign wri-
I ter who has been dead so many y ears, and who
i could scarcely have been “bribed by Biddle
i and the Banks” to utter these sayings:
Liberty will not descend to a people, a pcu
j pie must raise themselves to Liberty ; it is a
blessing that must be earned—before it can
be enjoyed. That nation cannot be free
where reform is a common hack, that is dis
missed w ith a hick the moment it has brought
the rider to his place. That nation cannot
be free w here parties are but different roads,
i lending to one common destination, plunder.—
; That nation cannot be free where the rulers
; will not feel for the people, until they arc obli
ged to feel with the people, and then it is too
iate. I’hat nation cannot be free that is
I bought by its own consent, and sold against it;
| where the rogue that is in rags, is kept m
| coimtei.atice by the rogue that is in rutiles, and
; where from high to low, from the Lord to the
laggard, there is nothing radical but corruption,
nothing contemptible but poverty ; where both I
patriot and place man, perceiving that money !
can do every thing, are prepared to do every'
i thing lor money. That nation cannot be free
w here religion is, with the higher orders, a
matter ol indifference ; w ith the middle, of ac
quiescence, and with the lower, nffanaticism.
i’hat nation cannot be free, where the lep
rosy ot selfishness sticks to it as close as the
curse of E.isha to his servant Gehazi; where
the rulers ask not what recommends a man, but
who; and where those who want a rogue,
have no occasion to make, but to choose. 1
hope there is no nation hkethii under Heaven;
but h there were, these are the things, that
however great she might be, would keep such
a nation from liberty and liberty from her.—
These uro things that would force upon such
a nation, first, a government of EXPERI
MEN IS; secondly, o/ DII’TICULTIES ;
and lastly, of DANGERS. Such a nation
could begin to feel, only by fearing all she de- ,
serrc.l: and jnnt!,h. uy fn:f:'cring all she feared.
Let every patriot p.c.ti. r well these maxims.
Azalea, Habersham co., )
A ng. 30, 1838. £
To .V-.•*-i». I Zojjcr a:;d Det..i, Coni-
■mitlee :
Gentlemen, —l have veecived your commu
iiici'tion, covering a resolution of the meeting
of the citizens nt Carnesville, on the 6th in.-t,
by wuich iam c::':'.! upon to express my opin
ions on certain points’ therein specified. ’By
the last maih I received, through the public
prints, a like call from certain of my fellow-citi
zens, <1 the comity of Taliaferro: To tliese
.-alls, I cannot for a moment hesitate to respond.
'l’he instant 1 consented to become a candidate
for Congress, every citizen became entitled to
l.iiow my political opinions. In, replying, there
fore, to you. I avail mysell of the occasion, free
ly and fully to spread those opinions before the
whole people ot Gecrgta; and I am not unwil
ling, but anxious, that they should reach the
eye or the ear of every cilizen of the State.
By those opinions, I am willing to stand or fall,
according to the ji’. i;:i-ieiit of an honest and in
dependent people By many, perhaps by whole
counties, these opinions will never be heard;
but opinions will be sent Io them ns mine, as un
like to mine, as black to white. Be it so. If I
declare them fully, and fairly, and honorably,
and send them forth to be published, I have dis
charged my duly to my conscience, and my ob
ligations, in that regard, to my fellow-citizens
I premise the views I am about to give, with
no professions of sincerity, or of devotion to
the interests ot Georgia. Professions are not
worth a straw. 1 was born in Georgia ; I have
no interests but Georgia interests; i reside in
her mountains, where there are no Banks ; and
1 own not a dollar of Bank Stock; iny prospe
rity ami welfare, and that of my children, are
fast linked in with the prosperity of Georgia.
It these are not sufficient guaranties for my
honesty and fidelity to the State, no professions
I can make would give you a better security.
In the course of my remarks, I may express
opinions on matters not called for bv the inqui
rers. It I give more than you ask, you cannot
complain. If lam forced to impugn the opin
ions of others, I will do it respectfully . I mean
to impugn no man's motives; all I ask, is the
benefit of the golden rule, “that others will do
unto me, as I would do unto them.” I will now
proceed to answer the enquries :
The first is relative to the constitutionality of
a United .States Bank. As the President, it is
well understood, will veto any bill which may
pass Congress for that purpose, and if I am
elected, my term of service will end with his,
my opinion or vote will, probably, not be called
for, or, if called for, will be of no avail. But
you have asked for it, and you shall have it, and
that a 71 plainly as 1 can give it to you.
Every one knows that the Constitution was
a compromise of conflicting interests and views,
to effect a more perfect union between thirteen
sovereign and independent States. The best
evidence of the moderation and love «f country
of our ancestors is, that such a union, under the
circumstances, was formed at all; the best evi-
dence oi their wisdom, that it has been pr-ser
ved so long; and the best hope of their children,
that it may continue forever as they formed and
left it to us. It would never have been adopted,
if they had not agreed upon a particular rule,
as the basis of the whole structure—it will ne
ver be preserved, if that rule is not strictly ad
hered to and enforced, by their posterity. That
great rule, is, that, while all powers were grant
ed to the Federal Government which were ne
cessary for the safety and welfare ot the whole,
and which could only be used effectually by one
common head—no power should be granted, or
exercised, to protect or foster the interests of
one State or section, at the expense of any oth
er. Powers were specified, and Congress was
vested with further power to make all laws ne
cessary nod proper for C’-rrying into execution
the specified powers. Without this last clause,
the Constitution would be but waste paper; but
like many other good things, it has been most
grossly perverted and misrepresented. Nome
have made it to give all power ; some no power
at all ; as usual, the truth lies in the middle.
The law, to be constitutional, must be hotli ne
cessary and proper— not necessary or proper. It
must not only be necessary for the end, but
proper, that is, just, which is one of the mean
ings of the word proper, and in my opinion the
true meaning, as it is there used in the constitu
tion. Just, tor in exercising the necessary
power, Congress must not invade the rights or
privileges reserved to the States. In the con
test for power, necessary has preserved its name,
but lost its character ; proper has not only lost
its character, but its name. The Supreme
Court,on this very question ofthe Bank, chan
ged it into “appropriate.” General Jackson
found the Pet Bank system, a very fit instru
ment to break down the Bank of the United
States; and Congress found the Force Bill,and
the Army and Navy, very’ convenient to sustain
the Tariff and to put down nullification. Thus
“ proper” first became “ appropriate,” then “fit.”
then “convenient;”—which last means all a
consolidationist can desire. I wdl give unto
Caesar that which is Caesar's—not one jot more.
There is no express power granted to Congress
to establish a Bank—has it the implied power,
under the clause above referred to? General
Washington, as President, sanctioned the char
ter ot the first Bank of the United States ; Mr. I
Madison, the charter of the late Bank—which
last was also advocated by .Mr Crawford, and i
by Mr. Calhoun.-he present great author and
advocate of the specie clause of what is now
called the Sub-Treasury Bill Thus all these
distinguished men, under the solemn sanction
of their oaths of office, piotiounced these char
ters as not only constitutional, but expedient:
If Mr. Calhoun erred tin n, he may err now ; at
any rate. I am neither afraid nor ashamed to be
found in such good company.
I believe that a Bank of the United States,
under proper restrictions, is a necessary aid of
tho Treasury for two purposes : first, to ena
ble it to transfer its funds with facility, salt-;-;
and cheapness, from points where the"’ are not
wanted, to remote points where they are wanted;
and secondly, to give to the whole country a
currency of equal, or nearly equal value every
where ; that while the Government receives it’s
lull dues in a medium at par value, the importer
at the North shall not procure Z/iat medium with
out cost, while the importer at the South shall be
obliged to pay five or ten per cent, to obtain it;
as was lately, and perhaps, is now, the case. Is
this the uniformity of the duties intended by the
constitution, and can the South, under such cir-
cumstances. hope to compete with the North in
the foreign trade ?
But you will ask. how is this equality to he
established and maintained ? I answer, that all
experience has proved that it can only be pro
cured and maintained through a Bank of the
United States ; and the same experience has al
so proved, that it is only by the aid of such a
Bank, that the Treasury can be permanently
able to make its transfers to remote points, with
facility, cheapness, and safety. I make this as-
I sertion in full confidence of its truth, and chal
lenge proof to the contrary. AU other means
j hitherto tried to effect these important objects,
. have failed. The Pet Banks, as they are called,
I with the aid ol thirty millions of public depo-
I sites failed, and the Government will probably
j lose several millions by the experiment. The
I wagoning specie across the mountains, and
j transporting it by sea, are, I think you will all
I admit, neither a very cheap, expeditious, nor
*1 very safe mode of transferring the public funds,
especially in times of war; when both safety I
and dispatch may be all important. An cxclu- i
sive specie circulation, which was suggested as
the proper<fc constitutional mode of equalizing
the currency, was nicknamed the Benton Hum” ;
bug, and was immediately reject'd by al! as ’
impracticable, and by most persons as ruinous ■
to the prosperity and trade of the whole conn
try. Under the existing system, can these i
great objects be accomplished without the aid '
of a United States Bank, obliged by its charter I
to furnish a sound medium cf circulation, and i
to transfer the public funds promptly am] cheap., i
ly to any point required by the Treasurer l
Every merchant knows that bills ol exchange
for large amounts cannot always be purc/iased, I
or if purchased, can only be obtained at largo I
and ruinous premiums. ' Without such , t Bank, 1
the Government will be obliged to purchase bills !
for remittance on the same terms as the mer-I
chant, and be subject to the same iticotivenien- I
CCS, delays, ami losses. If lam right in these I
vicWs, a Bank of the United States is a necessa
ry aid to secure to the country an equal circU
lasion, and to the Treasury, its just dues, and a
cheap, safe, and expeditious mode of making its
transfers; and to the people of the South an
equality in the payment of duties. Foe these
purposes, and these alone, I consider the power to
create a Bank a necessary power.
But it mtut not only be a necessary, but a
proper power, that is, it must bi so used, that
v. I,ile the Bank can accomplish these necessa
ry ends, it cannot interfere w<ih, or control the
rights reserved to the Stales. A charter may
be constitutional on its face, and yet the Bank
may indirectly be gifted with powers, which
are contrary to the spirit of the constitution
I will illustrate this by the Tariff acts. No
one doubts the constitutional power of Con
gress to lay and collect duties. That power
is expressly given—that power, however
must be limited to an amount necessary tor
the wants of lhe Treasury. To go beyond
this for the purpose of protecting and foster
i: g manufactures in one section, at the expense
o! auothnr section, is a violatio: l . of the funda
mental rule- ' have laid down, mid in my opin
ion, and in the opinion of most, if not all of
you, unconstitutional, unjust oppressive
to the planting interest, let a Court would
pronounce such an act constitutional, because
not within its province to determine the pre
cise amount requisite to meet the wants of the
Government. .So with the charter of the late
Bai.l; of the United States. The powers
granted on i'm face of the Instrument, w< re
probably all such as any court would decide
to be constitutional, and yet it did possess the
power, indirectly, not only to regulate and
control the State institutions, but to raise or
depress the market in any particular place or
Slate, almost at will; a power not grant
ed to Congress, and therefore not grai.table
by Congress tc the Bank. This indirect
power, as I conceive, was derived great
measure, if not altogether, from the almost
exclusive right of the Bank, under its charter,
to receive and pay out the public monies, and
varied from time to time, as the public depo
siies were increased or diminished. That
this power was ever used improperly, I do not
mean to say ; lor I do not believe that anv in
stifntion was ever managed with more ability
and more honesty, for the att.iiinner.t of the
great ends for which if. was established, th in
that institution was, under flu? charge of Mr
Clmves, and afterwards of Mr. Biddle; but
the last mimed gentleman, in his late cotton spe
culation, which 1 think was both honorable to
himself and bam fieial to you, has given veu
a hint of what could be done, in the exercise
of such a power, by a board of New York or
Philadelphia merchants, not. quite so honest as
himself. If lam right in the source Irom
w hich this mischievous and unconstitutional
power was derived, rejnote that, and vou have
a Bank with all the necessary capacities for
doing good, without the capability of mischief.
Ii the refusal to give the Ba l k a right bv its
charter to receive and pay out the public mo
nies, is what is called a divorce of the Gov
ernment from the Banks, then I am in favour
of the divorce. This divorce has been objec
ted to by many who dr.- ad the influence of the
President more than that of the Bank. But
wh tl.er the funds lire deposited in the Untied
States Bank, in a S ate Bank, or locked up in
safes, the Secretary of the Treasury, or the
Treasurer, can always draw them, without be
ing questioned ; m d if these officers arc cor
rupt, and the creatures of the President, they
are just as much subject to his influence in
one place as in another. Gen. Jackson took
lhe deposits by force from the late Bank, not
because he could not control them while in its
vau’ts, (for the very fact of taking thorn pro
ved that he could con'rol them at v. il ) but to
wcaken and destroy the Banks.
I hero was another privilege accorded to
the Bank bv the Supreme Court which I be
lieve is contrary at lest to the spirit ofthe
’ constitution. I allude to the freedom from
i taxation by the States. To have it
j from a greater tax than the State Batiks were
I subjected to by their own Legislatures, would
J have been just and constitutio al ; but to ex
i empt it from all taxation, was giving it greater
I privileges than the constitution secures to a
r citizen of one State, having propertv or bust.
| i ess in another. The charter ought also to
require of the Bank the payment in specie of
i all its obligations u: der a given amount any
ot its offices at which they may be presented,
no matter where issued, or where payable.
I think a charter, subject to the restrictions
I have stated, would be in accordance with
the spirit of the constitution ; and as such a
Bank is ueccessary to the Treasury lor the
two purposes I have named, I think it would,
when so limited, be expedient.
I n determining upon this question of expe
diency, it behoves the people of Georgia to
consider well, the situation in whit li thev are
placed. Experience has proved, that as a
general rule, the paper es our Sta'e Ba. ks,
< ven when they pay specie, will not circa] .1
at pin, trucn bayond our own borders. Our
neighbor, South Carolina, has secured for
hers: If « great Bank of Twelve Millions of
Dollars Capital, with the privilege of est; biish
ing brunches in North Carolina and Tennessee,
the paper of which will circulate at par, or
above it, in all those States, and pcibaps be
yond th. ; she therefore requires no United
t? ! ales Bank to give her a pat circulation in
\hose Sian s in which it will be most needful
for her. The Carolina merchant will take the
paper of this Bank, which lie will obtain at
par, and make his purchases in the Western
maiket, paying away the same paper, perhaps
at a premium, certainly without loss. The
merchant of Georgia will go into the same
market with our State Batik Bills, which cost
him also par at home, but being there below
par, he must submit to a discount ; or he mtl.-l
draw specie from our Bunks to use in that
trade, and thereby cripple them. lam no
merenaut myself, but it strikes me that the re
suit must be, to throw the whole Western trade
into the hands of Carolina. Our only chance
es escape from this, is in the notes of the In
surance Bank of Columbus, which, backed l>\
lhe United Slates Bank of Pennsylvania, will
command credit in the West, because reciiv
able in Philadelphia. That Bank has non
• branches in several of vour cities, am! the verv
capability to command a credit in the West.
■ will enable it to control your State Banks to
’ ' the same extent that a Branch of the Ui ifed
I States Bai k would without the public dopes
: ites 'i’hat it will have this power your State
Banks know. The moment that Bank was
purchased, it was to our State Bulks as n ball
: ot (ire on the mast to the rnaiiner ; they hnr
I ri> d to make all snug by curtailing their dis-
I courts. fne timh is. Mr. Biddle is on your
shoulders, whether you will or no, and you
c.ntmo! shake him off"; and the only nltermitive
left y on, i.i ordei to get vur share cl’ tlm W< s.
item trade, is to chuishiheß.sera.ee Bank
:or to get a branch of a IJiJn d States Bank,
i South Carolina may welt condemn the erprdion
-1 cyo/ establishing a I‘auk of the United States;
I bid is it, the policy of Georgia to do likewise. f
,’ wly fellow citizens <d Taliaferro, have i.cp.iir-
I cd ot me my opinions o.i die Pet Bm k system.
I was opposed to that system from ihe begin
i uing, am mw, timl ever wid be. It is ciilcu-
I laleii to give to the President an inflimi.'ce more
widely extended, and more destiuctive, to out
1 (roe institutions, inuti the influence secured to
i him by all his other patronage. It was caicu
I kited to make, not only the Directors, but all
I theytockholdet-ofall Ranks through-
out the Union, supplicants for his bounty. It
penetrated into the cottage as well as the coun
ting room. It subjected alike the rich and th&
poor stockholder, the onetnro’ his avarice, the
oilier through his poverty. It geve him the ab
solute control of the whole money power of the
country. 'l'he Divorce been made & I hope,
forever. It. was a union against the spirit of the
constitution, and destructive to the rights of the
States. Do not. understand me as being oppo
sed to the State Banks. In my opinion, they
are not only valuable institutions, but necessa
ry to the improvement and prosperity of the
country ; strictly guarded ana limited by Legis
lative watchfulness and wisdom, they are a
blessing to the country. A cry has been rais
ed against them—the cry of monopoly —I do
notjoin in that cry—it is calculated to produce
the very monopoly you dread—make the State
Bank system unpopulai, and the refusal to cre
dit new Banks to meet the just wants of the
daily increasing commerce of our State, will at
once give to the existing Banks that very tnonop-*
oly. Destroy the present State Banks, and you
throw the monopoly into the hand’ of the monied
usurer and cxtoi tioner, who will then demanif
twenty-five per cent forliis loans—l ask you to
look well into this matter.
Again : My fellow citizens of Taliaferro, ask;
my opinion on what is called the Sub Treasury,
question—by this I understand the system of
confining the government receiptsand expend? - -'
t ures to gold and silver coin and Treasury notes,'
or in other words, the twenty third section of
the bill stricken out on motion of your Senator
Mr. Cuthbert. lam obliged to understand it
in this limited way, for when that clause was
stricken out by the combined votes of Van Bu
ren men and Clay men, Southern men e.nif
Northern men, Union men and Niillillers, the
great advocate of tbe Bill declared that its life
and soul were gone, and lie himself voted
against it.—
I am unwilling to speak of the dead unless I
can say good of it. 1 have admired the great
author of that specie clause while standing on
the floor of the Senate, as the fearless advocate
of Southern rights, and from my heart have
thanked him. I Lave admired him while un
yielding and alone, he there battled for this very
clause. I have examined it with all the lights
which his wonderful mind could throw around
it, but I am unable, to see it as he has done, I
am unable to see how the South, paying as she
does, and as that gentleman has so often proved
that she does, the greater amount of taxes to
the government, can be benefited by paying
those taxes in specie, which specie is again to
be transferred to office-holders and contractors
who principally reside at the North, and who
will command a premimn upoi it. lam unable
to see why the general government should de
mand specie from the people, and leave the peo
ple and the State governments with a deprecia
ted Currency—for if the Bank paper is as good
as the specie, why should not the government
take it. No one can respect that gentleman’s
ability and sound southern feeling more than I
do; but have his opinions suddenly become so
infallible in Georgia, that I am to be condemned
for differing with him, even by those who but
yesterday called him TRAITOR? Have Caroli
na opinions, too, suddenly become so infallible in
Georgia, that I, who less than two years ago
was condemned for agreeing with her, am now
to suffer the condemnation for disagreebyr with
her ! I impeach not Mr. Calhoun’s honesty of
purpose, but still I cannot agree with him. I
impeach neither the honesty, nor the devotion
t;> Southern interests, of those Southern men,
who agree with him, (on other points of far
more vital importance to the South, our opin
ions are the same ;) among these is Major Mark
Cooper, a candidate before you, and as an evi
dence of my sincerity, I will vote for him with
as much pleasure ns lor any man on the ticket-
When! meet with a real Christian, I extend the
hand of fellowship to him witie-ul inquiring into
what keeping he is willing to entrust the funds
of his Church, or in what currency to receive
them. I have answered the question, and I have
meant to do it, plainly and-respectfully. You
may now ask what syst-m 1 would adopt in re
gard to the monies of the government. To this
1 answer, first, I would reduce the gevernments
wants as low as a proper economy would allow,
and I would reduce the public revenues to an
amount merely sufficient to meet those
1 would receive in payment, as
coivers by stroiui l.ou/s. ‘
pos:te the monies as they reWO
place they may select, making
for lhe result, requiring
not only of the imiomits, but of the kiqHf
ney received and paid out, and propercvraß|7 i .|
that the balance on hand is there in the kind
money which it ought to be in, and if deposited
ina Bank, a certificate of that Bank of the
amount deposited. I o sticll a system combined
with a Bank ofthe United States, restricted as I
have stated, I can see but one objection—and
that must exist, to the same extent, under what
ever other system may be adorned. The ob
jection is that the public money is left under the
control ot the .President, but this cannot lie re
medied unless the appointment and removal of
the heads ofthe Treasury is taken away from
the President, and vested in the House of Repre
sentatives. This will lequirc an alteration of
the constitution, which ought to be made. If
you divorce the government from the Banks,
be equally careful io divorce the President from
the public purse.
It in the opinions I have expressed, I have
gone to neither extreme, it is not for that pur
pose of buying favor with every side. It is the
difficulty, which grows necessarily cut of the
subject,ofdetrrmining the exact line where the
rights ofthe Federal Government end, ami those
of the States begin,—and if 1 have ottered a [dan,
it is only to show, that, in rejecting all others, I
have one of my own to propose.
By the resolution I am requested “ to make,
known my choice for the next President be
tween Van Buren, Clay Webster, and Harri--
son.” Ido not understand that the two last
named gentlemen are candidates for that office,
and it does not, therefore, seem necessary to
know my opinion with regard to them; but I
respect the call ofthe meeting, and as I wish not
to be misunderstood, 1 reply, that the opinions
of those gentlemen, as I understand them, on
the points of vital importance to the South, are
such that no southern man could safely trust
either of them with that office. It is in my opin
ion, a melancholy evidence of the weak condi
tion to which the whole South has been reduced
by distractions and divisions on minor points,
that she is torced to the necessity of making a>
choice among the four gentlemen you have
named, all ol' whom have, at one time or another,,
advocated measures, or declared opinions, de
cidedly hostile to her best interests, and to her
safety and prosperity—all of whom have advo
cated or voted for a high Tariff, and not one ot"
whom, as far as I know, has ever declared, tho’
pressed to do it. that the abolition of slavery ilr
the District of Columbia would be unconstitu
tional—and yet there is the point at which the
gangrene is to commence, and from which all’
the slave-holding States may be diseased, and
ultimately destroyed, it the Abolitionists should
succeed in th< ire.flbrt to plant the disease atthat‘
point. Would you be willing to entrust that
important outwork of our safety to the guardian
ship ot any man who will not swear to
d who, indeed, after be has sworn, is liable to
be surrounded l>y such strong infiuen *es, as to
be willing to surrender it as a matter ot expe
diency I In answering flic inquiry, I will state,
that by the constitution the election of the Presi
dent is vested, in the people of the respective
States. Ila niaj >i ity of the whole tire net in fa
vour ot a particular candidate, then the selec
tion devolves upon the House of Representa
tives voting by States. In such case I consid
er the Representative as a mere agent of the
majority cf the people of his State, and bound
to vote as that majority hud declared in ihe elec
toral College. According to this principle, un
der such circumstances, I would represent the
will al my State, by voting for him in favour of
whom th<' majority of my State shall have de
clared. Indeed,! should consider that I had no
more discretion in the matter thm any other
mere agent would have in ordinary afiairs
But you have asked which I would prefer
among tho four named. 1 have stated my views
with regard to Webster and Harrison.— lt seems
to be now generally understood, that Mr. Van
Buren and Mr. Clay, are the two candidates.
Ou the subject of the Tariff, I consider them