Newspaper Page Text
From the Charleston Courier.
A BANK OFTHE UNITED S'i'A'l ES. ;
In our previous remarks on this subj et, we |
did not advert to the cuiisiituiiouul q<- oti.-i,, |
still alleged to be involved in it. It r- m.mc
ly 100 late in tue day to moot tins point. ine ;
fathers of thu revolution, the burners oi the.
Constitution, those who best knew its mean- |
iugand objects—have affirmatively settled the
question both legislatively and judicia.l) and
their posterity have ratified the decision. IHe
fust Bank of the United Slates was chartered
in 1791, by the fust Congress, winch met
after the adoption of our present ualiouul con
stitution, composed in a great incasme oi the
framers of that instiumenl; and it reci tveu the
sanction of the i lustrious Washington, as
President, also one of the immortal frmneis— ,
and it lived out its whole term ot twei i\ years j
judicially unquestioned, 'lhe late bunk oi
the United States was chartered in 1816, with
the executive sanction oi President Madison,
another of the framers, alter scruples so stiong
as to have drawn from him a previous veto
against a similar measure. Unlike ns pie.
decessor, its coostituti ;nahty was judicially
questioned, and sustained, alterable tti.U so
lemn argument, by the Supreme Cuuit ot the
United States, with another illustrious framer,
Chief Justice Marshall, at their head, 'lhe
first Bank was chartered by the fed- rul party,
under Washington —lhe second Bank was
chartered by lhe republican or demociahc uni
ty, under Madison —Mr. Calhoun, low pro
fesses to have always belonged to the Stale
Rights’ school, bringing in the bill for the pur
pose. The vv hole hue of our illusli ions Pres:-
dents, with the exception perhaps oi Jcfluraoii,
and may be of the present incumbe t, have, in
some form or other, attested the coustnutimnii
ity of such an institution —and s»> too have
most as our distinguished men, both living and
dead, and among them Crawford and Cainoun,
once rival (although mutually uusticcesslui)
candidates for the Presidency, and at ih.»t lime
standing at antipodes, at opposite poles tn poli
tics aud political opinion—the loimei rmmmg
as the State Rights’ candidate, and the latiei
under the Tariff and internal improvement
banner. Is not the competency of Congress
then tochaiter a National Bank, in awry point
of view, res judicata 1 Federal and democrat
ic Congresses, federal aud democratic Presi
■dents, lhe supreme judiciary o( the Union,
-both the great political parties cl theceumiy,
nearly all the great men ot the laud, in spite or
and political livulry, have set on it
the broad and ineffaceable seal oi their umteJ
approbation—whether as a legislative, judicial
or political question, it is r&sjWic’ata, aud ought
forever henceforth to be held sale and sacred
from controversy. Added to the above over
whelming muss and pressure oi authority, the
constitutionality of a National Bank has re
ceived the declaratory assent of numerous
State Legislatures, (those of \ irginia and
South-Carolina among others;) and it is noto
rious that it hud the full, popular sanction, and
has never ceased to have it, unless in tempora
ry response to the hostility ot “ that extraor
dinary man, who (as Mr. Calhoun says oi him,)
was able to impress his feeling on the couutr..”
But the influence of the veto against the bank
charter, and of him who interposed it against
a large majority of Congress, acting in res
ponse to the wishes of their constituents, has
passed away; and there are now abundant
signs and portents that the people wish and will
have ere long a National Bank—and it wouiu
be well for the present national administn lion
to realize in this matter their professed respect
for the democracy of numbers.
It will not do fur Mr. Calhoun, of all men,
at this late day, in the face vs authority and i ,
his own teeth, to decry u National Bank us u i
constitutinnal. He who proposed a.id carried
lhe bank charter in 1816, and advocated its pro.
longaiion for twelve years in 1534, is estopped
from setting up the plea ot uiiconsmutionality
against the advocacy of others, if, i.i stiaugc
disregard ofthat consistency, w Inch tie seem d
to cherish as the apple of his eye, and s fickle
for as he would his heart’s core, he will persist
in the cry of unconstitutionality against a Na
tional Bunk, all we can say is, that “ho may
tell it to the marines, but the sailors wo’nt be
lieve it.”
But not only is Mr. Calhoun estopped from
questioning the coiistitutionahtv of a National
Bank—the State of South-Carolina (us we
have already intimated) is in the like predica
ment. In 1821. the Legislature of South-
Carolina had the question of the competency
of Congress to incorporate a National Bank,
directly, before it, aud solemnly, and with
scarcely any dissent, adjudged such competen
cy to be constitutionally vested in Congress.
We procee 1 to shew tho record of this memo
rable adjudication, made in the very ) war,
that Mr. McDuffie's “ One of the People” was
published to write down Crawford, “tue radi.
cal chief,” and to write up Mr. Calhoun for
the Presidency. The Stale of Pen .svlvamu
had proposed an amendment to the Constitu
tion of the United States, forbidding Congress
to charter any batik or monied institution, ex
cept in the District ol Columbia, and confining
such bank or other mo tied institution to lhe I
District of Columbia. The States of Ohio and J
Illinois had concurred in, and the States of!
New Jersey aud Vermont had dissented from j
thia amendment. Tho proceedings of these I
several States were transmitted to our L ->>is.
lature, aud referred to a committee, which "re.
ported as follows ;
“Your Committee arc unanimously of opin.
ion, that as Congress is constitutionally vested I
with the right to incorporate a hank, it would ;
bo unwise and impolitic to restrict its opera ‘
tions within such narrow limits ns the District
ot Columbia. I hey apprehend no danger
from the exercise of lhe powers which the peo
ple of the U. S. have confided to Congress;
but believe that in lhe exercise of these pow
ere, that body will render them subservient to
the great purposes of our national compact.—
Your Committee therefore beg leave to recoin
mend to this House the following resolutions :
“ Resolved, That the Legislature of the
Stale ol South-Carolina do not concur in the
amendment of the Constitution of the U. S-,
proposed by Pennsylvania.
“Resolved, That the House do agree to the
report. Ordered, That it be sent to the Senate
for concurrence.”
In tue Senate, Dec, 12, 1821.
“ Resolved, 1 hat this House do concur with
the House of Representatives in the foregoing
report. Ordered That tho report bo returned
to the House of Representatives.”
The Legislature was acting It gitimately and
constitutionally in this matter, on tho proposi
tion of a sister State to amend the national con
stitution—not merely declaring an opinion to
intimidate “ other public servants,” or for oth
er party ends—but expressing its views on a
constitutional question, regularly and properly
before it as a matter es business. Authority
therefore accompanied the act—it was a sol
emn adjudication in the name of the people"
of South-Carolina, by her rightful representa
fives, constitutionally empowered to acton the
specific subject before them. South-Carolina
then has solemnly adjudged that “ Congress is
constitutionally vested with the right to incur
potato a bank” and that “it would be unwise
an 1 impolitic” to restrict its operations within
such narrow limits as the District of Colum- ■
bia,” in other words, that “Congress in cousti
tutionahy vested with the right to incorporate
a National Bank” —and this decision ot her
Legislature hiss been repeatedly confirmed by
her judiciary. Thir adjudication of South-
Carolina, we hold to be irrevocable —she w;m
deciding whether she had or had not yielded a
c srtain right to lhe g" end government —hi r
decision Was that she hid yielded the right,
arid her testimony against herself as the gran
tor can never be annulled or retracted. Histo
ry has set its irrevocable seal upon lhe deed,
and the grantee c<;u never be denied its benefit.
Nor should we repine at being held to our own
construction of our own bargain. A Nation::!
Bank was not only held constitutional, but was
almost universally popular in our State, until
i Nullification moved her Irom hr constitution
propriety. That cloud has now passed from
our horizon, and there is nothing to prevent us
from again basking in tile sunshine ol our first
I love.
Although we regard the constitutioualiiy of
a National Bank us res judicata, both as res. ;
pacts the general government and our State, ■
we yet have no objection to say a word or two
on it as an original question. The objection
urged against it as merely a negative one,
founded on the rejection, by lhe convention,
whicli framed the constitution, ot a proposition
(o confer on Congress the general power to
grant charters, of incorporation. There was
I not even the rejection of a specific proposition
to confer the . ight of chartering a National
i Bank. A General power of incorporation
I mav have been deemed objectionable, wliilej
i a specific power ol incorporating a batik, as a
1 fiscal a»eut of the government may not only
! have been regarded us unexceptionable, but as
already sufficiently provided for, whenever the
I emergency might demand its ex -rcise, as inci
i dental to one or more granted powers. We
have a strikingly analogous case to quote.—
I O.i the 29th May, 1787, Mr. C. Pinckney,sub
> mitted the plan of a Constitution, w ith tins
i clause—“ t ongiess shall have power to borrow
| money, and emit bills on the credit of the U. S.”
lOu lhe IGth August, 1787, this clause came
■ up for consideration, andon amotion to strike
I out the words “and emit bills” the vote by
i .States stood, yeas 9, nays 2, —and the words
were never restored. If it be unc msntuti mal
to charter a National Bank, because the con
vention relused to invest Congress with the
general power of granting charters of incorpo
ration, a fortiori is that body debarred the
right of emitting bills of credit, by the express
rejection of a proposition, to confer that specif
ic power. But Mr. Cal mun and his school
are the advocates of “bills of credit “now is
i sued by Congress in the shape of Treasury
i notes, and ho is openly m favor of a Govern
ment paper currency, and of “ emitting bills
on the credit of the United States,” to the
amount of “ many millions beyond the di mauds
of the Government.” For him and his disci
ples, then, to object to a National Bank on
sucli a score, is manifestly to strain at a gnat
and swallow a camel. There is obviously
more reason to argue the unconstitutiouality
I of treasury notes or other Government paper
to servo as a currency, than of a National
Bank from the action of the Cmiveution, aud
the argument in the former case may perhaps
derive some strength from the expiess consti
tutional restriction on the several States against
emitting bills ot credit, or making any thing
but gold or silver a legal tender in payment of
debts. But we are willing to waive this van
tage ground, and concede that the Constitution
contains no express prohibition against emit
ting bills of credit, or chartering a National
Bank ; and wo are willing to give Mr. Calhoun
histieasury notes and Government paper cur
rency too, if he can shew them to be a means
necessary and proper to carry into effect any
of the powers expressly granted to the Gener
eral Government provided he will yield us our
National Bank on like terms. The refusal of
the Convention to grant any power express!)
and specifically to the General Government,
! does not exclude its existence as::n implied or
ii.cident.d power, tn cessary mid proper to car
ry into effect the granted powers, lhe Co. -
refused to invest Congress with the
general power to charter incorporatt ms —it
i may even have refused to grant the power to
charter a National Bank (which however it
did not do)--in either case that may exist as
an implied or incidental power, which was
denied as a substantive power. Thus the sub
stantive power to charter a National Bank
as a mere monied institution, unco' inected w it h
I the Government, is clearly not within tho com-
I potency ot Congress, because not expressly
granted, but non constat that there is not full
right in that body to charter a National Ba k
as the fiscal agent of the G wernm.mt. The
granted powers “to borrow money,” “to lay
and collect taxes, duties and imposts,” “to
pay the debts of the United States,” and “to
coin money and regulate the value thereof,”
are all ends for the promotion or currying into
effect of which the charter ot a National Bank
tn iy bo necessary and proper, and therefore
Constitutional means.
A GREAT DAY FOR THE COUNTRY.
lo day all the Banks ot New England the
Middle States, parts of the Southern States,
and parts of the Stall's, rcsinnd spe
cie payments. There is to be a Jubilee th ru
upon in many parts of Pennsylvania. We
now deem it highly probable, that o i the Ist.
of January next, all the other States v.ill have
a sound and a substantial currency. Tennes
see and Louisauia are prepaiiug. Alabama
and Mississippi must follow suit inion.
About ten yi arsago now, tinkers of the cur.
rency, from the Capita! ut VV'ashington where
Blind Chance in t.io whirlwing of party, h id
tossed them, promulgated their dissatisfaction
with a currency, then the best on the ea th.
considei ing the exieot of country in which it
circulated. They then promised the nation u
better currency, & a hard money government
1 hey got control of the Federal Government,
and of two thirds ofthe States, and they made
Banks, without number, trebling th. m in quau.
tity, and in the amount ot their paper issues.
—1 he bubble, thus inflated bvthe Government
itself, burst on the 10th of May, 1837. For
lhe “ Yefiow Boys that were to flow up the
Mississippi,” and “tke Gold n Eagles that
were to peep through tho interstices of the
long silken purses,” w« have had tho Wild
Cat money of Michigan, the Shin Plasters of
the Corporations, and “ Good for u Shave,”
and “ Good for a Drink,” &c. &c. ; and for
the Hard Money Government, we have had
protested treasury drafts, without number.
And last, though not least, we now have laws
for twenty millions ol treasury notes, sigm d
by Martin Van Buren himself, the only irre
deemable currency, after to-day, north ofthe
Potomac, or the Ohio river; or in Virginia,
N. Carolina, or Kentucky !
’l’he Banks now, the 13ti» of August 1838.
after a period of miens® distress to the Nation,
have just been enabled to take lhe back track
to the 10th of May, 1837. VV e are now w here
we were then, the llumbuggers with their
Humbugs, as aclive as ever, promising now
and again, with promises as irredeemable us
their Treasury Shin Plasters ; a hard money
Government, for a hard money people, sing
ing the old song of 188-1, ’35, ’36. and ’37,
that if wo will take as much of Silas Wright’s
expedients as we took of his expel ime. ts, this
dose will not hurt us, as (bat did, but “ the Yel.
low Boys will positively peen out the inter
stices ot ihe long silken purs< s, and the gold
and silver certainly flow up the Mississippi.”
We have only to say, to those who like such
Quacks and such Quackery, they are welcome
to take lliern. A h ird money Government mid
a hard money People, and sub-treasurics too,
exist m Mexico, P. iu, Chiii,<k Central Amei
ie.i ; or over the Ocmm, in Persia, with the
Turks, and the Wand, ring Arabs, too ; a d
now that the I'cder. i Government has iv .lim
ed its connection with Nick Biddle, we ad
vise them ail to enjoy lhe Gover.-ment ol thi ir
hearts, and take up their flight to the Deserts
of Jir. bia.
THE RECO’IDN OF THE PAST.
It lies become a vciy common practice of late
for lhe presses of the Aijmimstraiio,), to de-j
notmee us Federalists,all who are in favor of a j
National Batik, and at the same l.me to de ’
claim against such an institution as bavi g ‘
been al ways a Federal measure from its first
incorporation down to lhe present period. An ■
i attempt is now m' l- iig to divide th? State
■ Rights party of Georgia, by the sitting up this
| question, as a test of republicanism aud exclti-
I ding from the party as heretics, all who do not
I join in the general detiu ■•ciiitious of a Bankas
a measure of l i deralism. To point out to the
State Rights party the folly of suffering itself
to be divided by the artifices of its opponents,
and to show that a National Bank has never
been made a teste question, we tow appea.'/to
the records of the past. In domg ’.'ms we
have no disposition to brio" forward this ques
tion for discussion i? Georgia, differing as we
do from a large perl ion, u majority of cur po
litmal friends, li may perhaps bo interesting
to smneoftbose who were in th? Conirt’ess of
1316, to have th ir memolies refreshed as to
the parts which they at that period ;
and it may be instructing to those who have
come upon the stage i!Ct i o:) since, to be in
iniormed as to the position of men and parties,
when the Into U: ited States Baks was char
tered.
It will be remembered that Mr. Madison, a
republican of the old school, and a memo?r of
the Convention uhich frunnd the Federal
Constitution, was then Pi esiueut of the United
States, and gave his sanction to the bill by
winch the Bank was chartered. If it vas
then a measure of the federalists, that old gen
tle man would hardly have touched it with a
“ pair of tongs.”—We now proceed to show
who were then members of Congress ; who
were Republicans, who Federalists, mid how
each member voted upon the passage of the
bill. We have b. fore us a volume of the Na
tional Register, published ut Washington City
in 1816, by Joel K. Mead, a republican, which
contains u complete list of tho names, of the
members of Congress that year, designating
the political character of each member; by
which it appears that there were in the Senate
25 Ri publicans and 11 Federalists, and iu the
House of Representatives 117 Republicans and
65 Federalists. It would seem to our humble
capacity, that if the Bank charter had been
a federal measure, there were certainly re
publicans enough in both Houses, backed as
they were by a republican President, to have
defeated it ! Let that pass. The lull o.tigin
ated in the House, mid wo shall therefore give
the vote upon its passage there first, giving lhe
vote by States, to show from what quarter of
the Union each member hailed ; the Republi.
cans iu Roman letters and the Federalists in
Italics On the final passage of the bill, the
Yeas were 80 and the Nays 71—31 membeis
absent.
The yeas were as follows :
From New Hampshire. Mr. Atherton,Fed
eralist.
Vermont. Mr. Jewel, Fed.
Massachusetts. Messrs. BcnAbury Br-yir/i,
Hulbert, kelson, Wheaten, Feds. Conner &
Partis, Republic!),.s.
Rhode Island. Mason, Fed.
Connecticut. Champion -ot\d Mosley, Feds.
New York. Adgate, Betts. Comstock,
Crocheroi), Irwir.g, Willoughby, Taylor,
Tnroop, Townsend, Wendover, Wilkins,
Yates, Reps. Grosvenor, Fed.
New Jersey. Condit, Southard and Ward,
Reps.
Pamisylvama. Griffin, Ingham, Maclay.
Piper. Ross, T. Wilson, W VVilsmi, Reps.
Maryland- Rare, Fed. Pinckney, W right,
Smith, Reps.
Virginia. Gholson, Hawes, Hungerford,
Jackson, Kerr, McCoy. Smit’;, Tucker, /?cj)s.
North Carolina. Cl-uk, Edwards, Foioev,
King, Love, Murl’r.Pickens, Williams ami
Yancy, Reps.
South Carolina. JOHN C. CALHOUN,
John J. Chapp 11, B?. j itnin Hunger, WIL
LIAM LOWNDES, Henry Mtddieton, Th,’s
Moore, John T 'ylor, aid Wm. Woodward,
Reps.
Georgia. ALFRED CU I'll BERT, JOB N
FORSYTH, V. ILSON LUMPKIN, Tim’s
Telfair, and PUCHABD H. WILDE, Reps.
Kentucky. Clark, McKee, Shame, and
Tnul. Reps.
Tennessee. Cannon, Henderson, and
Thomas, Re/'s.
Ohio. Alt xander, Clondenon, and Creigh
ton, Reps.
Louisiana. Robinson, Rep.
Thus it will be seen that of those who
voted in fivorof the Bank, 68 were REPUB
LIC \N.‘S and but 12 f ederalists II I A very
federal measure truly !
Having shown w ho supported th ■ Bank, and
what were their political characters, we now
proceed to show who were its opponents.
The nays were as f.Hows:—
From New Hampshire. Cilly, Hide. Vbsc,
CO” Daniel Webster and TUtZcox-, Federalists.
Vermont. Langdon, Lyon, Marsh, and
Noyes, Eeds.
Massachusetts, Pickering, Reed. Ruggles,
Stearns, Strong. Taggart m <1 ITczn’. Feds.
Rhode Gland. 7?e.S'S, Fed.
Connecticut. Davenport, Law, Pitkin, Sur
ges, and Talmadge, Feds.
New York. Cady, Gold. Net. Lovett. Fee's.
Birdsall, Root, Savage, and \V aid, Reps.
Pennsylvania. Burside, Crawford, Dar
lii gton, Hahn, Lvle, Wallace, and White
sides, Reps, Hopkinson, Milnor. John Sar
geant, Smith, Feds.
Delaware. z Jayton and Cooper, Feds.
Maryland. Goldsborough, Hanson, and
Herbert, Feds.
New Jersey. Baker and Bennett, Reps.
Virginia, Barbour, Basset, Cloptou, Bur
well Goodwyn, Johnson, Newton, Reps.
Breckenridge, Lewis, Randolph, and Shefy,
Feds.
North Carolina. Culpepper, Stanford, and
Gaston, Feds.
South Carolina. W. Mav rant, Rep.
Georgia. Bolling Hall, Rep.
Kentucky. Desha, Hurdiu, .McLean, and
Ormsby, Reps.
Ohio. Caldwell, and McLean, Reps.
Tennessee. Blount, Rep.
'Phus it will be seen that against the bill
were 43 Federalists—and 29 Repub icatis.
Thus too it w ill be seen that the United
Slates Bank, the “.Monster,” was established
by the Republican party i i opposition to the
Federal, party, and that cither republican
Georgia, or republican Virginia, or that most
consistent, unvarying, unchangeable and re
buplican State of South Carolina, could have
defeated that “unconstitutional, inexpedient
and high dainrerous” institution by merely vo
♦
n M « r> a -IN f
ting against it! I
We. proceed to slpw the action of lhe Sen
ate tipo : th? same question, dis:inguishing the
Federalists by givi..g their mimes in Italics.
—'l lie vens were 22 —and nays 12, on the
final pass sge of lhe bid.
Ye.iS—Bmbour, Barrv, Brown, Campbell, j
Chime, Co.ent. Daggett, From mtio, Harber,
;i-> f Lacock, Mason of
Va., Mo ■ ■? , Rob i ts, Taibi t, Tait, Taylor,
Turner, Vmmm, VV illiaiis —18 Republicans
and -1 Fedi r ilists.
N i\ s— Dana, Gtllnrd, Goldsborottgh, Gros,
Ruf us King, Macon. Mason, of N-J 1 - Kug
gl s, Sanford, Titchener, Wc/i's, W dson —0
Fi demlists—and 6 Republicans.
We live l> eii thus particular in giving tne
mill), s and di.signati g the political cast ot
e; ch m.e. lr r, iu order to show to the State
s Bigins patty, that the qu< stimi of a Notional
i Bank v. us not a t?s , question, or ii it was,
| it pn.v< s io have b en a R-.-publican rather
ihxn a Federal measure. Me>i niay change,
, but piineipl.-s do not, and that u hich was re-
I publican iu the davs of Wa-itiiiglou aim Mad
• iso:>, carmet be federal now. Cirumstmices
may render a measure at one time expedient
and proper, and at another, inexpedient and
t;.-cl but the long cuta|o<’Uj of Republi
cans, v hose num s are given above as supper
ters < 1 a Nc.tio.inj B".nk, are forever barr»d
and foreclosed as to the political character of
measure,
|
JUDGE COLQUli'f’S LETTER-
7’o the Editors of the Colutr.lris Enquirer.
G n.-trLEJinx :—I have noticed some inter
rogatories : it to tiie caiidi:!.:t.es for Congress
by a portion of the citizens of the County of
Tail.; I . rro, which 1 b‘g leave to answer
through lhe m ■Jium of your paper. My ab
{ s nee i.om home wid be a sufficient apology
11;.'.. it u .v. ?• noticed calls uh.ch may nave
be? :ma ic from other quarters. The people
of Georgia, to u ii--m i .mi known, 1 feel satis
fied and assured that 1 e..tert;im no political
opim m that 1 disguise, nor any sentiment up
on the absorbing topics, of the day, that I care
to withhold. In vary early life I espoused the
doctrines of the Slate Rights party, from aa
iio .est conviction that they were sound, —I did
nut desert them when the popular tide run
roughly over their advocates; and by those
doctrines I am still willing to stand or fail.
j Among the doctrines of th.it party is the one
denying to Congress the right t» exercise pow
ers not specifically granted by the Constitu
tion. Our opponents claimed the right to as
sume powers by implication, ugaii st which
we have warred in Congress and the States,
'i’he warmest advocates for the establish!! cut
of a National or U. States Bank, do not con
tend that there is any specific grant for this
purpose, and consequently claim it by implica
tion. You perceive, therefore, that unless I
abandon this principle of the party, in which
i have been schooled, I cannot be the advo-
I c ite ol’ eitlier a National or U. S. Bank. 1
j am unwilling to obtain the suffrages of any
1 1 > E'tto.Q of my fellow citizens, by de
serting long cherished opinions, while 1 must
be conscious they ate loathe inc
as an apostate. If 1 were sq|||pthat my de
feat would be the result of an uncompromising
adherence to my principles, it would be no
[ temptation to abandon tiwm. The people oi
[ this country w.ll grow weary of such change
| lings as are ready to jump Jim Crow for the
| prule of office. An honest aud generous
I community will sooner or Inter rebel against
entrusting their rights iu the hands of dema
gogues, who are clamorous against principles
and measures to-day, if office can be obtained
by it; aud w ho, in a short month, are foremost
.' in carrying those very measures, if office de
pends upon it. It is to us a great national
misfortune, that criminations and recrimina
tions, by antagonist politicians, publish to
the world w hat sickening changes lhe vile
motives of place and power, inflict on the
characters of our public men. Read lhe
speeches, of uew-light couveris, and hear their
excuses ; “times aud circumstances have
changed,”“expedmey requires it” “they must
yield lo tho power of the people,” ic. Aic.,
to tdi which 1 make one general interpretation,
io wit : they would not change unless some
thing could be made by it ; they would retain
their birthright, but for the pottage. 1 feel
that any appointment is purchased at a price
far too extravagant, it that price be the un
dyiug < outempt for consistency faith and hon
or. i am, therefore, content to trudge on m
the beaten truck, and still oppose either a Na
tional or U. S. Bank ; and while 1 respect the
opinions oi’ those who differ with me, they
, will ultimately 1 have no doubt, regard my
character the mure kindly, for an honest ad
herence to thy own. The great priucples of
liberty can not be permanently maintained by
a sacrifice of honesty. Apart irom the con
stitutioiial objection. 1 do not esteem the estab
hshment of such institutions, at this time, ei
thi r safe or expedient. Tho derangement ot the
currency and pressure of the times are well
calculated to awaken enquiry, in order to fin-j
a remedy. But we should not be hasty in rid
ding ourselves of tempoiary evils, by hazzard
iug upon the cast, oi a die, lhe dearest and
most permanent interests of the country. All
i admit that either a National or U. S. Bank
! would have control ot fearful and dangerous
| powers ;«uud our society, vs a nation, would
I necessarily depend very much upon the iiiteg
] rity and patriotism oi their management,
i Tins 1 do not understand to be either a sound
ior safe principle of Government. Tho con
-1 eentratiou of power, without proper checks
and b dmices, is the subversion of freedom.
I The rock upon winch rests the ark of our
I safety, is the retention of power in the hands
;of lhe people, and i trust it will ncithqr be
moved or shaken by the factious agitated waves
oi seiiisliaess a.-d ambition. lam opposed lo
to coli'.ctmg and di- tnhuimg the public funds,
th:o'tgli the agency of pet barks', mid shall I
I feci sorry to learn that tile fiscal concerns of
tin: Government cannot be managed without
the aid ot irresponsible agents ; corporations
charU red with un eye to no such trust ; wh sc
slock holders, officers, nor dependants, arc se
iected by the people or tl.ctr representatives.
Upon this point lhe State Rights party, us a
party, stand committed ; they have, by vote,
pc , and speveii, registered their ui qualifieU
disapprobation. lam decidedly in favor of
disconnecting the government from all banks.
Surely the ugetiis of the government, selected
by the people or their re| resentatives, are like
ly to be us competent and us honest as corpor
ations which are under the control of neither.
Let the treasury be independent. The receiv
ing specie alone in paj incut ot' public dues, 1
do not think necessary ; a.id without a good >
reason tor it would ai t oppressively upon the
bunks, I have full) utisyvered ihe questions pro
pounded, anil am glad to have it in mv power
to show that 1 have been honestly st rtigglino'
tor principle, not for office or power. 'That;
m raising the w ir cry against the administra
tion, it was Irom no selfish cause ; but to
aid m making our principles, not self interest,
triumphal.t. 1 regret tho danger of division
upon this question among us, who have been I
lor y ears united, li has not beet) our lot, for
a season, to enjoy the honors or emoluments
ol a victorious party, boldly contending for,
principle, fearlessly struggling against federal
encroachment, and openly opposing the arm as
power; yve have been depreciated and stig- i
matized by a lam : calumny, as enemies to the '
Union, and as inimical to freedom. Our re
ward bus been our integrity ; and I trust we
shall ever find consolation, even in defeat, it)
our consistency and conscience. Upon the
main point, a separation of government and
Banks, there is little or no difference of opin
ion between th? cani.’idati son our ticket; but
as to the dot ils of a bid, by which this schemt
ran be best effected, there may bo and is a dif
f: r< :ice of optt.ion. Th re is ):<> doubt, how
ever that each will cordially embrace such
plan as lie fee's will : d' t I th? least patronage
be th-..-least cmiuptmg i ) its op rations, and
most safe for the; country. Tile great question
for divorce bcie-o-settled, in which we agree,
in exercising c.ur bent jmlg-em-mts in its de
tail-, there cun be no cause of qu irrel 'There
have always beer, a few of our associates;
who hav • b Iteved i s tho constitutionality,,i!
not the expedit;!;.-'cf the U. States Bank.
To those friends 1 would submit in kindness,
a few rttnaks. Would you or either of you
b? willing to organize a bank for political (>ur
poses? From my knoyvledge of some of you,
I flatter mvself v«: will unequivocally answer
; NO! Do you not perceive that should a Na
j lional or U. S. Bank be organized at this time,
lit must ba inevitably blended with politics!
' That the el< ction of members of Congress, the
| success or defeat of the next President, will
, be made to o dcpeiid upon iliis’qilt eimn ; so that
i the very foundation of such an institution if
I created, will be made to rest on politics? 'The
j effort made in Georgia to make this a rest
; qu, sti.) i, contributes to the certainty cf the r>o
j litical character of *.!:2 B'dd.z, and cc;‘ ir:iri iy
1 siioidd excite ~1 3 alarms of its former friends,
| who feel much regard for lhe country’s weal,
j To blend such ra institution with politics;
J w.'iitid doubtless !■.? the changing our form of
j government ; and although many members of
I the party with which 1 have acted, have been
th? f:i nds and advocates cf a United Stat l s
b:i:,r; ; and wirne their members could not
reckon one to tvver,ty of the great bodv of the
party, tb.eir s iitimeiits were never made the
ground of pr.nsci iption. One of the ablest re
presentatives from Georgia, Mr. Wilde, onen
ly advocated in Congress, the United States,
Bank, while but few of his party agreed with
him ; yet he was a favorite : falling only where
ever he fell in common with his friends. With
the fondest wish that our free institutions may
be permanent, and our country happy—
I am your obedient servant.
WALTER T. COLQUITT.
Ihe Hon. John Campbell, one ofthe three
South Carolina members ot Congress who vo
ted against th-? Sub- i reasury Bill, being invi
ted to (he Dinner to Messrs. Calhoun, Preston
and Euimre, at Columbia, and being unable
to attend, replied to the invitation in a brief
letter, characterized by much calmness and
good sense. V? u make the iollowing extract :
Chronicle Sentinel.
“ Die separation oi the Government depos
ites, num the banking or commercial opera
tions, is recommended by many considera
tions.
••I regard tins however, ns a very different
proposition from th ;t onerous provision with
which tne late Sub-Treasury Biff was encum
bered—the requirement of gold aud stiver iu
payment ofthe publicH»ues. "
“ ihe separation ofthe Government Depo
ites from banking commercial purposes, I be
lieve to be correct in principle, and if carried
into effect, would prove beneficial in practice,
lhe lequirement of gold and silver, exclusive,
ly, in payment ofthe public dues, would on the
contrary b;' an act ot unnecessary oppression
—uncalled for by any thing in the condition
ofthe country, and in addition to the other evils,
would, by creating vexatious restrictions on our
foreign commerce, produce an unfavorable ef
ect upon the prices of those great Southern sta
ples which depend principally on a foreign
market for demand.
“In conclusion 1 offer the following senti
meat:
“ 1 axes are at best a necessary evil, and it
is as much the duty ot the Government in their
collection, to avoid unnecessary oppression up
on the citizen, us it is the duty of the citizen
to pay their taxes, legitimately imposed for the
support oi’ government.”
1 have ihe honor to be, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant.
JOHN CAMPBELL.
Col. R. 11. Gcodwyn, Chairman, cj-e.”
There is much good sense contained in a
tew words, in the following pithy paragraph
liomthe Lynchburg Virginia. It is insisted
by the friends of the Sub-Treasury that it is a
truly Southern measure, and that it will have
. the effect to revive and build up Southern com
merce, and unshackle us from that commercial
bondage by which the North has grown rich
, upon the industry of the South. The friends
jof Van Buren in the Northern States, support
i this measure with great unanimity. Now wo
I ask our intelligent readers, if it is probable,
I that the people of the North of any parly, would
so far forget their own interests, as to support
any measure which would overthrow their
own commerce and thereby destroy the very
sources of’ their own prosperity ?— Chronicle <j>
Sentinel
•‘lf th;! Sub- i’reasury scheme bo so fa-Oial
ble,:iud the National Bank so hostile to South
ern interests, ns Mr. Calhoun and his clique
represe. t, why is it that Martin Van Buren
atid all his Northern friends arc so much in fa
vor of the former, and opposed to the latter?
is Northern sagacity hss keen than formerly
I where Northern it.tercets are involved? Or
; are the Northern democrats so suddenly gen
eretts that liny are prepared to do every thing
they can to build up Southern commerce, and
prestrat" their n« u ? I) ms Mr. Calhoun < x
poet the Southern peopjo to believe this absmaL
WHAT ARE WE COM Hi NG TO?
Iho open and unscrupulous use of money,
public or private, no matter which that is I
brought to b< ar 0:1 State elections bv the pres- '
ent administration, is the most alarming cir-t
cumstaace yet detailed of the h .tried corrup. ,
lion now prevailing. It is slated in the New. |
ark (N. J.) Advertiser, that sixteen persons'
have paid in four thousand six hundred and sis I
ly Dollars, to aid the administration in buying |
up voles.. It is also stated m the Maine pa- j
pers, that twenty-two thousand Dollars have]
been sent from Baltimore, and that one hua- i
died Dollars have beenoilered fora single vote, I
and th.it runners are spread all over the State. ;
We catt readily believe that, great sufferings i
and poverty ptevail throughout the land, pro. |
duced by the acts ot this very iidmmistvatimi,
but to take advantage of that poverty by offer I
iuga bribe i.i money to sell votes,'is at once
b.ll tei i g away the I.'b ■*rties of the country, '
and calls for a rally ofevery hottest man in th ■
laud to prevent o.r being sold outright. This
udmiiiistrmioti stops at nothing foul and cor
rupt to c.u ry its plans, Li Detroit a Upimi
Club n.is been formed of Government office
holders, who hold their meetings in secret.
A similar club has been formed in almost eve- ;
t.y city in the Union, each making up its own ;
purse far purchasing votes and throwing in
aid mi weak points—the whole is in corres
pondence with the central dubat Washington.
The following is fiomthe Detroit Advertis
er
The “ Union Club" is but a branch of the*
Great Central Inquisition established at Wash
ington, and but one of the affiliated Juntos that
are scattered throughout the nation. So
adroitly and harmoniously is the "whole man
aged bv the arch mover ; that the cord once
tumched by him vibrates electrically in every
city, town and village, to which it extends
'l’he decrees ofthe party are thus promulgated
with secrecy, rapidity and certainty; the will
ofthe great magician is at once made known
and obeyed, the whole moneyed and political
power ofthe Administration through this ter
l ine en."i:ie, will be brought to bear upon the
popular voice until the press shall be silenced,
freedom of or inion destroyed, republican liber
ty a thing that w< s, and the people of Michi
gan prostrate in the dust.
W'ho are the men that would thus trample
upon our rights and sacrifice them to a pohtic
-1a! fiend ?’ Who are the men that have organ
ized themselves into a secret band, who gath
er at the midnight hour, who prate of liberty
in the streets but forge the chains of despotism
in secrecy—who are the men? 'The officers
ofour Government, and those whom thov have
seduced into their designs. These are the
men who conspire against your liberties. —
These are the men who plot your ruin while
they kiss you in pretended friendshin. Demo-
I crats they are by p,r2ie;";„ Oj t p e y are tories, i
agrarians, levellers, jacobins demagogues in
practice and tyrants at heart.
What is their object? To sustain them
selves and the party ip; this st <lie an( ] to contin
"Lu.m Van Duren tn power, To sell Mich
igan to that arch apostate from democracy,
perpetuate the reign ofterror, subvert our dem
ocratic and time honored institutions, and fas
ten upon us an executive despotism more in
tolerable than that which wrings with anguish
the soul of a Russian serf or excoriates the
mangled remains of a Turkish slave. Away
! with such men. Down with their infernal
j machines. No more of their professions. —
j i’hev have flattered us long enough. Let us
not be betrayed.— From the New-York Star.
Athens, Ga.. Saturday, September 22. 1838.
CON GRESSI ON A L NOM IN ATI ON.
Wm. C. Dawson,
R. W. Habersham,
J. C. Alford,
W, T. Colquitt,
E. A. Nisbet,
Mark A. Cooper.
Thomas Butler King,
Edward J. Black,
Lott Warren.
FOR THE LEGISLATURE.
For Senate.
Hon. Charles Dougherty.
For Representatives,
Richard Richardson,
William Stroud.
Isaac S. Vincent.
ECt’ Judge Colquitt’s Letter, in reply to
the citizens of Franklin and Taliaffero
counties, will be found in this day’s paper-
The Records of the Past.
Under this head will be found an inter
esting article in this day’s paper, giving the
votes on the Charter of U. S. Bank in
1816.
T2ie £lection«
Although we have again and again ur
ged upon our friends, the importance of a
zealous discharge of their duties, at this
eventful crisis, the great principles which
are involved in the contest admonish us
again to advert to it.
The election of members to Congress,
at this particular crisis, is a duty of no or
dinary magnitude ; it therefore behooves
the people of Georgia, as well as the whole
South, to look well to the consequences
which it mav involve.
i Among the most important duties which
the Congressmen now elected may be call
ed on to perform, is the election of a Pre
sident of the United States on the 4th of
March, 1841—in the event of the election
going to the House of Representatives—
I a result by no means improbable. The
people of Georgia should therefore go to
the polls and cast their votes with refer
ence to this matter ; and perhaps at no era
! since the agitation of the Missouri Ques
! tion, has there been presented questions
of such magnitude to the people of the
' South, and to Southern institutions, as will
I be presented during the administration of
Mr. Van Buren’s successor. Already is
j tiie Territory of Florida looking forward
i to her annexation with the other States
as a member of itie Union ; the Texiaii
j government is anxiously desiring the same
association, —both of which are events
much to be desired with all Southern men,
because of the influence which they will
! exert in behalf of Southern institutions. !
; What theiLsliQjild be our course in- elect- j
| mg members to Congress, upon whom this i
i election may devolve in a certain event ? j
, Can the people of Georgia, with a due
i regard to theii interest, elect those men
j who are pledged to support Martin Van:
j Buren—the man who, in the Legislature '
■ of New York, voted against the reception j
lor Missouri into the Union, because her !
Constitution admitted the existence of:
i slavery. Or will they cast their votes for ’
those Congressional candidates, who are '
opposed to the elevation of this man. We 1
will not suppose that, there can be any he- j
sitation on their part in deciding on this 1
important matter. That these questions I
wilt arise, is as certain as that our govern
menl exists. The opinions of Mr. Van I
Buren are known upon them, his most
zealous advocates will not deny ; that as :
a member of the New York Legislature, '
he voted for Resolutions instructing the
Senators ol that. State, to vote against the '
reception of Missouri into the Union, be
cause of that feature in her constitution.
Has he then changed the opinions he on-|
tertamed at that time ? We think not j
if he has. we have not seen the evidence,
nor have the American pewplc.
But apart from this consideration which
wc consider of paramount importance—t
there are others which should have their
influence—Mr. Van Buren came into of
fice pledging himself to carry out the prin
ciples of General Jackson —these as we
understand them, and we judge by their
results—are an uncompromising liostiiity
to all Banks—the appointment of membeis
of Congress to office, thereby corrupting
the Legislative Councils —an extravagant
and prodigal expenditure of the public
moneys—and the requiring of all office
holders to become brawling partisans
and to use all the influence of their offices,
to controul the local elections. Fo which
we might add many other and serious ob
jections, but we deem it unnecessary to
pursue the subject farther.
VV’e again repeat that the election of
president may devolve upon the house of
representatives—therefore the voters of
Georgia should cast their votes with an
ey<? to that questions. There are be
fore vou two tickets for Congress, onto
pledged to support Mr. Van Buren and bis
Other opposed to him ;
choose therefore between them, and in
doing so, express your sanction or detesta
tion of his principles and measures.
An Abolitionist Caught.
At the last term of the Superior Court
of Gwinnett county, a man calling his
name Wm. L. Messenger, a Dentist by
profession, from Alton, lllenois, was sen
tenced to the Penitentiary for ten years,
i for the crime of negro stealing. It seems
! that after spending a few days in Lau
renceville, devoted to his professional du
ties, he took upon himself the duty of aid
: ing a negro man of tire village to wend his
' wav to a free State. The negro however
gave information to his owner of the de
signs of the worthy Doctor, whereupon
: the master, together with other gentlemen,
determined on observing his manoeuvres,
and a few nights thereafter detected him
while in the act of going off with the ne
! gro. lie was immediately arrested, tried,
i G
1 and condemned.
CharleStelu.
The Y'eliovv Fever, says the late city
papers, has abated considerably within a
few days, both in the number of cases and
the character of the disease—almost
every new case yielding readily to medical
treatment when early applied. The pa
pers, however, caution strangers against
visiting the city until after the appearance
of frost.
Mr. Speaker Polk is announced as the
Van Buren candidate for Governor of
Tennessee. The election takes place in
August, 1839. ’
A fatal rencontre took place in Green
ville, S. C. on the 7th instant, in
Dr. Robinson Earl was killed by
Y ancey, Mr. Y\
By a late decision '* /
county court. Rail Road
not accountable for stock
road, where it appears that due
has been used by lhe agents to avoid tW|
accident.
The losses by the fires, which have been
ravaging the pine and cedar forests of N.
Jersey, are immense. It is estimated that
from 20 to 50,000 dollars worth of valua
ble timber has been destroyed.
Sir. Cluj-.
M hat will the A an Buren prints say of
Mr. Clay’s “abolition doctrines,” and his
advocacy of the manumission of slavery
in Kentucky,after reading’the subjoined ar
ticle ? If a blush can be raised upon their
cheeks, we think they will glow in conse
quence of their repeated misrepresenta-'
tions :
From the Emancipator.
“HENRY CLAY-HUMAN RIGHTS.’*’
Under this caption our friend, H. G., sent
us the other day an extract from Prentice’s
Life of Clay, emblazoned with capitals bv a
southern editor of opposite politics, in order
to convict the great statesman of Kentucky of
being at heart an abolitionist. The publica
tion of this article in Alabama, during the ihmi
severe abolition conflict in that S.ate,’ drew
fertha reply from a friend of Mr. Clay, in the
Selma (Ala.) Free Press, who evadeslhe farce
of lhe conclusion by calling the memoir “a
flighty ephemeral production, published some
years ago;” and the statement respecting Mr.
Clay’s early opposition to slavery he ca'ls “ Mr.
Clay’s opinions more than forty years ago— his
youthful enthusiasm and boyhood passion for
the liberties of mankind.” And as to his
views as a man he says?
“ That lie has never indicated a desire to in
terferu improperly with the institution ol slave
ry, as it exists iu tac States, and among others,
1.1 his own State, or in the District or Territo
ry, I wholly deny, mid you are wholly unable
to prove. So far from this being the case, the
very reverse is made manifest by his whole
political course, by every act of his life touch
ing the subject.
But we arc able to present to 11. G. some
additional evidence of Mr. Clay’s present
views and feelings on the subject of slavery.
So warm was the controversy in Alabama,'and
so important was it deemed by Mr. Clay’s
Ineudsto set him right in the eves of the peo
ple of that state, that a Mr. Clark, of Cahaw
ba w rote to Mr. Geo. Wetssinger, who is as
sociatedw.h Mr. Prentice in conducting the
L 'UHViile Journal, the leadmg Clay paper of
CS., >1 precise and authentic information
a he subject. Ihe answer t» published in
the Selma k rec Press, of July 21.
-Mr. \\ eissexgek’s Letter.
t Louisville, July 6, 183?.
j / Sir: r ln - v ? ur of the 30th of
nmend 5 '° t l - “ wlK>U ‘ e ‘- late effort to
amend tlm (. llsUhU ion of Kentucky, so as
notM? ? lou s >ol,sh slavery in the Slate, was
r > supported by the friends of Mr. Van Baren.
' opposed by the tnendsofMi. Clay.” Os
l.°. U /t S1 ’ }vu inferred to the law, passed by the
r'ti ”* a ! llle Kentucky, to take the sense
° le P< ople as to the expediency of culling
a Convention.
The Constitution of Kentucky provides, that
11 -(giMature shall not “emancipate skives