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ft-r 31 tDcckln jTamtln Ncmspapcr—Dcuotei) to Ncids, politics, CUeratare, ©cncral 3ntclligcncc, Agriculture &c. &c.-~terns: tea Dollars in abtfdttce NEW SERIES—YOL. I., NO. 22. ATHENS, GA., THURSDAY MORNING-, DECEMBER 9, 1847. UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY YQLUME XV. NUMBER 35. R f THE LAItO BUT and C ■■ K A PE»T APERS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES! -ox:.. - / £ttf>l(s*c& Wtftls, tl iAT TWO DOLLARS A YEAR ! - INVARIABLY IN AOVANCE. J. H. CHRISTY X T. 31. LAMPKI.Y, Letter* ofCi'uiion S3 75 Notice lo Debtor* and Creditors 325 r«Rf Month*' Nonce. 4 00 ‘e ofPerv>nat Properly.by Executors. Adniinn- Clan’s Speed). SPEECH OP HENRY CLAY, DclitrreJ before the Mass Meeting, at L-xington, Ky., on Saturday, the DM ff Piatcmhtr. After the organientrm of the meeting. Mr. Clay rose and addressed it substan tially ns follows: Ladies and Gcntlenen,—The day is dark and gloomy, unsettled and uncer- iii i it i.- {lain, like the condition of our country, 3 ; in regard to the unnatural war with Mex- *)'” J ^ 1 ico. The public mindfis agitated anti anx- Other AdveriiKmenu will be charged 91(10for every | ious, and is filled with serious nppreben- twelve tinea of «m all type, or lew, fir« m.crt'ion,and 50 gJonS IIS to its indefinite continuance, and eenta for each weekly continuance. If j.uSli»N-d every i • .ii„ other week.62J cam* forescl* continuance. If publish.! ‘ cd once • month it will he charged 75 For a .ingle Insertion, 91 00 per equal Advei trator*. orGuardia by do. • of f>.*f the consequences which ils termination may bung forth, mean-' the harmuny, if not the existence, i ot « Un It is under these circumstances, I pre- h l*tsent myself before you. No ordinary occasion would have drawn me from the retirement in which I live; but, whilst a single pulsation of the human heart remains, it should, if necessary, be dedicated to the service of one’s coun try. And I have hoped that, although I am a private and humble citizen, an i3U0fUC00 ©Crectory. i expression of the views and opinions I ----- - - - {entertain, might form 9y Notice of the .ate of Land* and N. miniairatora. Executors, nr Guardians, mu.l be publish. . , ad etxTv par* previous to day «f*ale The sale of Personal Property, in like manner, 93r Notice in debtor, and creditor, of an dale mu.t be pablished rorrv oar*. tar Notice that Application will he made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negro«a mu.t be published rotm hosts* little adtli- A ALEXANDER & CO.,* Wholesale! *»o.i to the general slock of information, • and Retail D«aler* in DRY GOODS. GRO- j and afford u small assistance in deliver- CERIES, HARDWARE, &c., No ft,Granite Row, ing our country from the perils and dan- Athens,Georgia. ho* 3, jg£L_ , gt . rs which surround it. A J # BRADY, Wholesale and Retail, I havc come here with no purpose to • Dealer in Groceries and Dry Good*, College attempt to make a fine speech, or i ny Awnde, net door totb, l\»t Office, Alhpna, La ■ |,„ nl „„,, u , oralorical display. I have A SA M. JACKSON, Attorney «t Law, l>rouglit with me no rhetorical bouqucisto A WukiMville, G.. April 23 | throw into this assemblage. Intliecir- • —-—-— ——!cle of the year, autumn has come, ami A LIJON CHASE, Bookseller and Sin- j|| ie season of (lowers has passed away. Jan 11 I In then - • 1Jl tionor, Droad street, Athena. of year _ _ ^ , my spring time A ALEXANDER & CO., Wholesale i has gone by, and 1 loo am in the auturno • and Retail Dealer* in Drugs, Medicines,! of Hie and feel lliefrosl of age. My tie- Paints, Oils, Glass and Dye-Stuffs, sign of the , sire and aim are to address you, earncst- ! ly,calmly, seriously and plainly, upon the ' grave mid momentous subjects which | have brought us together. And I am i most solicitous that not a solitary word may fall from me, offensive to any par ty or person in the whole extent of the C & W. J. PEEPLES, Attorneys at • Law—Ollier* in Allien* and Gainesville, Ca. Will continue the practice ,>l Law in the rountirm „f Clark, Walton, Jackson, Gwinnett, Hall, Habersham and Franklin,ofihe Wealern Circuit; Cherokee,Lump kin and Fur*yth. of >he Cherokee Circuit; and Cobb, of the Coweta Circuit. _ .... t Office over the Store of W. C.Pnru,. Aihen., J w . 4 B . P . ci. r ion W. Picric. Gain,, ill,. - ~ TAMES BANCROFT & CO., Denlers 9) in Dry Good., Groceries, <fc., corner of Broad and Spring street*, Athens, Ga. Ap 23 t. tawrata. Jon UN&COBB, Dealers k Groceries, dec. wholesale and retail, No! it is TI/TALfcORY, FERRY & CO., Whole- JU. calf and Retail Dealer* in Hals, Caps, Boots, Shoe*, Tratlks, dtc., Broad street, Athens, Ga. FREDERIC W. LUCAS. Un War, pestilence, and famine, by the common consent of mankind, arc the three greatest calamities which can 1 fall our species; and war, ns the m direful, justly stands foremost and front. Pestilence and famine, no doubt for wise although inscrutable purposi are inflictions of Providence, to which duty, therefore, to bow obedience, humble submission and res ignation. Their duration is not long, and their ravages arc limited. They bring, indeed, great affliction whilst they last, but society soon recovers from their remain,where hisown good sense prompt- ted him to believe he ought to remain, at the point of Corpus Christi; and, if a negotiation had been opened with Mex ico, in a true spirit of amity and concil iation, war possibly might have been prevented. But, instead of this pacific and moderate course, whilst Mr. Slidell was bending his way to Mexico with his diplomatic credentials, Gen. Taylor was ordered to transport his cannon, and to plant them, in a warlike attitude, oppo site to Matatnoras, on the east bank of the Rio Bravo, within the very dispu ted territory, the adjustment of which was to he the object of Mr. Slidell’s mis sion. What else could have transpired but a conflict of arms? Thus the war commenced, and the President, after having produced it, ap pealed to Congress. A bill was proposed to raise 50,000 volunteers, and in order to commit all who should vote for it, a preamble was inserted falsely attribu ting the commencement of the war to the act of Mexico. 1 have no doubt of the patriotic motives of those who, after struggling to divest the bill of that fla grant error, found thcm>elves constrain ed to vote for it. But 1 must say that no earthly consideration would have ev er tempted or provoked me to vote for a bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped on its lace. Almost idolizing truth, as I do, I never, never, could have voted for that bill. The exceptionable conduct of the Fed eral parly, during the last British war, has excited an influence in the prosecu tion of the present war, and prevented a just discrimination between the two wars. That was a war of National de fence, required for the vindication of the National rights and honor, and demand ed by the indignant voice of the People. President Madison himself, I know, first, reluctantly and with great doubt and hesitation, brought himself to the conviction that it « ught to be declared. A leading, and perhaps the most influ ential member of bis cabinet, (Mr. Gal latin) was, up to the time of its declara tion, opposed to it. But nothing could withstand the irresistible force of pub lic sentiment. It was a just war, and its great object,- as announced at the time, was “Free Trade and Sailors' Rights,” against the intolerable and op pressive nets of British power on the ocean. The justice of the war, far from being denied or controverted, milted by the Federal parly, which only questioned it on considerations of policy. Being deliberately anti constitutionally declared, it was, 1 think, their duty to have given it their hearty co-operation, i But the mass of them did not. They often prosecuted to promote alien and other interests than those of the nation whose chief had .proclaimed it, as in the case of English wars for Hanoverian in terest s ; and, in short that such a vast and tremendous power ought not to be con fided to the perilous exercise of one sin gle man. The Convention, therefore, resolved to guatd the war-making pow er against those great abuses of which, in the hands of a monarch, it was so susceptible. And • the security against those abuses which its wisdom devised to vest the war-making power in the Congress of the United States—be- the immediate Representatives of the People and the States. So apprehensive and jealous was tlic Convention of its abuse in other hands, that it interdicted the exercise of the power to any State the Union without the consent of Con- »ss. Congress, then, in our system of Government, is the sole depository of that tremendous power. The Con stitution provides that Congress shall have the power to declare war, and grant letters of marque and reprisal, to make rules concerning captures on land anti water, to raise and support armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and to make rules for the government of the land and naval forces. Thus we per ceive that the principal power in regard to war, with ail its auxiliary attendants, is granted to Congress. Whenever call ed upon to determine upon the solemn question of peace or war, Congress must consider and deliberate and decide up on the motives, objects and causes of the war. And if a war be Commenced with out any previous declaration of its ob jects, as in the case of the existing wai ith Mexico, Congress must necessarily Prior to the declaration of the last war His lieutenants quarrelled -and warred against Great Britaiu, in all the restrie-J with each other, as to the spoils of his live measures which Congress adopted,; victories, and finally lost them all.— against the two great belligerent Powers ! Ccesar, after conquering Gaul, returned, of Europe, clauses were inserted in the j with his triumphant legiohs to Rome, several acts establishing them, tender-1 passed the Rubicon, won the battle Pharsalia, trampled upon the Iihertte of his country, and expire.! by the triot hand of Brutus. But li< cd to be free. War and conr eneivated anti corrupted the i The spirit of true liberty was e iguish- tnperors sue- ere the most vt-r existed in _ to both or either of the belligerents the abolition of those restrictions if they would repeal their hostile Berlin and Milan decrees and orders in Council, operating against our commerce and navigation. And these acts of Congress ariably communicated, through j cd, and a Ion the Executive, by diplomatic notes, to France and Great Britain, as the basis upon which it was proposed to restore friendly intercourse with them. So; after the termination ofihe war, various acts of Congress were passed, from time to time, offering to Foreign Powers the principle of reciprocity in the commerce j Thiers, proud Albion and navigation of the United States with them. Out of these acts have sprung a class, and a large class, of treaties, (four or five of which were ne gotiated, whilst I was in the Department of State,) commonly called reciprocity a wretched captive, and far rem< treaties, concluded under all the Presi- J from country, family, ami frie pa st had has been the fruitful cause of dissatis faction and discontent between the Irish and the English nations. Is there not reason to apprehend that it would be come so between the people of the UnH ted States and those of Mexico, if they were united together? Why should Wef seek to interfere with them in their mode of worship of a common Saviour? W0 believe that they arc wrong, especially in the exclusive characterof their faith* and that we are right. They think that they are right and we wrong. What other rule can there be than to leave the followers of each religion to theif own solemn convictions of conscientious duty towards God? Who, but the great Arbiter of the Universe, can judge in such a question? For my own part* l sincerely believe and hope, that those* who belong to all the departments of the great church of Christ, if, irt truth and purity, they conform to the doc* reded, some of whom u execrable monsters that i human form. Ami that dinarv man, perhaps, in all history, af ter subjugating all continental Fair occupying almost all its Capitals, i sly threatening, according to Mr. self, atid deck- brows of var ious members of hit family, with crowns torn from the heads . ...... ... „ of other monarchs, lived to behold his ! trines which they profess.will ultimately own dear France itself in the possession j secure an abode in those regions of bliss* of his enemies, and was made himself. which all aim finally to reach. I think vedjthat there is no potentate in Europe* whatever his religion.may be, nir.re en-* possess the authority, at any time, to de-1 regarded as concurrent, Congress can clare for what purposes it shall be fur-1 previously decide the objects to which thcr prosecuted. If we suppose Con-’ the voluntary work of | continued to oppose anti thwart it, to P LEASANT STOVALL, renews the tenifelrof hi* services in the Storage *ni] «i)e of COTTON and other Produce, *t his fire-prool Warehouse, August*. G». Aug 7,1847 PEEPLES & CAMP, Wholesale and JL Retail Dealers in Groceries, Drv Goods, Hard ware, Crockery, &c.. No 7,Granito Row, Broad St. Aihen*, Gtu Nov 6,1847 T BISHOP, Wholesale and Retail Gro- • ccr, No I, Broad street, Athens, Ga. II. a. WHITE, Merchant Toiler, • next door to Alexander’s Drug Store, Col lege Avenue, Athens. May 20 WILLIAM A. LEWIS, Attorney at If Law; Cummin", Forsyth county. Georgia wilt practice in the counlie* compotinp the Cherokee Circuit. All profetsionsland -athcr business entruairtj to bis management, will meet with prompt i»n<l laiihfu attention. tVcrmlwr 3 TAN HOVTEN X BARRETT, COACH-MAKERS, ATHENS. Beg leave to inform their friends and th< ihl c generally, that they occupy the OLD ‘ i tho South- went corner of the *qi on which tht Methodiat Church stand*—whore t have on hand several VEHICLE^, and are cmeta mauufacniriax all descriptions of CARRIAGES. lYalckei. CONSTANTLY en hand, splendid Rssortment of Gold and Silver Dup!ex,P*tent Lever, An- ress does not possess the controlling au thority attributed to it; if it be contend ed that a war, having been once com menced, the President of the United States may direct it to the accomplish ment of any objects he pleases, without consulting and without any regard to the will of Congress, the Convention will have utterly failed in guardinglhe nation against the abuses and ambitionof a single individual. Either Congresnor the Pres ident must have the right ofdetermining upon the objects for which a war shall be prosecuted. There is no other alter native. If thb President possess it, and may prosecute it for objects against the will of Congress, where is the difference between our free Government and that of any other nation which may be gov erned by an absolute Czar, Emperor, or King? . Congress may omit, as it has omitted in the present war, to proclaim the ob jects for which it was commenced or has been since prosecuted, and in cases of such omission the President,being charg ed with the employment and direction dents, from Mr. Madison to Mr. Van Bu* ’ breathed his last on the distant and in-1 lightened or at this moment so interest-* ren inclusive. And, with regard to I hospitable rock of St. Helena. The , ing as the liberal head ofihe Pdpatl See* commercial treaties, negotiated without j Alps and the Rhine had been claimed j But I suppose it to be imposiule that the sanction of prior acts of Congress, I as the natural boundaries of France*; those who favor, if there he any who f* J where they contained either appropria-j but even these could not be secured in j vor the annexation of Mexico to the tions or were in conflict with unrepealrtl j the treaties to which she was reduced j United States, can think that it ought statutes, it lias been ever held as the ] to submit. Do you believe that the peo-:to be perpetually governed by military republican doctrine from Mr. Jay’s j pie of Mncedon, or Greece, of Rome, or 1 sway. Certainly no votary of human treaty down to tho present time, that of France, were benefilled, individually i liberty could deem it right that a viola* the passage of acts of Congress was | or collectively by the triumphs of their j tion should be perpetrated ot the great necessary to secure the execution of i great Captains? Their sad lot was im-1 principles of our own revolution* accord-* those treaties. If in the matter of For-j mensc sacrifice of life, heavy and iiitol-j ing to which, laws ought not to bo efi* ei«*n Commerce, in respect to which the | erablc burdens and the ultimate loss of, acted and taxes ought not to be levied, Congress to regulate 1 liberty itselh j without representation on the part of That the power of the United States j those who are to obey the one and pay competent to the conquest of Mexico, i the other. Then, Mexico is to partict- quite probable. But it could not be! pate itt our councils and equally share achieved without frightful carnage, 1 in our legislation and government. Bat, dreadful sacrifices of human life, and I suppose she would not voluntarily choose the creation of an onerous national debt; | repres’tives to the national Cong., is oaf nor could it be completely effected, in i soldiery to follow the electors to the all probability, until after the lapse of j ballot-box, and by force to compel them* many years. It would be necessary to [at the point ofihe bayonet, to deposit occupy all its strongholds, to disarm its 1 their ballots ? And how are the nine nhabitantSj and to keep them in con-j millions of Mexican people to be fepre* ibjection. To consum-j sented ii^tlie Congress of the United power vested it and the treaty making power may be a hands, and whatever reproach- i discourage loans and enlistments, tode- s it may deserve should be directed to uy the power of the Federal Government urselves. When it breaks out, itsdu- to march the militia beyond our limits, iiiion is indefinite and unknown—its j and to hold a Hartford Convention, ieissitudes are hidden from our view, which, whatever were its real objects. In the sacrifice of human life, and in j bore the aspect of seeking a dissolution of the national force is, necessarily, left waste of human treasure, in ils los-| 0 f the Union itself. They lost and justly to his own judgment to decide upon the and in its burthens, it effects both j lost, the public confidence. But 1ms not objects, to the attainment of which that belligerent nations ; and its sad effects i a n apprehension of a similar fate, in a ‘ • •• • " * ~ gled bodies, of death, and of ties- j state of case widely different, repressed olaiion, endure long after its thunders | a fearless expression of their real senti- ofour public men? hushed in peace. War unhin^ ciety, disturbs ils |>eaceful and regular industry, and scatters poisonous seeds of disease ant! immorality, which con tinue to germinate and diffuse their bane ful influence long after it has ceased. Dazzling by its glitter, pomp and page antry, it begets a spirit of wilt! adven ture and romantic e iterprise, and often disqualifies those who embark in it, after their return from the blood v fields ofliat- me**ts in some How totally variant is • the present war! This is no war of defence, but one of unnecessary and offensive ag gression. It is Mexico that is defend ing her firesides, her castles, and her altars, not we. And how different also is the conduct of the Whig party of the present day from that of the major part of the Federal party during the war of 1S12! Far from interposing any obsta ll e, from engaging in the industrious and j cles to the prosecution of the war. if the peaceful vocatous of life. j Whigs in office are reproachablc at all, Wc are informed by a statement it «for having lent too ready a facility which is apparently correct, that the i to it, without careful examination number of our countrymen slain in this the objects of the war. And out of of- lainentablc Mexican war, although it has I lice, who have rushed to the prosecution yet been of only eighteen months exist-! of the war with more ardor aud alacrity cnce, is equal to one-half of the whole i than the Whigs? Whose hearts hav of the American loss during the seven j bled more freely than thoseofthe Whigs? years’ war of the Revolution ! And I < Who have more occasion to mourn the venture to assert that the expenditure loss of sons, husbands, brothers, fathers, chor Esc*n*tneht. Lcpihe and {of treasure which it has occasioned, when shall come to be fairly ascertained and fiurictl up, will be found to be more than half of the pecuniary cost of the war of independence. And this is the StVertiele WATCHES, selected ? with care and warranted prrlect * time-keeper*. Please call and examine our stock and prices, at the new Watch and Jejjrelry^ Store^of Jnly 30 than Whig parents, Whig wives, and Whig brothers, in this deadly and profitable strife? But the havoc of war is in progress, and the no less deplorable havoc of an THE NEWTON HOUSE, Athena, Ucsrfla. Tn* subscriber sononnees to ihe public, ■ that he haseneased ihieelcsai.tand spacious ’and that it i* now open for the accommo- \ daiieu of Boarders and Travslk-r*. V Tbs House is entirely new, and unrivalled in convrn. ‘ ^ team of smngttweni. The room# are atl beautiful, and eriU bs fined up .with Rtw and elesant furniture. It is the purpose of the proprietor lo spare no pain* in ren dering the accommodation# of this Uouse every way satisfactory to those who may call apon him. B.H. MARTIN. ;tioa and Commission Business. [. W. SHACKLEFORD, made such arrangements with A. & BAXTER, ns to enable ]tim to meet d« of sock a business, beg* leave to _ fHends and tbs public generally,;hat be is oow prepared to carry on the ■ £ Auction 6c Commission Business, In all Its Branches, And will keep constantly on hand a well-selected 1 flock of MERCHANDIZE, of every variety. (7*fl6 hopes to receive n liberalshare of patronage. Bartering and Halr-Drcetlng. HANSEL DILLARD, XI ESPECTFUU.Y informs the citizens of Atb- JVens and tic pobliegenerally, that be will, at «U time* be found at his Shop, happy to accommo date thorn who favor him with their patronage. Athens, Nor. 12,1846. Without indulging in an unnecessary re trospect aud useless reproaches uj; past, all hearts and heads should unite the patriotic endeavor to bring it to satisfactory close. Is there no way that this can be done? Must wc blind ly continue the conflict, without any vis ible object, or anj prospect of a definite dilion of the party whose arms have been i inhospitable and pestilential climate.—- everywhere and constantly victorious! 1 W J How did we unhappily get involved in this war? It was predicted as the consequence of the annexation of Texas to the United Stales. 'If we had not Tex as, we should hove no war. The peo ple were told that if that event happen ed, war would ensue. They were told that the war between Texas and Mexico had not been terminated hv a treaty or peace; that Mexico still claimed Texas ! as a revolted province : and that, if received Texas in our Union, wc took along with her, the war existing between her and Mexico. And the minister of Mexico formally announced to the Gor* ernmeni at Washington, that his natron would consider the annexation of Texas to the United States as producing a state of war. But all this was denied by the partisans of annexation. They insisted we should have no war, and even impu ted lo those who foretold it, sinister mo tives for their groundless prediction. But, notwithstanding a state of virtu* al war necessarily resulted from the fact of annexation of one of the belligerents to ihe United Suues,nctoal hostilities might have been probably averted by prudence, moderation and wise statesmanship. If General Taylor had been permitted to force shall he applied. But whenever Congress shall think proper to declare, by some authentic act, for what purposes a war shall commence or continue, it is the duty of the President to apply the national force to the attainment of those purposes. In the instance of the last war with Great Britain, the act of Con gress by which it was declared was pre ceded by a message of Pr.esident Mad ison enumerating the wrongs and inju- of which we complained against Great Britain. That message therefore* and without it the well known objects of the war, which was a war purely ol de fence, rendered it unnecessary that Con gress should particularize, in the act, the specific objects for which it was proclaim ed. The whole world knew it was a war waged for Free Trade and Sailors’ Rights. It may be urged that the President and Senate possess the treaty making pow er, without any express limitation as to its exercise; that the natural and ordi nary termination of a war is by a treaty of peace ; und therefore Uiat the Presi dent and Senate must possess the pow er to decide what stipulations and con ditions shall enter into such a treaty.— But it is not more true that the Presi dent and Senate possess the treaty mak ing power, without limitation, than that Congress possesestlie war making power without restriction. These two powers then ought to be so interpreted as to concilc the one with the other; aud, expounding the constitution, we ought keep constantly in view the nature jotiation shall be applied, how much stronger is the case of war, the power declare which is confided exclusively to Congress? I conclude, therefore, Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens, with entire confi dence, that Congress has the right, ei ther at the beginning, or during the prosecution of any war, to decide the objects and purposes for which it was proclaimed, or for which it ought to be continued. And, I think, it is the duty of Congress, by some deliberate and authentic act to declare for what objects the present war shall be longer prose cuted. I suppose the President would not hesitate to regulate his conduct by the pronounced will of Congress, and to employ the force and the diplomatic powerof the nation to execute that will. But if the President should decline or refuse to do so, and, in contempt of the supreme authority of Congress, should persevere in waging the war, for other objects than those proclaimed by Congress, then it would be the impera tive duty of that body to vindicate its I ty of authority, by the most stringent, and I a effectual, and appropriate measures.— And if, on the contrary, the enemy should refuse to conclude a treaty, con taining stimulations securing the objects designated by Congress, it would be come the duly of the whole government to prosecute the war with all the nation al energy, until those objects were di stant fear and ^ w mate the work, I presume that standing' States of America and the Congress of armies* not less than a hundred thou- * the United States of the Republic of sandmen, would be necessary, to be j Mexico combined ? Is every Mexican* kept pe:!iaps always in the bosom of j without regard to color or caste* per their country. These standing armies, capitum, to exercise the elective fran* revelling iu a foreign land, and nccus-! chise ? How is the f^unta of repra«*u- tomed to trample upon the liberties of a tation between the two Republics to bo foreign people, at some distant day, fixed ? Where is their Seat of Coin- igln be fit and ready instroritents, un der the lead of some daring and un principled chieftain, to return to their country and prostrate the public liberty. Supposing the conquest to be once made, what is to be clone with it? Is mon Government to be established - And who can foresee or foretell, if Mex* ico, voluntarily or by force, were lo share in the common government what would be the consequences to her or to Unprepared, as I fear her popu- it to he governed, like Roman Provinces, lation yet is, for’ the practical enjoy- by Proconsuls? Would it be qompati- meat of self-government, and of habits, ble with the genius, character, and safe-j customs, language, laws, and religion* ir free institutions, to keep such j so totally different from our own, we country as Mexico, with a pop-* should present the revolting spectacle ulutiou of not less than nine millions, in I of a confused, distracted, and motley a state of constant military subjugation? ! government. We should have a Mex't- Sliall it he annexed to the United can party* a Pacific ocean party, an At- States? Does any considerate man be- lantic‘party in addition to the other Iieve it possible that two such immense j parties, which exist, or with which wc countries, with territories of nearly i are threatened, each striving to execute equal extent, with populations so incon- f its own particular views and purposes, gruous, so different in race, in language, | and reproaching the others with thwart* and in laws, could be blend-1 ing and disappointing them. The Mex- tajned by a treaty of peace. There 0 # . w .. . ~ be no insuperable difficulty in Congress ed together In one harmonious mass, ican representation in Congress, would making such an authoritative declara- and happily governed by one common | probably form a separate and impenc* tion. Let it resolve, simply, that the war ' authority ? Murmurs, discontent, in- 1 trable corps, always ready to throw it* shall or shall not* be n war of conquest; I surrections, rebellion, would inevitably I self into the scale of any other parly, to and, if a war of conquest, what is to be . ensue, until the incompatible pans would ‘ * ' ■ 5 * conquered. Should a resolutionLpap, | be broken asunder, and possibly, in the disclaiming the design of conquestfpeaVcJ frightful struggle, our present glorious would follow in less than sixty days, if j Union itself would be dissevered or dis the President would conform to his con-1 solved. We ought not to forget the sutntionalduty. Here,Fellow-Citizens, j warning voice of all history, which I might pause,.having indicated a mode ' teaches the difficulty of combining and by which the naRpo*jhrough ils accre-J consolidating together**conquering and dited and legitimate i^prescntatives in j conquered nations. After the lapse of Congress, can annoance<for wlmt pur- eight hundred years, during which the poses and objects thTswar shall be longer j Moors held their conquest of Spain, the prosecuted, and can thus let the whole j indomitable courage, perseverance and people of the United States know for I obstinacy of the Spanish race finally what end their blood is to be further shed, their treasure further expended. stead of the knowledge of it being locked up anti concealed in ihe bosom of one man* We should no longer per ceive the objects of the war varying, from time to time, according to the chan ging opinions of the Chief Magistrate, charged with its prosecution. But I do not think it right to stop here. It is the priviledge of the people, in their primi tive assemblies, and of every private man, however humble, to express an triumphed, and expelled the African vaders from the Peninsula. And. even within our own time, the colossal power of Napoleon, when at its loftiest height was incompetent to subdue and subju gate the proud Castillian. And here in our own neighborhood. Lower Canada, which near otic hundred years ago, af ter the conclusion of the seven years war, was ceded by France to Great Britain, remainsp foreign land in the midst of the British provinces, foreign feelings and attachment, and foreij advance and promole Mexican interests. Such a stale of things could not long en dure. Those whom God and geogra phy have pronounced should live asun der, could never be permanently and harmoniously united together. Dn we want for our own happiness or greatness the addition of Mexico to the existing Union of our States? If our population was too dense for our territory* and there was a difficulty in obtaining honorably the means of sub sistence, there might he some excuse for an attempt to enlarge our dominions. But we have no such apology. We have already, in our glorious country, a vast and almost boundless territory.— Beginning at the North, in the frozen regions of the British Provinces, it stretches thousands of miles along the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean and the Mexican Gulf, until it almost reaches the Topics. It extends to the Pacific Ocean, borders on those great inland s, the Lakes, which separate ui from f Great Britain, and it termination? This is the important sub- (and structure of our free government, ject upon which I desire to consult and j and especially the great object of the to commune with you. Who, in this i Convention in taking the war-making free Government, is lo decide upon the j power out of the hands of a single man objects of a war at its commencement, i and placing it in the safer custody of the or at auy time during its existence?—i representatives of the whole nation.— Does the power belong to the Nation, lo j The desirable reconciliation between the the collective wisdom of the Nation Congress assembled,or is it vested solely in a single functionary of the Govern ment? A declaration of war is tbe highest and most awful exercise of sovereignty.— The Convention which framed our Fed eral Constitution had learned from the pages of history that it had been often and greatly abused. It had seen that war had often been commenced upon tbe most trifling pretexts * that it bad been frequently waged to establish or exclude a dynasty; to snaicfi a crown from the head of one potentate and place it upon the bead of another; that it had been two powers is effected by attributing to Congress tbe right to declare what shall be the objects of a war, and to the Pre sident the duty of endeavoring to obtain those objects by the direction of the na tional force and"by diplomacy. I am broaching uo new and speculative theory. The Statute book of tbe Uni ted Slates is fttR'of examples of prior declarations bir Qpngress of the objects to be attained by negotiations with For eign Powers, and tbe archives or the Executive Department furnish abundant evideuce of ti s accomplishment of those objects,-or tl > attempt to accomplish ’them* by s tbseeptent negotiations.— - n - posses: opinion in regard to the purposes for inlaws, language and religion. And ■'embraces the great father of rivers* from which the war shall be continued ; and what has been the fact with poor, gal-! its uppermost source to the Belize, and lant, generous and oppressetf Ireland? i the still longer Missouri, trom its moutfi Centuries have passed away, since the ! to ihe gorges of the Rocky Mountains, overbearing Saxon over run and subjn-1 It comprehends the greatest variety of gated the Emerald Isle. Rivers of Irish ■ the richest soils, capable of almost all blood have flowed, during the long and j tbe productions of the earth, except tea arduous contest. Insurrection and re- and coffee and the spice9* and lo- bellioti have been the order of the day; eludes every variety of climate, which ami yet, up to this time, Ireland remains tbe heart could wish or destfe. Wo alien in feeling, affection and sympathy,! have more than ten thousand millions of towards the power which has so long-acres of waste and unsettled lands* borne her down. Every Irishman hates, enough for the subsistence often or with a mortal hatred, his Saxon oppres- twenty times our population. Ought we sor. Although there are great lerritori-! not to be satisfied with such a country ? al differences between tbe condition of Ought we not to be profoundly ibank- England and Irelrnd, as compared to ful to tbe Giver of all good things for that of the United States and Mexico, \ such a vast and bountiful land? Is it there are some points of striking resem-; not the height of ingratitude to Him' to blance between them. Both the Iri.*b seek, by war and conquest, indulging and the Mexicans are probably of the ; in a spirit of rapacity, to acquire other same Celtic race. Both the English lands, the homes and habitations of a and the Americans are of the same Sax- large portion of his common children ? on origin. The Catholic religion pre-‘ II wc pursue the object of such a con- dominales in both the former, the Pro- quest, besides mortgaging tbe revenue testant among both the latter. Religion aud resources of this country for ages to such an expression will receive just s< much consideration and consequence as , it is entitled to, and no more. Shall this war be prosecuted • for the purpose of conquering and annexing Mexico, in all its boundless extent, to the United States? I will not attribute to the President of the United Stales any such design; but I confess that I have been shocked and alarmed by manifestations of it in va-* rious quarters. Of all the dangers and misfortunes which could befal thU na tion, I should regard that of its becom ing a warlike and conquering power the most direful and fatal. History tells the mournful tale of conquering nations and conquerors. The three most cele brated conquerors, in the civilized world, were Alexander, Cassar and Napoleon. The first, after overrunning a large por tion of Asia, and sighing and lamenting that there were no more worlds to sub due, met a premature and ignoble death.