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■wot, New Jersey, Delaware, Mary land, North Carolina, Otrio, Kcntncky mud Tennessee—in all 10* votes. Two hundred and aeveoly-five votes consti tuted the electoral college, of which 13S were necessary to a choice. The thirty six votes of New York given to him then, would have elected hi in; those thirty- six voles have not the power now. Ad ded to o!l be received in *44, they would •liU be insufficient. Texas, Florida, and Iowa, together entitled to 11 votes, havesince been admitted into the Union, so that the electoral college, in the event of Wisconsin not being admitted in lime to vote, has been increased to 2SG votes, ot which 144 are requisite to an election. Should Mr. Clay, therefore, receive the vote of every State enumerated, inclu ding New York, his number would only ho 141^-thrce less than a majority.— Whence these could be bad, it will be difficult to show. There is not another of the fifteen 8lates that voted ogninst him in 1844, except New York, which would come forward now to his rescue. Those best informed in the matter, their Whig representatives in Congress, do not think be could under any circum stances, secure Pennsylvania, Louis iana, Indiana, or Georgia. The simple fact that ho was Iieatcn by a man undis tinguished and almost unknown, cou pled with the preference of the Whigs in each lor Gen. Tnylur, would form a powerful auxiliary to, if not the certain agent of bis defeat. As to New Hamp shire *—-» **- ' party." The majority in the HouA of Representatives is a pertinent answer; but for his name the Democrats would, as heretofore, have bad complete control of ibo National Legislature. It is prop er, however, to give the subject a broad er, and it may be, a more practical con sideration. Every State which voted for Mr. Clay in 1844, it may be justly attorned, would as cordially support the hero of Buena Vista. These assure a positive capital of one hundred and five votes ; and from the most reliable information to- be obtained, it is equally certain. New York, Pennsylvania, Indi ana, Georgia, Louisiana, Florida and Iowa, five of which voted for Gen. Har rison, in 1840, tbe other two were Ter ritories, would profit by the example and follow in therr fixitsleps. These, with the Whig States of 1844, connt 202 votes, a majority of 68 in the electoral college. Besides, against any named Locofoco, especially Gen Cass or Mr. Polk, bis chance for Mississippi, Arkan sas, Michigan, and Wisconsin, (if she has a vote) leaving ool Alabama and Maine, by no means hopeless, would prove every way favorable. These are not idle calculations, but fair deductions from the existing state of things. And did time permit, they would be seen to be based on the surest principles of cause and effect, of philosophy and fact. True it is many well disposed indi viduals speak doublingly of tbe Whig ascendancy iu Ncw-England and Ohio, ire, which has*heretofore been counted The Whigs of t New England, among for him, hemustbeaboldcalculntor, who the truest in tMfland, will never sacri- will claim it, in the face of the late elec tion returns. His opposition to the an nexation of Texas—-on opposition in which tbe writer heartily sustained him —settles everything so far as she is con cerned ; and his unfortunate speeches and votes against the pre-emption sys tem, which have invariably worked to his disadvantage with the far-western Stales, as positively to preclude nil hope from Florida, Iowa, or Wisconsin.— Again: it is the positive opinion of Whigs ofthe highest character in those fice great national interests, only to be protected by the incoming of a Whig administration, to sectional prejudices. They will cleave to the nominee of the Convention, whether born under a north ern or a southern sun. And if Gen. Taylor be the nominee, as he andnubl- . . edly will, every vote they raav have-or * mn “» can possibly control will be freely ac- ' t> ~“ corded him. Indeed, it is even asserted, and with good reason, many of her most influential Whig citizens being firm in his advocacy, that Massachusetts will, lfaiae; Massachusetts, New Jersey, Maryland# Virginia, SoQth Carolina, Georgia, For Taylor. 8 Kentucky, Vi Tennessee, 7 Indiana, 3; Illinois, 6j Missouri, 17 Arkansas, 9 Florida, lOlTrxaa, 8 Iowa, For Clay. 111 Pennsylvania, North Carotin*, New Hampshire, Vermont, 6 Michigan, A Rhode Island, 4 . -— Connecticut, G| 123 New York, 3Gl This estimate, so far removed from the expectations of those who indulge the fallacy that lhe National Convention is merely called far the purpose of an nouncing Mr. Clay for the fourth time a candidate, will be characterized as ex traordinary. It is not, of course, pre tended that Gen. Taylor will be, in ev ery instance, tbe first choice of all the delegates from the Stales named, but enough is known of those already ap pointed, and of the popular feeling where they are yet to be, to warrant the deliberate conviction, that he will get the majority. Ol the delegates from the southern and southwestern States, there is inr doubt whatever. Maine, Massa chusetts, mid Indiana are regarded equally so by a preponderance, at least; and Iowa has instructed her delegates. Kentucky is placed for him on the au thority of those who ought to know, her Whig members in Congress. ’ From New Jersey, delegates will be sent un- tramrmeled, as in fact the delegates from all the States should be, and the very circumstances that her vote was not given for Mr. Clay in 1840, when his star was much more in the ascendant, is pretty conclusive as to their course. "*■ ... have yielded me it appetrs perfectly clear, tbit tie Interest of lures and internal improvements. How SJShpv hey f “ lfill , ed? Bel i:, rc ":, e , close , must be great If mitigated, if not entirely exlxngutsk-: of his fir.-t term they wefe blotted almost ed, or consequences will ensue which are appalling entirely from remembrance. Mr. Van to be thought of. * • * .* _ * I Buren was pledged to “follow in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor ;” choice. It is also known, that he has many warm and active friends in Con necticut ; and if the Bangor Whig* the leading Whig journal in the State may be credited, in Maine his cause is not without supporters. That paper under date of the 15th inst., makes the welcome announce ment, that the Whigsentimeul there cord i>- ally approves his position, and is deeply impressed with the necessity and pro priety of his nomination. These facts, well authenticated and reliable, clearly establish bow idle it is to insist that such a nomination will weaken flic Whig party in New England; nay, how idle it is to insist that it will not thereby be substantially strengthened. The same remark is perhaps, applicable to Ohio ; the?contrary is at best high-wrought fear or vague suspicion. And if the worst should be realized, Gen. Taylor is strong enough chngrined as all would be to witness a cloud pass over the Whigs of the proud “ young giantgss,” to lose her vote, and be triumphantly elected. Hit Election tcill Establish Whig At- cendancy in Congress.—There is yet an other view of the question worthy rtf careful reflociiod. A Whig President ’ without a Whig Congress, without the power tosustnin Whigmeasuaes, would, it will bo candidly confessed, be a poor recompense for labor, and poorer joy for r?T ., A M h "n, alr0ady b T, I DO awarded mm wuboul Conte market!, nad Mr. Clay .ucceedcd >" !difficuIt y, if tb ey will only be 1844 Congress would have been oppos-!. • r\ j ,, u * i a * 1 i him and to themselves. In tbe ed. The Senate by a small, and the House of Representatives by a majority large enough for all practical purposes. The prestige of his name would not only give them Senators from NewYork,Penn sylvania, Indiana, and Florida—the on- Slates, that nei ther Tennessee nor New j next to Mr. Webster, proclaim him her Jersey would vote for him in another * - *- • • • ' * 1 struggle. If these fears be well found rd, and from the meager majoriiies of *44, (113 voles in Teuncssce, and 823 in New Jersey,) they would nppear so —his overthrow would come, more pain ful to him and humiliating to us, than that from which we are slowly recover ing. The argument that he received more votes than General Harrison re ceived in 1840, and out ran every Whig who run in *44, or has run since, plausi ble though it bo, carries no weight. It only demonstrates, what all who have analysed the election returns always knew; first, that voters increase with the population, under the conjoint oper ation ol the laws of majority and natu ralization ; secondly, that the candidate on national, disconnected with local is sues, if he enjoy an ordinary share of popularity, nlwnys outruns the candid- ntes for Governor, Congress, and the Legislature. The poll-hooks of every Slate will attest this in its broadest as sumption. The relative Whig strength exhibited nt different elections, with dif ferent candidates, is to be measured by results, and not votes. These explanations, made in no spir it of anfcindlinest to Mr, Clay, show that those who calculate so positively on his increased strength, suffer their zeal to override all discretion. Let them reflect on the evil consequences ‘which may flow from their heau-sirong will, at least, before they plunge into ruin. If the Whigs lie again beaten, their die is cast, and their political ex istence ceases. And although the wreck of all conservatism may not ensue, the Government, continued in the hands of radicals and destructives, will disregard more recklessly than ever, the spirit of the Constitution nnd the right of the People. This, then, is no time for com pliment, no time togive freeplay to fan cy or feeling. The salvatiou of the Whig party, the vital interests of the country, and the perpetuity of the Un ion, all forbid it. Military Glory not bis sole Recommen dation.—A n extended notice of the pros pects of other gentlemen is not deemed appropriate, because a stubborn dcier- .minaiKiti to force them on their party has been no where evinced. But it is asked, and often in the spirit of taunt and ‘raillery, *' if we must have a mili tary candidate, why not take Gen. Scout** He may be all that sanguine friends represent him, still il is un deniable that bis brilliant achievements asa soldier—why, it is unnecessary, perhaps, to suggest—have not turned tbe people to him in this their hour of peril. It is a gross fallacy, however, to sopposo military glory is to be establish ed as the sole title to the Chief Magis tracy. Tbe preference for Gen. Taylor docs not, in the apt language of Judge Sanders, of Louisiana, rest wholly nu what he has done or is expected to do, ! but rather on what it is believed he will not do, if bo is advanced to that high station. It is believed he will never wilfully pervert or violate the Constitution. It is believed he will never obstrnct the passage of salutary laws by tbe in terposition of dictatorial power. It is believed ho will never bring the power and patronage of the Govern ment into conflict with freedom of elec tions. It is believed he will never misdirect the patronago of the Government from its legitimate ends, to the promotion of his own selfish purposes or the reckless ambition of others. Il is believed he will never forget that bo is not the President of a party, hut the President of twcuty millions of peo ple, bound together by a common liber ty and a common Const itatinn. And lastly, it is believed, it called to the Presidency, he will bring back the Government to its original purity nnd simplicity, nnd rc-imprcss it with the similitude of his own character. point be elected if adopted in National Con vention as tbe candidate of the Whig thought of. The entire remedy i* with the people. Some thing however our be effected by the means which they have placed in my hands. It» onion that we want NOT OF A PARTY FOR THE SAKE OF THAT PARTY, bat a onion of the Whole country for the sake of th^conntry.” Did any one think these declarations, declarations in unison with what was expected of his Administration had he lived, made Gen. Harrison any less a Whig. And now in what do they dif fer from tbe position of Gen. Taylor? Gen. Harrison warned us that the spirit of party “ must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished,’* or*,tbe true ‘ interest of the country would be jeop arded, and then reminded us that we should seek the union of the whole peo ple, and “ not ot a party for the sake of that pa rty.” Gen. Tay lor but gives ad ditional force to the sentiment when he says, * I am a Whig, hut not an ultra, partizan Whig.** He occupies in this, the only ground from which the Presi dency should be approached. He nei ther seeks nor declines it, but leaving all to the voice of his countrymen, while he makes no concealment of his political attachment, he is determined to take of fice with no obligations except such as the Constitution prescribes. And here loo, he lias given the best earnest that ho will conform his administrative con duct to tlje noble examples of earlier Presidents, j hey gave no pledges.— Their public character, their unsullied integrity was the only guarranly of the rectitude of their intciilious. Washing ton and Adams, Jefferson and Madison and Monroe; when will the nation pro duce their equals; where are their pledg es to be found ! The historyoftheir time will be searched for them in vain. Nay, Nurlh Carolina, Pennsylvania, and New lnor f- Washington in all things lha « • • *• -• model ot a man, unlike the petty aspi- and yet slight as it was, the pledge was never redeemed. Mr. Tyler’s inaugural was freighted with pledges ; and what became of them ? The little regret that accompanied his retirement furnishes York to Mr. Clay, when tbe two first are much mpre probable for General Taylor; and the last, although the del egates from the city of New York are pledged, by no means certain. The vole of Michigan is quite as proh ible also for General Taylor as for Mr. Claj*; and of the delegates from Ohio, the most of whom are instructed, four are known to prefer him. As to Pennsyva- ilia, while Mr. Clay’s friends have, by unprecedented means and exertions, se cured some six or more of the delegates, it is positively ascertained that the friends of Gen. Scott and Gen. Taylor combined, will control the vote in Con vention. And (Jen. Scott’s friends if they cannot put him ahead, will go for Gen. Taylor; certainly never for Mr. Clay. The Intelligencer, the Whig or gan at Harrisburg, where the State Con vention was recently h^ld, in alluding to its proceedings, unequivocally states that one of the delegates at large, there in selected, is for Gen. Taylor, and the other for Gen. Scott, and that the Con vention was notoriously averse to'Mr. Clay, and would have so declared had he not been at tbe time a guest in the State. On that ground bis immediate friends obtained opportune silence, but nothing beyond. All that is required, therefore, to insure the nomination of Gen. Taylor, by an expression quite as strong as that indicated, is for his Whig friends to stand fast and firm to the usage and organization of the party.— The Whig nominaion is necessary to his success; and that nomination will I be awarded him without contention or true to cd.ohimrand hi, Admini.tratidn' for i lhe most part powcrlew. 'So would it ofh.ngs, rt cannot be oiherw.se. be could te be elected now-so would . ° « P ™~ il bo with .he election of any other ^ "° L S ’l ‘ he our many distinguished Whigs. With I m ° re . m<xlcfn °r? de * s P cak ; a " J Gen. Taylor tbe tables would be chang- The indications of popular sentiment are very decidedly in favor of another. Ohio cannot be relied upon for Mr Clay. Two of her Whig representatives have declared upon the floor of Congress re cently that the Whig party of that State will vote for no candidate for the Pres idency who is not a Wilmot Proviso man. Others of her delegation are known to hold the same opinion. If Mr. Clay should finally conclude to submit to her necessarily be excluded from his calcu lation. With these facts staring me ery comment. And Mr. Polk’s pledges, I terms, all the slaveholding States must hat of them? His celebrated Kane 4 —' ’ r “ “ l "“ letter pledged biro to tbe protcctiyzpo- licy; and yet the first act of his Ad ministration was to strike a death-blow to the labor and industry of the counrty. He was pledged to maintain our title to the whole of Oregon, to abandon any portion of which he protested against as a “sacrifice of both national honor nnd national right” and yet, by his instruc tions, if Louis McLane be truthful, a treaty was concluded which surrendered more than five degrees of the territory. He was pledged to couquer a peace with Mexico, such a peace as would afford “indemnity for the past tnd security for the future and yet he has sanctioned the treaty of an unauthorized agent which embraces his principle in neither par ticular—a treaty which annexes, after two years war, at the cost of SIOO.OOO- 000 and 10,000 lives, the very country for which three years ago he would on ly agree to pay S15,000,000.” He is glad to pay as much now, and behold we have indemnity for the past and se curity for the future!” What, then, are pledges, what their necessity, when any Administsation, rightly conducted, must beguided after all by the progress of | human affairs and the exigencies of the moment ? Pledges ! There can be no pledges bat a clear head,an honest heart, and an upright will. These united in the man who enlists popular sympathy, been under the stars and stripes—he is the child of the Republic. The great objection to him seems to be that party harness does not fit him well. Such is undoubtedly the fact. A Whig in principle, he refuses to car ry on a civil warfare against one half of his countrymen, on the. principle of rewarding the other half with the spoils of victory. He refuses to bind himself even to those with whom he generally agrees, by pledges which may impair his usefulness to his country. He de mands the largest liberty to pursue r the face, I cannot bring my own mind I fettered thcgrcatestgood ofhis country, to the conclusion that Mr. Clay’s elec- j Those things commend him to my apro- tion is a probable, if even a possible batinn and support. I have not regard- event. Such, I know, from the best! ed the opinions which have been man- sources of information, is the opi lion of j ufacturcd for Gen. Taylor by cither his a large majority af the Whig - members. Whig or Democratic enemies, or both of Congress. j com bi ned. The cou ntry expects to hear - ! from himselfin due season, in reference There ,8 another consideration oleon- to lhese opinions . i have an abiding trolling importance to those Whigs who! ,1.„, einecimioi) really desire the success of Whig princi-1 pies, as well as the election of a Whig President. If the three great “Free! States” (as Mr. Clay terms them) should : cast their votes for him and elect him President, he would necessarily have the Senate, and most probably, the j House of Representatives against him during the whole ol his administration. Neither lie nor his friends claim any in crease of strength in those small States where we must gain support in order to change lhe present large Democratic majority in the Senate. His nomina tion would be a surrender of the Senate for the next four years. The prospect of carrying the other House would be but little better. Those three large States have in the present Congress a Whig representation far exceeding their pop- I ular strength at home. The most san- | guine Whigs have no hop< {ing it, while prudent men look to its di confidence that that just expectation ill not be disappointed. { m I am, very respectfully, yours. R. TOOMBS. quently, to nominate him by a Whig Convention is impossible. Was he no Whig when the Whig press and Whig speakers everywhere denounced the Administration for its persecution of a j Whig General? Was he no Whig when a Lieutenant-General was pro posed to supersede him in the corn- rants of this day, positively refused to subscribe any pledge whatever. In : letter to Benjamin Harrison, and anoth er to Benjamin Lincoln, extracts of which are subjoined, his view of pro priety in that regard is clearly express ed. These letters arc to be seen in the 0th volume of Spark’s collection of his writings. To Benjamin Harrison.—“If it should be my inevitable fate to administer the Government, (tor heaven know, that no event can be less desired by me, and that no earthly considerations short of so general a call, together with a desire to reconcile contending parties as far os in me lies, could again bring me into piblie lile,) I will go into the chair un der no fre-engagement of ANY NATURE OR KIND whale ter. 9th March, 1789. To Benjamin Lincoln—“ Should it become inev itably necessary for me to go into the ch»ir of Go vernment, I have determined to go free from allpos- *■' e engagements of ANY NATURE, whatever. 1 * 11/A March, 1789. The Whigs should take a Candidate on their own Responsibility.—To what how ever, do those wedded to an automaton President for such must he prove who lethets and impales himself with pledg es, desire Gen. Taylor to be pledged ? He has said he is a Whig in principle; istration. does not that comprehend everything! Were he to write volumes could he more unequivocally attest his sincerity?— Therein he hasjpreshadowed the whole policy of an administration. There, is contained “ confirmation strong as holy writ,” of a Whig Cabinet, the perfection of Whig measures, and eslaolishment of the true principles of the Constitution. Must he he for Henry Clay before all the world, to stand on the old broad Whig platform? He has again and again written it, ** I would prefer him to any man in the Union.” Where then lies the difficulty ? Is it that the Whigs must take him “ on their own responsi bility.” On whose responsibility but their own do Whigs wish to lake a Whig. Where can they procure a bond so sat isfactory? Will they avoid all respon sibility,” and ask their adversaries to select for them, the candidate? If this be their rule of action, the mantle will fall on Mr. Clay, not on Gen. Tay lor ; for certain it is the former, for wise and prudential rcaspns, among them holds the preference. He will accept the Whig nomination.— nnd is a Whig in principle, are all the i , ,, , , , , . . c . Whig party require. These pledges shaU we look to supply lies deficeucy • °. 1 • — 1 — 1 ** • and give us such an increase of numbers (rora each Stale) which are doubtful- i “ an< ' * ,. w “ , n .? ”° v T”r? WI,Cn r hut insure the two Senators to be * ent i ,V ‘°i c®^ n^ed wil1 hc not accept the ^Vhig nomina- froiu Iowa nnd two more from the new S ' ^ ^ I lion ? To affect the contrary is useless. Slate of Wisconsin. Il may even »c-1 I There, too, he has spoken for himself, cor that Alabama, Arkansas, Illinois, „ b ° i He has already accepted the nomina- they have in Zachary Taylor, and come what may, they will rally to his standard,and once more do battle for the country and its Constitution. Washington, April 4, 1S48. From the Chronicle & Sentinel, 22d inst. The next Presidency. Augusta, April 20, 1S48. Messrs Editors:—I hand you herewith a letter received by me from ffie Hon. Robert Toombs, intended by him for publication. Concurring with him, as I the preference expressed for Gen. I zeal into the struggle; but the contest as will secure a working majority in the House of Representatives ? Unless \ can secure them somewhere, success the Presidential election would only give us place without power. The real gov ernment of the country w’ould fall into the hands of our opponents, and we should secure but little else than the distribu tion of the “ Spoils ;” the most embar rassing and the least desirable of all the results of victory. Those who expect to profit by them will perhaps enter with ©clcgraplpc.^ TRANSMITTED TO AUGUSTA BY TELEGRAPH. LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE. and Missouri, thoroughly aroused by tbe same revivifying influence, will each return a Whig Senator, instead of the present Democratic incumbents. As to to tbe House of Repreaentatives, while the Whigs could not, uuder any circumstances expect to accomplish more than the division of the delegations in New York and Pennsylvania, by unit ing on Gen. Taylor, they would be rea sonably, if not morally, certain to gain one member in Maine, one in Rhode Island, one in Maryland, two in Virgi nia, pne in Norih.Carolino, two in Geor gia, one in Alabama, one in Mississippi, two in Louisiana, two in Ohio, three in Kentucky, one in Tennessee, one in Illinois, one iu Missouri, two in Indiana, one iu Michigan, and two in Iowa— twenty-four members. The popularity of Gen. Taylor with all classes of the people, except the few who adhere to *• the obsolete idea** that defeat under one baunei is preferable to success un der another, is indisputable. He is just the man for tbe masses. There is that in bis character, a singular blending of greatness with simplicity, of worth and modesty, which grapples him to them with hooks of steel. He is a man of strong practical sense and sound judge ment, and these are equalled ou!y by the sternness of his virtue and the incor ruptibility of bis honor. Such are the leading traits of tbe man, and such the marl, commissioned of the People, tbe time anil tbe purpose demand. He will be Nominated—Prophecy is not a human attribute, yet where tbe signs are propitious, the roost cautious are prone to attempt it. Such an at tempt will, therefore be, in this respect, excusable. That tbe Whig National Convention will nominate Gen. Taylor is no longer a problem difficult to solve. His strength grows daily, and if the re sult of the Convention, with all proper can and will be Elected.—The next deference to tbe feelings and opinioos for inquiry is, “can Gen. Taylor of others, does not nearly incline to tbe % >—i — following, then many will be deceived, and false prophets numerous » mary assemblies, so stoutly proclaimed him “ every inch a Whig, a Henry Clay Whig?’* We have his own word for it that he is a Whig, “ not an ultra parti san Whig,** but “a Whig in principle.” He says, moreover, in his letter to Mr. Jos. R. Ingcrsoll, liiat— ** At die but Pres iddial canrtu, without inter fering in uiv waj with it, it was well known to all whom 1 mixed, Whigs and Democrats, for I w> concealment in the matter, that I was decid edly in favor tf Mr. Clay's election, and 7 would now prefer seeing kirn in that office TO AN Y INDIVIDU AL in the Union, certainly more so at any time than In a letter of later date to Col. Mitch ell, he repeats this avowal.of his poli tics: “Ihave no hesitation, [he remarks,] in stating, limes stated an oil occasions, that I AM A WHIG, though not an ultra one; and 7 hare no desire to conceal this feel from any portion <f the people tf the United States. A Whig in principle, having no con cealments,preferring Henry Clay’s elec tion in 1844, and preferring il in *48 to that of any other individual, apd yet hc is no Whig! The doubt is almost criminal; for who believes Gen. Taylor insincere, who bold enough to harbor tbe suspicion, that he speaks in this, or anything else, with a forked.tongue ? He is Sustained by Harrison and Wash ington.—But Gen. Taylor refuses to give any pledges, and says tbe Whigs must take him “on their own responsibility.” Who asks more? Who is the Whig who wishes a Whig President to be come the mere creature of cliques and cabals, to degrade both bis office and tbe dignity of bis nature, and forget country, Constitution, and all the Chief Magistrate of the Republic should ven erate, in the petty triumphs of party ? If there be Whigs so bigoted and intol erant, and so contracted in tbeir esti mate of what properly befits the char acter of a President, let them listen to the advice of the lamented Harrison.— In bis inangural address, Gen. Harrison thus reflects upon the violence of party: ** Before concluding, fellow-cititens, [says be,1 I must say something to yo« on tbe subject of tbe parties at this time existing in oar country. To i already accepted lion oi Whigs of various sections of the country, ot Whig meetings and Conven tions in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. What further objection can be urged ? Is it to the manner of his acceptance ? Place Mr. Clay’s acceptance of the nom ination of the Whig National Convention 1S44, and Gen. Taylor’s acceptance resentatives. Calm and impartial men ulo . 1V4Wlt ^ 0 „ tv . received the result as the judgment of! solTorevVn chief ingredient of hispi£ ... «..u ...... his countrymen against Mr. Clay spre- ularit unde rstnnd but little of this of a Whig nomination side by side, and . *® us, °? s lolhe P resit J en cy- Hostility to, g reat p 0 p U l ar move. While the bril- mark the similarity : Mr. Clay vvas the cohesive power which f iancy ot G en. Taylor’s military career __ _ _ I hf»M Ifurplhpr hits nnnnnpntt i thpw hnH • ■ •' . ■ ■ • Mr. Clay. Taylor, and desiring that his views should be made known—I will leel much obliged by your publishing the letter in the Chronicle & Sentinel. ANDREW J. MILLER. Xl*tt. Hobcrt ToomW Letter. Washington, April 13, 1848. Hear Miller:—Mr. Clay’s address to the public was published here this mor ning. It has given real and unconceal ed pleasure to the friends of the Admin- It contains some things that had better not been written at all, and many others, that ought not to have been written by Mr. Clay. It discloses his strong desire for t^e nomination, and furnishes a weak, inconclusive, and oth erwise objectionable argument in sup port of it. My convictiqn is unshaken, that his nomination would produce the overthrow of the Whig party, and se cure the continuance in power of the weak, profligate, and treacherous ad ministration of Mr. Polk. My duty to my country and my principles will therefore constrain me to oppose it. In 1S44, Mr. Clay had the united and en thusiastic support of the Whig party of the Uuion; and his friends were confi dent of success, and labored earnestly, faithfully, and vigorously to achieve it. The Democratic party was divided to fierce factions ; its Convention result ed in the overthrow of the candidate to the support of whom a majority of the delegates were pledged by their constit uents, and in the nomination of one of the least worthy men of the party. His want of merit seems to have been the chief element of success. Amid the strife of contending chiefs hc received the nomination of a parly because hc bad been too inconsiderable a person to command the support of a faction. Yet that election resulted in the signal defeat of Mr. Clay, and the total overthrow of his friends. The Democratic party elected Mr. Polk by a majority of sixty- five votes in the electoral colleges, and carried two-thirds of the House of Rep- will present but few attractions to those who require higher and nobler stimu lant to political activity. I purposely omit any personal objections I may have to the nomination or elect ion of Mr. Clay, because I wish to avoid all questions which are calculated to disturb the calm judgment of the Whig party. From these or other considerations, the Whig parly of the Union, until a very recent j>eriod, had directed its attention tooth- or distinguished individuals ol the Re public, iu connection with the Presiden tial election. The Whig party of Gcor- n convention at Millcdgeville, June last, unanimously nominated Gen eral Taylor for the Whig Presidential candidate. The Whig Senators in the last legislature unanimously voted for resolutions nominating him for that of fice. The Milledgcville meeting in De cember last, which, 1 was informed by tbe most reliable sources of information, was attended by a large majority of the whig members of both branches of the General Assembly, wtih great unanimi ty, also nominated him. But the au thority of these different bodies to speak for tbe whig party on this subject has been questioned, and I think will be questioned, for the simple reason that no person is bound by the action of par ty conventions but those who choose to be. I refer to them as evidence of pub lic opinion furnished by those who had the best means of knowing that opinion, and the strongest motives for not mis representing it. I concurred with this popular feeling in favor of Gen- Taylor, and my opinion is unchanged. 1 believe him to be a sound whig, equal Vo the cri sis, and fit for the crises. I have seen nothing to shake my confidence in his principles or in the man. Since his brilliant achievements attracted to him self the public attention, men of all par ties have borne ample and willing tes timony to tbe purity of his character, to his integrity of heart, to the valor and genius, which he has displayed in the military service of his country. But those who suppose his victories are the Baltimore, April 20, 8P. M. Highly Important Intelligence. Republicanism spreading throughout Eu rope—Prussia a Republic-—Emperor of Austria expected to abdicate—Revolution in Lombardy—Polish Revolution fully confirmed—Reported Failure of the Rothschilds, $*. 4*. Wo received last evening from our incrcas- attentive correspondent, a third ^des patch, which gives us news of stirring interest, brought to New York by the packet ship Duchessde Orleans, arrived from Havre, bringing three days later intelligence from France. We learn from our despatch, that fermentation and Republicanism were spreading throughuot Furope. Prussia has been declared a Republic,- and the King and Ministry have bcea imprisoned. The Revolution in Lombardy has proved successful, after much blood- shed. The King of Naples has yielded to the wants of the people, and the Empe ror of Austria was expected to abdicate his throne. The Polish Revolution is fully con firmed. The Emperor of Russia has ordered his armies to oppose the Re publicans. Fngland lias protested against the Montpensicr marriage. Some disturbances had taken place ... Lyons between the People and the m Soldiers, but at last accounts all was quiet. In France everything was peaceable, id Republicanism appeared lobe on a sure fooling. No news from England or Ireland.-— Nor have we any commercial intelli gence by this arrival. Many failures nre said to have taken place in France, and the Rothschilds said to be numbered among them. “ Gextlemer I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yonr letter, dated yesterday at B*Ki- G E ,. Taylor. opponents; they had ( ““^e.ed “he kuenlion and excitcd U,; Mexico, Ju/w 6,1847.} the sagacity to perceive that he was , adlnira ,i 0 n of his countrymen,his mor- resoiution.receoflvTdoiH! T 3 't*, , P, r ! nc 'P ,es .°f hls P^ 1 ?' j al qualities won their hearts. They STC mSung y o?Z lh P P r , ofile<1 ^ t . h,s knowledge, every- adl 2 irc , he soIdi bu[ love tl)e man .i. , - _ eitisens (Whig) of Prince j where by converting the contest .nto aj Th behold in him a succe sslul Gene- more, communicAtingniyiGcorgeacocintry, H.ry- war on the man. 1 he unpopularity of: ra , whh , cbaracter on3Udn ed by n sin- ,he . C! >" d 1 “ Iate “'way* >» a greater le aot of riolen disobed icnce ,o law, ^justice. One who, while V repelling injustice with firmness, sub- ' ls i mits to authority with dignity and calm- ! ness. Men but deceive themselves who there assembled , . . people of the Unitedly received. States as a candidate for Yet thou| the office of President of]to yield TO THE PEO- - - PI.E AT LARGE I should hail with pleasure ugh I feel impelled Presidency) on some < inent statesman. Z. TAYLOR. the United States Confi dently believing that this nomination is in confor mity *ti/h the desire tf a majority of the PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES, 7 accept it, from a high sense tf duty nnd with teeling of profound gratitude. * * H. CLAY. It will be seen Mr. Clay bases his ac ceptance on the belief that the nomina tion emanated from “ a majority of the people,” while Gen. Taylor says he will, notwithstanding his great aversion to being considered a candidate, feel himself compelled “ to yield to the peo ple at large.” • There is no difference between them. The Presidents Elected on Pledges ha\ he maintains, and truth is often rentier- ! ed powerless by the unpopularity of its j exponent. Mr. Clay’s argument * From the Charleston Courier Extra, April 22d. Later From Liverpool. Arrival of the sarah sands, t We received at a late hour last night Telegraphic despatch, giving usnhc following summary of news, brought by the steamer Sarah Sands, at New York, which vessel left Liverpool on the 3d inst. An European war had commenced— The Austrian troops were- expelled from Sardinia. Poland is- in a stale of insurrection 1 . Russia was about send ing troops South, but were likely to be opposed by Prussia and France. The French army were marching North. Money Consols 81 J. Stocks dull on the continent, owing to further failures London. The Grain and Floor Markets jlull, in consequence ofincreased receipts and fine weather. No change in trade in Manchester.— Leeds woollen market somewhat better. Cotton, Bowed, 3£ a 6|? New Or leans 3J a 6£. Sales of the week 24,670 be les. Flour 20 a28s ; wheat 7s a 8s 9tL Lard Is to 2s lower. have 5ee n To\vC"e^Tchange°of pul>-1 Icnfas" 3 U ” ,CO ” patible with miUiary lie opinion favorable to Mr. Clay. His ® S * friends are devoted and enthusiastic ;! Such is not the truth of history or the they were equally so in 1844; his ene-ijudgementof mankind. Those qualities mies are still unrelenting and remorse-1 which are requisite for the civil magis- less. His opponents are scarcely less! tratemay as well be displayed and prac- desirous of bis nomination than his mosu lived in command of armies on the bat- devoted friends; they want an enemy ! tie field as in the command of party,.—— whose strength they have measured. If j legions on the hustings or in the legis- 1 for you, because you were suspected oj, Mr. Clay conld carry every vote he did lative halls. Wisdom, Justice and truth, in declaiming against slavery . C. IS. Clay against Henry Clay. Cassius M. Clay, the well known Abolitionist, has fiercely assailed Henry Clay, in a letter published under bis own name in the New-York Courier• The letter breathes personal animosity in every line (which the writer frankly avows,) and does Mr. Clay much in justice, but tells some hard truths as to his present availability. The most cu rious thiug however is, that while Mr. Clay has been abused at thfc Soutli for courting the North, Cassius charges him •with having taken the Southern ground his Lexington speech. The Abolitionists as a party, did not vote for Mr. Clay at tbe last election, though Cassius Clay did—if he was de ceived, he deceived himself—but the fol - lowing extract from bis letter will show how the Abolitionists of the North view that ** seventh resolution,” about which so much has been said : “Ohio went for you by the Western reserve vote, whjph 1 assisted in getting^ in 1844, and the vnte of New York be sides, on account of the admission of new States into' the Union, he would still have less than a majority of the whole number. It is the most idle of all dreams to suppose he can carry Penn- never regarded them.—-And these parti- j sylvania—her last election showed a zan pledges, these promises of the of- j Democratic majority of 18,000. His fice seekers, wbal arc they worth ? In hopes of New Fork are founded chiefly cases out of ten they are made on ly to be broken. Pledges! Who that made has ever kept them? Will the lessons of experience never impart wis dom ? The pledges of Gen. Jackson’s Administration were, retrenchment and reform, tbe limitation of Executive pat ronage, prolection to domestic manufac- on the division of his enemies. If noth ing else can heal those divisions, his can didacy will do it. Tennessee voted for Mr. Clay in 1844 by a majority of some thing over one hundred. It is the opin ion of persons having the best means of knowing popular sentiment in that State, that hc cannot now get her vote. Moderation are the great essential qual-; I had too much respect for your talents ilies wc want in the ruler of a free people, j to suppose that you would again attempt These noble'charactcristics have mark-' the same shallow.game ! Noyodr Jan- ed and illustrated every step of Gen. : as-faced resolutions at Lexingtoq, dc- . Taylor’s progress through life* Much ' ceive no longer the blindest “ fanatics, of his life has been spent remote from! Besides, if the free North would not lake * the habitations of civilized men pro-1 you, when the question was Clay and teeling the homes and the firesides of no slave territory, will they take the issue our frontier population. To the remote j which you covertly tender them, Clay forest, to the distant and vast prairie, to and no free territory !” the gloomy everglade, he has been called, j Between two stools Mr. Clay seems by duty, to privation, to toil, and to dan- destined to fall to the ground. He lias ger. For forty years he has been stand- displeased many of his Southern friends ing guard under the staff which bore Ips by tbe equivocal character of his re- . country’s colors. His " services have marks upon the subject of slavery, while been national; no section can claim him tbe enemies of the South know that bo as her exclusive son, his home having never has, and never will aid them i»