Newspaper Page Text
J. H. CIIUISTV & T. M. LAMPKIN,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
Dcuotcir to Nods, | Jo lilies, fixtciaturc, (General Jutclligcncc,'^gricullttrc, &c. jTERMS:-Twp : tolars a
NEW SERIES—YOL. IL, NO. 10.
ATHENS, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1848.
YOLUME XYI. NUMBER 22:
.miscellaneous.
. From • Harold, the !a.«t of the Saxon King*."
The Bow and the Axe.
• BY B. L. BULWEIt.
One day, a*, during a short truce with
thedefenders of the place they were be
gging,the Normans were diverting their
j i ' ...i.
leisure with taarlial games, in wbich'Ta-
illefcr shone pre-eminent; wliile Harold
and William stood without their tent,
watching the animated field, the duke
'abruptly exclaimed to Mallet deGraville,
old ! Swinging now in both hands this
weapon, with a peculiar and^ranid
whirl, which gave it an inconceivable
impetus, the carl let fall the crushing
blow; at the first stroke, cut right in
the centre, rolled the helm; at the se
cond through all the woven mail shone
the blade, and a great fragment of the
stone itself came tumbling to the sod.
• The Normans stood -pghast, and Wil
liam's face Was as pale as the shattered
stone. The great duke felt even bis
matchless dissimulation fail him ; nor,
unused to the special practice and craft
Bring me my bow. Now Harold, let! which the axe requinfui. could he have
»• »ec if tbgp const bend it/ . pretended,'despite rflTfMsicalYtrengtb
*Tbe bow was brought, and Saxon ana j gU pcrior even to Harold’s, to rival blows
Norman gathered round the spot. \ i|, a t seemed to him more than mortal.
•• Fa *tenihy glove to yonder tree, | «Lives there any other man in the
Mallet"said the Duke,taking that mighty . w j ( | e W orld, whose arm could have
bow to bis hand, and carefully feeling
the siring.
’Then be drew the arc to bis ear; and
Ibe tree itself seemed to shake at the shock
os the shaft, piercing the glove, lodged
half way in the trunk.
‘ “ Such are not our weapons/ said the
Earl; * and ill would it become mo un
practised, so to peril our English honor,
os to strive against the arm that could
bend that arc and wing that arrow.—
But, that I may show these Norman
knights, that, at least wc have some wea
pon wherewith wc can parry shaft and
Smite assailer, bring inc forth, Godrith,
tny shield and my Danish axe/
Taking the shield and the axo which
the Saxon had brought, Harold then sta
tioned himself before the tree.
*Now,fair duke/said the carl, ‘choose
thou the longest shaft—bid thy ten
doughtiest archers take their bows;
round this tree will I move, and let each
^bafl be aimed at whatever spade in my
~*““”lcsi body 1 have unguarded by my
fo,* said William hastily | ‘that were
ft is but the common peril of War/
lid Harold, simply, and he walked to
tho tree.
The blood mounted to William’s brow,
tuid the lion’s thirst of carnage parched
* And bo will have it so/ said he beck
oning to his archers, ‘ let not Normandy
bo ashamed. Watch well, and let every
.shaft go home ; avoid only the head and
the heart; such vaunting is best cured
by bloodtJ e . - '
-—'^’Tue archers nouuc
wrought that feat ?’ exclaimed Bruce,
the ancestor of the famous Scot.
Nay/ said Harold simply, * at least
thirty thousand such men have I left at
home! But this was but the stroke df
an idle vanity, and strength becomes
tenTold in a good cause/
The duke beard, and fearful lest he
should betray his sense of the latent
meaning couched under his guest’i
words, he hastily muttered forth a re
luctant compliment and praise ; while
Fitzosbornc, De Bohun, and other chiefs
more genuinely knightly, gave way to
unrestrained admiration.
• Canute made Hi-*
y Edward IrnnMde
‘ngth and statute his
angle o
BROKEN DOSES---No. 2.
EXTRACT FROM MR. CLAYTOX’S SPEECH.
THE VETO.
; GEN*. CASS ON THE VETO POWER.
Let us inquire, in connexion with this,
what are some of the other doctrines of
the party to which Gen. Cass has been
compelled to subscribe. Among other
things, there stands prominently the as- „ [incrnx _ Thi, crnamly tl.cW
sertion of the great right and duty of Britain. Gentlemen teemed to think that
the President of the United Stales to ex- j nothing to apprehend from an abuse ot the e
eeise the veto power without reference | dve power. But why might not a Catalina
to the limitations prescribed by the fa-1 ^ r r s °!", vvc ar,fie ,n f counlr £ as we as ir
thers. of# ;he constitution. Everyone ■■ ff r "--fVj rr~rfr~-rj
who has peruse# the “Federalist”
the veto, “ there might be tempestuous
moments in which animosities may run
high between the executive and legisla
tive branches, and in rchich the former
ought to be able to defend itself /*
“ Mr. Butler had been in favor df a single exe
cutive magistrate; but could he have entertained
an idea of a complete negative on the laws was to
be given him lie certainly should have Acted very
differently. • It had bemi observed that in all coun
tries the executive power was in a constant course
of increase. This was certainly the Case in Great
Gen. Taylor Never Surrender*.
The New Orleans Delta is responsi
ble for the following well told and most
excellent anecdote:
There was a ball— no matter by whom
set in motion—at Mcltca’s, of East Pas
cagoula, where Gen. Taylor and his
family arc now staying, on Friday night
last. It is represented by some of those
6 resent, as a scene of unusual gaiety.
luring the interval between two of the
dances, the General with great gallantry
promenaded round the room adark-cvcd
light-footed beauty, the very belle of
the evening. When llic word “places!”
was given by the ballet-master, a fellow
all airs and graces approached her
and in a simpering tone, said, “ Miss
Julia, you kildw-nw thal-aw you-aw
;aged lo mc-aw for the tiext set-aw.
The fair Julia looked at the General.
The General looked at the fair Julia,
and pressing more tightly on her arm,
remarked, “ General Taylor nercr sur
renders. ’ The Gcnerral and Julia con
tinued their promenade—the exquisite
Iked—no,he waddled to another part
FeTTand tooIT flTeTr object ion-aw”
V po3t, each at a separate quarter; and
deadly, indeed* seemed the danger of
the carl, for as he moved, though he
kept his bdek guarded by the tree, some
Jjort of bis form the shield left exposed
j hnd it would have been impossible in his
; quick shifting movements,for the archers
so to aim Us to wound,but to spare life ; i °f the room,
yet the eark seemed to take no pariicu-
Jbu care to aVoid the peril; lifting his bare
fearlessly above the shield, and
'including in one gaze of his steadfast
eve, calmly bright even at the distance,
nil the shads ofthfe archers.
- At one moment five of the arrows hiss
ed through the air, and with such won-
■“^nrful quickness had the shield turned
knows that Mr. Madison and his associ
ates uniformly maintained that the great
object of the veto was to enable the Ex
ecutive of the United Stales to defend
the constitution and the executive pow
er within its limits. No man of their
day pretended it was designed that the
veto power should be extended as it has
been to every act of ordinary legislation,
and dvfcly instance in which a party
might by the aid of it elevate or sustain
itseif against the interest of the whole
country. It never was imagined by any
member of the convention whicli formed
the constitution that the veto cldUse
in that instrument could be so’construed
by the most lalitudinarian expositor, as
that the President of the United States
should be enabled, by the force of this
clause, to become a part of the legisla ;
live power of the country. Now, How-
ever, you find the doctrine laid down by
this party boldly in their public prints
that the President constitutes a part of
the legislative power of the country,
and that the veto power is unlimited,
and was so intended to be by those
who made the constitution. Let me
call the attention of the Senate to a con
sideration of the principles upon which
this veto power Was inserted in the
American constitution. The first sen
tence of the constitution declares that
all “ the legislative powers herein gran
ted shall be vested m the Senate and
House of Representatives.” No part of
the legislative power is given to the
President of the United Slates. In the
judgement of the fathers of the Repub
lic the Executive never constituted an
essential component part of the legisla
tive power. A qualified power of revi-
was given to him; but i^vas nev
"tcjluJjlrii 1 BrtaaWraHi tt^any
... J give all
the requisite security to the lights of tlie other de
partments. The Representatives of the people were
the best judges of what was for their interest, and
ought to be under no external control whatever.—
Tho two branches would produce a sufficient con
trol within the legislature itself.”
“ Col. Mason observed that a vote had al ready
passed, he found—he was out at the lime—for vest-
lo each, that three fell to thc*ground
blunted against it; and two broke on its
surface.
But William, waiting for the first dis
charge, and seeing full mark at Harold*
breast as the buckler turned, bow sent
forth his terrible shaft. The noble Tail-
lofcr with n poet’s true sympathy cried
out, ‘ Saxon, beware !* but ihe Watchful
The pursuit of ambition may be
nptly compared to ascending the Andes.
The greater the elevation attained, the
more is tho aspirant removed from the
common sphere of his fellow men. As
ho who climbs Chimboazo attains a re
gion of perpetual coldness and barren
ness, of eternal solitude and louclincss,
while he who remains on the plains be
low inhabits a region of constant warmth
and verdure, in the midst of society and
sj’mpalhy,—so he who ascends the
mountain of ambition, will find himself
alone* without sympathy or reciprocal
the council of revi-
He thought it would bo suffi-
to mark out in tho constitution the boundaries
the legislative authority, which would
ate, ns well as the House,in March, 1S33,
stood ready to an mil the veto on the
land bill. The Senators from Ndrth
and South Carolina (Mr. Mangiim and
Mr. Calhoun.) as well US riiyself, were
present at the time in the Senate, and
wc are all here now ready to sttesttHis
lo be true. The President obtained se
cret information of the spirit df the Sen
ate against his veld pnwfeir; and pocket
ed the bill, in defiance, of the whole
spirit of the constitutions -This was a
gross caSe of the exercise of the abso
lute and unqualified veto, which has
sibilily in one head, .instead of dividing
it among many, thus frankly avowing
bis preference for the monarchical to the
republican principle.
We must arrest this leridcncy to uio-
tiarchy if we intend to remain a repub
lic. When you talk to me about Whig
principles, tariffs, the currency','internal
Improvements, land bills, ami public
economy, I tell you that, although I jun
a Whig, have always been a. Whig, and
expect to die a VVhig.yet 1 hold that, in
comparison with* the great principle now
at issue bstweebLewis Cass and Zach*
jlit! other principles^ any
never been condemn ed^bqt always aji-1 ary Taylor, ^
proved, by yAur jwne^oDPhidc'r&cy; and j party ever yyt known in tills country wlweh wholly denies to the people, thq
men here look only to the Will of tho
President. He is the fountain of favor,
Now, in the British House of Commons,
under a limited . monarchy, the inde
pendence of Parliament is secured by
a rule which, makes it put of order foe
nny member to state, in debate what is
the will of the King; and it is perfectly
true, as Col. Hamilton stated in the:
Convention of 17S7, that ho. King of
England has dared to exercise the vetd
power since tlip English revolution prm;
duced by the Whigs of TOSS—one hunt
di ed and sixty years ago.. Why ?.., Be-*
the excrci£c ofa power so despotic.
'• The probable abuses of a nega-
e had becu well explained by Dr. Franklin, as
>ved by experience, the best of all tests. Will
nrit the same door be opened herb T The Execu
tive may refuse its asjwit to necessary measures
till new appointments shall be relerred to him; and,
having by degrees engrossed all these into his own
hands, the American Executive, like the British,
will, by bribery and influence, save hiiriselt the
trouble and odium of exerting his negative after
wards. We are; Mr. Chairman, going very lar in
this business. We are not indeed constituting a
British Government, bat a more dangerous monar
chy—an elective orie. We are introducing a new
principle into our system, and not necessary, as in
the British Government, where the Executive lias
greatet rights to defend. Do gentlemen mean to
pave the way to hereditary monarchy ? Do they
flatter themselves that the people will'ever consent
to such an innovation ? if they do, I venture to
tell Uieni they are 'mistaken. The people will
er consent! And do gentlemen consider the tlangei
of delay, and the still greater danger of rejection,
not for a moment but foroo^of the plan which
shall be proposed to tliiin?;'Notwithstanding the
oppression and injusticeexpeHoJrced amongst ns from
Democracy, the geniiwof tl)^ people is in lftvor o
it, and the genins of the people must be consulted
He could not but cbnsider the Federal system as ir
effect dissolved by tbe^ppointment of this convcn
tion to devise a betted oh«t And do gentlemen
look forward to the daifgerdus interval between the
fatrtl precedent, which may vir- j sink into iiisignificjirice. I am called i right of self-government, would, even irt
tually annul the whole power of Con-1 upon, in the election of Zachary Taylor, j that limited monarchy, t have cost, any.
;ress. The qualified rule of poweh of) to Vindicate the great right of man to j English monarch His bead.. Queen Vic
evision recognised by the Constitution, I selfgoverntnentiand the right of the Teo-j Wiria would mt.keep the throne.a week
uhject to tlie \Vill of t\Vo-thirds of each j pie through their Represetiiclives iti , under one of our presidential vetoes.—t
branch of Congress, has been exercised • Congress; to make laws. 1 atn called i Wc Have, the name of. q republic, but
ol the bill to pay the inlet- Upon to deny the right of the President j Hat non,is umbra—it stands jtnit the shad*
of the United States to assume the po- low of a name., .1 first came into Con-
sition of a legislator; arid, whenever the Jgress nearly twenty years ago, and I
driy shall come thdt His right to legislate have since been air attentive observer
shall be acknowledged, that moment
the republican character ol our Govern
ment utterly ceases to exist. You m*iy
thill ii \Vlidt you please—yoti niayitj'lo
the mail at the head of the Government
a President, as Bonaparte was in the
first instance styled the First Cuiisul,
ami afterwards emperor of the Re
public—but tti all itilehts ahd purposes
your republic i3 at an end. It becomes
,a monarchy, an elective monarchy, tlie
meanest and most despicable form in
which that kind ot Government can cx-
st due the States for expenditures in
the last* War, the various hills f*»t* im
provement of rivers and hdrliorS, the
lo recharter the hank, the bill to
equalise the sessions, of Congress, the
French spoliation bill, nhtl in rilatiy
nlier cases that it is difficult to cnuirier :
ute them. These vetoes have been sdS-
tnihed by. Executive influence. Con-
s has fallen beneath the Executive
j strengthened as that is, arid al
ways will be, by a venal and subservi
ent press, mid the reridy aid of llic Post
Office Department, with a hundred
thousand office-holders, many of whom
will always “crook tlife pregnant liirtgi
of the knee, where thrift miiv follow
fawning.” This whole veto power, as Here; tliert, i§ the principli
thus exercised, is rtoW sustained by the which I take issue with the no
Baltimore plat form, and promptly adopt- J gentleman from Mississippi in the ap
ed by Gen. Cass, in his acceptance ofi proaching Presidential campaign. I
the Baltimore nominalon; It is part of’ mean to stand by Gen. Taylor as the
his established creed. { representative of the right of man to
GFN. TAtLOit’s OPINIONS of the veto. I scl!-govemincnt. 1 mean to support
On .he other hand, how St.ln.U the j 1,im , b . eC!l “« ! ,e h “ s 1 b * ,lJ1 - v
man wc support on this ^rcat vital sub ' proclaimed lnmsell belorc the country
jec ? He denounces the Uingly pdvve’r •>* >he chompiotl *if this great principle',
extinction otan old and the establishment of
Government, and to the spene of confu:
ensuo ? He hoped that nothing like a monarchy
would ever be attempted in this country. A hatred
to its oppressions had carried the people through
the late Revolution. Will it not be enough to enable
the Executive to suspend offensive laws till they
shall be coolly,revised, and the objections to them
ulcd by a greater myAjrity than was required
,—the power for the exercise tif which a
Stuart and a Bourbon lost their heads—
and confines the veld to the cases iri
which the fathers of the republic intend
ed it lobe exercised. He treats it as a
“ high conservative power.” So did
they. They declared by. their exposi
tion in the “Federalist,” that its chief
object to enable the Executive
legislative power. In order that we
may understand this subject, which tin*
ters largely into the great questions now
before us, let me read a portion of the
debate on the adoption of the constitu
tion. I am particularly desirous of the
attention of the Senate to this point, be
cause I wish it Urape by whom these
extreme notion^Indelation to the veto
power were orignrtmy advanced.
REPUBLICAN OPINIONS OF THE VETO.
i/’morcthan
might have been
hoped that this &i
have its weight he 1
creasing tbe numb,
that the majority should gov
all those cases where the fathers of the
republic intended that the vetb powe
should be applied; he declares that he
will exercise it. In all cases wherq .a
bill passed by Congress is clparly .and
ifeslly uucori'slitutional, or has (j’i
pdssed iri haste and withoutdue consid;
ration, he will be prepared to ripply
During this session of Congress,
have heard the honorable Senator from
Ohio (Mr. Allen) utter Very strong de- | *Renyards. The
nunciations against Coldnel Hamilton as “J® .f re> as e sev
and things here, though one of
the humblest of the actors on.ihis thea-'
men with ioud professions of
Dctiiccracy. on . tfijfelr dip*, -cherish the
si despotic principles in their hearts j
and I now say that the monarchical ten
dency has every year been growing
stronger^ that many qf our. legislative
acts of the most important character are.
draughted, at The Executive Depart
ments, to suit .the wifi of the Executive^
and that Congress has degeneralej, un-
der-Dcmocratic Presidents, t.ilLit is lit
tle better thap the-register of the edicts
of an Eifiperor. It is but a few dayd
since a member who has served in Con
gress about thirty years (Mr. Webster)
declared iri his place that he had ,,nevct*
known a President seiliis Heart on any
gfeat measure which he did not force
through Congress.
mr. benton’s remarks on thB VEtd:
Why is this? Let a Democratic re^
port, riiade to drive the young Adams
from power twenty-two years ago, make
the answer. The veteran member from
Missouri, (Mr. Bento'#,) in his report
on Executive patronage, May 4,
after enumerating the monstoufc^
of the power of .fiat p>-
“The wholeo.^ " I
tho President, ™ <**» ■»
of *' ot England u tbe fount
President of tWfe United State*
>f (iltrotAgo. |Ie presides over tbi
vvhtdc syetera oHFedvial appointments, jobs, ud
tixed'on, greater powers Thef meant it lo be a shield,riot ii sword.! susla J n the LA ion ol*hesc Sroles, against j contracts. He has ‘ power’ - over tbe 'support’ of
" ‘ >• H « *» |n rty opinion ” savs Gen. Tsivlor in I m, y dangerous infraction ol the cohstt- j the individuals who Administer the system, lie
would',.;. rl ?. .1 I 11 tutiori. But he will permit the people tnakes and unmakes them. He choses from the
, lie wiusuuei iuu liepicscmauvvs oi me action, K ill dismiss them, as often as they dissp-
j People and the Slates in these halls to point his expcc.ations. Ilis spirit will animate
j make the laws, fie will not set himself dieir actions in all the elections to State wi Federal.
letter to Capt. Allison, it should j 1 jf'iheV-oumry^td govern^hcmselve"^| circ,c ofl" 3 frie,, d» »ndsupporters,and may dis-
be exercised except in cases ol I mc couiiiry io govern tncm^eives. mls8 thetn> alld uponaUUie principle D f human,
violation of the dbhstitution, or; jJ e suuer.lbc Represehldtiv^ol the j action, trill dismiss them, as often as they disap*
*! manifest haste and want ofconsidehuiori
_ : by Congress.” He modestly adds:. . ... .
Indeed, i have thought fdr iriarit J'ears | U P as an essential part of the legislative
"1 past, the knownopiniotss mid wishes 11»ovvc c of the nation. He will, when he
' ! oi llic E&cuti^Qukve exercised undue! caches the Presidential chair, stand by
' I and injurious irJISlcc updn llie legis- : ! he gronl principles avowed on this sub-
„ I lative department of the government; J ect "Y M } idison anu hi£ Compatriots of
anti from f/iisrSiue i hart lli,m<rla our «».-! 1 ' s7 - i “' <l ullcr, y repudiate the kingly
lent was tn danger of under'ruin* a a real maxim practised upon in the present
dm Hire from its true theory.” Sir, ii' he
—trdttteTand aSo^'l. ^ then, it appears .ha, thpopin-
,L a * *.| , * T . . , ion of six out of nine who participated
I I I ': 1 ' r 1,0 , n ° l s,and J in the debate was Hint an absolute and
™ P“ r P ase of brand,n S one of i unqualified veto wojUAjn,roduco a great
k j “ ' ncn ‘.' lc coon * r y cvar ,P m : i monarchical featurcintoourinstitulions;
rl':t m ,r U3 ■ b r“ 1 in other words, that tho Executive would
de "™'“ sho v ,bat . ,he S, rcal leader of the b(J converled imo a monarch b its a , lo
Federal party, when this subject was : tio „. That was th „ ; opinion J 0 f Fraok-
attndiinrnt, in tlie company of a few as first presented to the consideration of j ' r 3'"“" r n n'iT!V
lonely and isolated as himself; while the old Continental Congress, was the b ". of-Masoa. of sherraa t, or Bed ord,
he who is content to remain as one! verv man lo oress this veto newer „n„. of aU dxcept the ultra Federaltsts ol the
day. v-,. ; i, f
1 is content to remain as one , very man lo press this veto power upon
$axon needed not the warning. As if in among his fellow men, in the common ! the convention, and to insist upon Its
disdain, Harold met not the shrift with I *pl*ere below, will have his heart warm-! being made absolute and unqualified.~
bU shield, but swinging high the mighty i an ^j fertilized by the invigorating In Madison’s State Paperri, page 151;
axe (with which most men required both r „ u Y? m reciprocal attachment and al- j we read :
arms to Wield it,) bo advanced a step, lection, and be enabled to drink in pleas-. Ml Gerry’s proposition being now before the
‘ •• • • ure and enjoyment from a thousand ! committee Mr. Wilson (then.called a “consolida-
tion federalist”) and Mr. Hamilton moved that the
ot ambition. Iast p, rt ofjtbc 6trucb 00t so aj lo gir( tht Bxeru _
absolute negatiie on the It
and clove tlitt rushing arrow in twain.
Before Williadi’s loud oath of wrath
and surprise left his lips* the five shafts
bf tho remaining archers fellas vainly
as their predecessors against the nimble
shield. J ,
* Then advancing, Harold said cheer
fully, “ This is but defence, fair Duke—
and little wdrlhy the axe il it could not
smite as welt *s ward. Wherefore, I
pray you,place upon yondec stone pillar,
Which seem? some rclio bf Druid hea
thenism, such helm and shirt of mail as
tbou deemest most* proof against sword
f Bod pertuizan, and judge then if bur Eng
lish axe can guard well ou r English land/
• • • If thyaxe can cleave the helmet I
* Wore at Bavent when the Franks and
their.kingifled before me,* said tbe. Duke
D grimly, * I shall hold Crcsarin fault not
** to have invented a weapon so dread.”
And striding back into his pavilion,he
tame forth with the helm and shirt of
*. mail whicli was word stronger and
heavier by the Norrnans, as fighting
hsnally on horseback, than by Dane
and Saxon, who, mainly fighting on foot,
could not have endured the cumbrous
burthen ; and if strong and massive gen
erally fcith the Norman*judge whatsolid
nail on the ruined Druid stoncj and on'
the mail the helm. ■ rj a.;
Harold looked long and gravely at the
edge ot the axe ; it was so richly gilt
aha damnsquined, that the sharpness b!
its temper could not well have been di
vined, under that holiday glitter. But
re had come to him from Canute
springs unkuo wn to the r
How do you do, Mr. Smith V
Do what?’
Why, how do you find yourself?*
I never lose myself/
Well, how have you been ?*
Been—been where ?*
Pshaw! how do you feel ?*
Feel of me and see/
Good morning, Mr. Smith.*
IPs nog^gnnrf- Hi
And the parties separated.
jnferrial
„ .... ^ . „ . r 01 ng too
uach exerdscc. It vas mentioned, by Cdonel
Hamilton that the King of Great Britain had not
exerted hi* negative since the Revolution,”—.(L e.
1688.)
That is the argument in favor of the
absolute veto made by one who lias been
represented in this chamber as the great
aristocrat and monarchist of that day.—
Mr. Gerry, a Democrat of that day
Mr- &L*NB}ttr,-4in his -seat.)- Repub
lican. * ^ .
Mr. ClaytOn. I thank my friend for
tbe word*—^Republican is a much bet
ter name.
Mr. Gerrjr mid be saw no necessity for
great a control over the legislature, al the best men
in the country would be comprised in tbe two bran-
THE LOdOFOCO DOCTRINE OF TIIE VETO
IDENTICAL WITH TIIE OLD FEDERAL
DOCTRINE.
Now, where are we ? What is the
party which now ^maintains this ultra
veto power? The party than
Teach your Children Music.—«. You
will stare at a strange notion of mine ;
if it appears even a mad one, do not
wonder. Had I children my utmost iches of it. . . *
endeavors should be to breed them mu- I .“ Dr. Franklin said he was very sorry to differ
sicians Contidcringl bate noear, nor]£££#»£#» t
even thought of music, the preference : on lIl53 . 1Ic ^ had some experience efthis check
seems odd ; and it is embraced on fre- j in the Executive on tlie Legislature under the Fre
quent reflection. In short, madam, as | P r jetary Government °r Pennsylvania. The neg-
k >»« »«> n.ak.«bcm happy.! £
I think It the most, probable method.— ; passed without t pfirate bargain with him
It IS a resource which will last them i If the Executive was to have a council such a pow-
their lives, unless they grow deaf { it de- j cr would be less objectionable. It was true tbe
■ -PPPm I mfK
icht that mighty Duke could endure! ways amuses and soothes, if ..not con-j was easily explained. The bribe* and emoluments within the lasr ten days oc the Session,
th his own hand William placed the soles; and of all fashionable pleasures J »*«r given to the member* of Parliament rendered * ' *
• - is ,lie cheapest. It i. capable
without the danger of criticism—is SOS- i 6S u P ro,W, U« nore
ccptlble of enthusiasm, without being l power and money would be d.-inand.?j. till at last
to itself the name of Democratic. That
is the party which places in the fore
ground of its political platform the doc
trine of the absolute a*id unqualified ex
ercise of the veto power. That is the
party which sustained the absolute and
unqualified veto on the land bill in 1S33.
That bill to distribute tbe nett proceeds
of all the public lands among the States,
which )*aQLse£-J> 0 l]i Houses in March,
1833,'was vrotild hrye giv
en the peoploH, ; '^^fcrr Stale in this Un
ion the mfcans of-etTacaling all their chil
dren without taxation, and of iropr
ing their harbors and rivers. These
funds have been since wasted upon land-
jobbers and party favorites, on Govern
ment contractors and officeholders, and
not a“ dollar of rill these unnumbered
millions baS been given to those who
Ovvoed them as righfufly as any man Ort
earth ever owned his .own house. By
an absolute veto—^“a pocket veto,” a vile
trick arid a fraud upon the peoplfe and
their reprcsentali>aes*~-tbis bill was' de
fected after the representatives of the
nation bad passed it by yeas 95, nays 40.
—more than two-thirds! .Ti^e bill passed
hnd been forty years in iliesc halls
stead of the tented field, he could licit
liaVe more thoroughly understood the
true theory of this Government and its
actual and inevitable tendency, as now
administered. It is evident he lias, in
the silent hours allowed him in (lie camp,
by the waichiire in the night; or amici
the intervals of battle arid military scr-
deeply studied the genius of our
Government and its practical adminis
tration;
Sir, il would consume more lime than
is necessary for my purpose, to show
how often the will of the people express
ed by their representatives in Congress,
has been defeated b}* the iron will of a
President, and especially by the exer
cise of his monarchical negative on the
laws. Iri the latigUage of a distinguish
ed statesman, “the extreme medicine
of the constitution has become our daily
food.” Every man who remembers the
history of the last twenty years; tvill
bear me witness that in this respect the
modern Democracy have drifted id a
returnlcss distance from the old land
marks of republicanism. The Execu
tive prerogative is no longer the object
of attack, but its advocates 1/avc been
tbe unceasing assailants of the rights df
the people, and of the popular branch
of the Government. “ Tlife power of
the crown has increased, is iriefeasing, 1
and ought to be diminished.” ll& hits
broken down the power of the peoplfe
to improve their rivers and harbors;
5 into complete subjection t
this axe had come to him from Canute
jSS^tbe Great, who u: -
Danes, small i
passions, is sure of being gratified even £ xcfutivt
in heaven/ Horace Walpole. _ ,
1 hen comes the Republican shoema-
Sherman. What did be
ebted to what
the public treasury for all the n
He has received aboat a qua
of the people's mom
t.iy 1
“ Mr. Shermxi
r above all the rest i
hundred, each' pound
iiutidred'dollc:
Wr. \v;i
I
id cool opinio
aid, i
:n to overrule
actised
day—“ Sic ndo, sic jubco,
pro rat tone colunlai
I propose to look a little further into
lliis subject. I desire the Senate and
the people of the country to understand
wlmt kind of Government was sought
to be established by those who intro
duced tlie veto power into the constitu
tion of ihe United States; add,the kin
dred principles which actuated them.—-
In Madison’s papers we find a copy of
the Constitution which Colonel Hamil
ton, the father of the veto, intended to
propose. Here are three of its provi-
•fficea. There may be exceptions, but the truth ot
a general rule is proved by the cxceptioti. Tj 1 ^ in
tended check anu control of Ute Senate! Vithout
Hbw constitutional or statutary provisions,will cease
to operate. Patronage will penetrate this body;
subdue its capacity of resistance, chaio. it to the car
of power, and enable the President to title as easijy;
and much more securely with or without the nomi
nal check of the. Senate. If tho President was him
self the officer of the. people, elected by them and
responsible to thcrti^thcfc.wohld be lest danger from
tlii3 concentration or all power iri his hands; but.it
.-. .i— ' ls i nosa c f statesmen to act upon things as.
', and not as they would wish them to be.
st, then, look forward to the time when the
public reroute will be doubled; when the civil and
' 'ilary <tficen of the Federal Government will be
idrttpled; when its influence over individu-i
they a
aU will be multiplied to cri indefinite extent; when
nomination by the President can farty hhy
' through the Senate, and his recommendation
carry anij measure through the two Houses o(
„ . when the principle of public action wilt
be opened and avowed, the President wants mV tote
and l want ms patronage * I will VbtjS as he iHshcsj
'll give me the ojjlcel wish for
“Art. 1.—Sec. 1. ThelegisldtiVjC. power "ball
e Vested in two distinct bodies of men, one to bo
ailed tho Assembly, the other tlie Senate, subject
ogative hereinafter mentioned.
“ Art. 4.—Sec. 10. The President shall have a
ight to negative all bills, resolutions, or acts of the
o Houses t-f tlie Legislature about to be passed
. , ...si**
ipcachinent, forsome crime
“Art. 3.—Sec. 6. The Senators shall Jiold tliei
places during good beliavior. removable only b
demeanor.”
Here are the principles tif the Go-
ernment which the author of |hc veto
power intended to introduce. It is
ifcst that the mind of the author of the
powee- wa# infinite distahfce
dictated a new arid untried system of
currency, in despite of their express
ed opinion; and even gone go far as to
deny the right ofCongress to pay a pri
vate claim to an American citizen. 1
refer to the claim for French spoliations
on our commerce prior to 1S00, for tlie
liquidation of which a bill -passed. belli
Houses of Congress two years ago; a
bill, the principles of wbicb he never un
derstood ; a bill, to 'which* it is palpable
he never gave a week’s attention in his
file; though Congress passed it after
from the opiriio'njTof tho§e who made
the constitution. It is evident that he
intended to establish a Senate for life
and to make the President a part of th^ :
legislative power. .
. But the Executive practice in these
(lays (all of which seems lo be. fully ap
proved by Gen. Cass) riot merely sic
veto, b'rit iic tolo, hit jubco. He how as
sumes the initiative iu addition to the
veto power. He hot only recommends,
but dictates to Cong'ffess. His opinions
are daily quoted in effebate here, and
cflntrpLpur legislation. . It. has been but
four days since an attempt was made
by the Senators from Kentucky aqd
Tennessee (Mr. Underwood and Mr.
Bell) to retrieve the obstructions in the
river Ohio,at Cumberland island. Eve-
i his speech, for
as three-fourths of all the laws of Con
gress have, and always will pass. Ex
perience flhovfrs us that the labors of
Congress are consuriimated within the
last ten days of each session and that
bills which have been discussed or ma
tured for months are generally signed
at the close of tho seasioa. if, there
fore, the President can; for tbe want of
ten days, wiijihvwhich the constitution
allows him to’retain.a bill for Ins signa
ture, withhold his sanction and refuse subject of uncs.n
to return t1ie@gj£fcrc3« defeaf'it, al- t>f tbe advocates - — .
though iwo-ihirds of each branch should ; vention platform, and one of the dele- them, as the President
. .? . • -i '... I !„ . (n its nvnvvffMitt: resolution lo
—maammmmm———
nd he will give me the office'I wish for. What will
this be but the Government of one man ? and whit
the Gevfcrnnient of one man but a Monarchal—
amea are nothing: The nature ofa thing is in
i substance, and the name ebon accommodates it-j
The first Rbman Emperor
inbstance. „
styled Erifperorof the Republic, and the last
French Emperor took the same title; and their rc-
ipectivc countries were just as essentially monarch-,
ical before as after the assumption of these titles.
It cannot be denied, or dissembled, but that, this
Federal Government gravitates to the same point,’
&c.
Gen. iacknou’it opinion of Old Z;icli.
The great foresight of General Jack-
>ri was one of the most prominent char-
actcrisiics of his mind. We have' becji
placed .in possession of an aneedpte
which' is strikingly illustrative of it,' and
one that will be . rit the pfesent
limfe wivli the'greatest interest.
General Jackson, in *bi| sickness, oc
cupied his rajpd to a- very great degree,
with trie subject of the annexation of
T.exas; as his bodily’ strength failed
him, it seemed as ifhis min'd gtew stron
ger: impressed with! the matter. A d is-'
tiriguished Clergyman well known fpf
his, piety, called on Grin. Jackson—the
conversation,^against the clergyman’s.
that ihe annexation would lead to ri. War
,\viih the European pfewefs. ben: Jack-
son still persisted ift pursuing this favor*
lie, train of thought, when tho following
''onvfersation ensued : • '
Clergyrrian—We should be careful;
ry body here seemed to think it right to General, how we frivolVe the country in
' i.—..... .,.,,1 eotrl a war, because now that vori have re-
" B a frff "
tired froril public life, we have no great
remove it;. but it was known and said
having held it under consideration for a that the President would Veto ; the hill - -
period of nearly fifty years. The Go- which contained.it,-and the nriprove- military commander to■taker ther field,
verament has ceased lo be a Govern- rocnl felt. So the rtfivimuon of (he General .locton-tt c have a com
ment bf ibe people,-and . haa become a Ohio must be obstructed nil Taylor enn mander perfccilj competent.
• Governme nt of one man. Power, says pul it all right by allowing Congress lo 1 he clergyman expressing surprise a£
Junios, is continually steal** from ma- make lows. Wo have now not a single llie confidence of General Jockjcns re-
many to the few. and 1 may add; from the river of Harbor bill before Congress- murk, enquired where diepeople Were
few to one. Tbe one man power is the' not One measure for rntcrnal rmprovc- to look fur that man . The Grneral un
subject of unceasing eulogy among some merit. Why? Because wc nil know hesitatingly sn,d_
1 of the advocates ofthe Baltimore Con- it is idle to waste our lime m pass.t.g «W DO V\ .N ON THEiMJSSIS-
.• , .r „ . r .hem. as the President has publicly SIPPI IN fHE-PERSON Of COLO-
iuem as iuw i iwiuvn^.—utiipbliclj. , , i IJ| ■ ■ -r - , -
tb'con’stitu-1 gates lately made a speech to show its ^rotVedJ®s°lutiori to veto tiicm all. NEL ^ZACHARY 1 AY LOR.”—Louts-
5^»'rndTall respond The will ofthe people is nothing. AH ; -7fc (Wn
1
v