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-4 established ibis commotion. That they Vwbich is to.operate tup gracior lege, on- were free and independent States they ' L ' e ~ J '* have affirmed in tiieir declaration, of independence; and they have maintain ed that declaration jby their wisdom in . council and their galjantry in the field. . . „ ^ interfere—1 agree that ail the Icgisla-J That they were sovereign States war of which is to create obstructions in tiie a lion of Congress conflicting with the recognised hy the'country of which exercise of such a right. All will, I si 1 mIh «c a."., t. m. ihey were Colonies, by a treaty in iMnlv n«n^ ih«i nlilinnnli rnntmM* !»■« j. which they vrere*everally and by Terence to this, it may be said, as was said upon the Missouri question, that it is an abstraction; that if we have the constitutional right which wc claim, no legislation of Congress can interfere wuh it. I ugrec that it cannot legally deri the constitution, n confounds these ideas—a legislation by Congress intend ed to facilitate the enjoyment of a right which is derived from the constitution and a legislation by that body the effect ** ' constitutional right of the citizen is in valid; and I maintain that such legisla* '. lion upon the pfcrt of C interfere, and would l»w invalid. But wbi Would it so in.-fact, j operation.and before the . No,sir, the legislative< 'the Southern people afe* milled lo go into those I “their slaves, would prev lion from the South, uutil judicial deiermioalio lion should be obtain) Alto territories would be Stce laborers, and, in i 1 hat right which wc nil i iwell as tic North, concc rple : of the States, when |MOe, ifo-y come, under ^Congress, to form their < .do so according to their at that time, all emigri £ouih having been necei d by ibis legislative n lion of ilieir rights wot exclusively by tbeodvoc l»r. We would bo agni lion wo were in with rtg ttia, ami wo should be t arc with regard to it. C of the South, it is nniCc prevented yon from goir and establishing your ini it is the people of Califor California is filled op from tb© free Ciates, w of the South have been | emigrating by the doub thrown upon their rigl them their alavo propem aer the legislative pro produce its effect, and c liny of the territories to 1 lie applied ns effectual . had legal validity, eve •validity might subseque lislicd by the proper irit Now, then, 1 appeal to fairness: You assert y< ny to us the privilege < property into those Tci We deny j will you leg subject and thereby at selves of, lb© intermedia legislation, even if in the be pronounced invalid) is there.candor or mooli this that feeling upon wl ly for the preservation .You know well it is nc by the parchment upon jstitution is written. Y that its security is in ,tl people.. Do you think t] yourselves.of your num< pass an act of inhibition of slavery, in organizm ments ol those Territor J be eventually determine and thus advantaging yc imerifl of the direct effi isjatlon, you will lay tb harmony and good , fee think that, by that dircc cedure, you are cherish Portia of affection for which the safely of the n I address the question It ings of deep concern, b cordiality. God knows Cation 1 enieriain no d jrrilatiug crimination of And now, Mr. Pres * gentlemen who differ f subject in allow us to r< question of this power, cd on the one hand am other. This is a tribuii com^i us to refer ft me to any other, 'll Op op hie Senators who assej Correct, it will bear 1 which I propose to 'sub. cannof Ixdievc that ilroy would desire ip adhere to it. Well, now, sir, life South, as ] -have oHore said, asserts the right , of any pitizen of the United Slates to partici pate in the benefits of aH public prop erly, and m ihe Territories of the Un- i'iu. It asserts ibis- in .relation to the .citizen of the slaveholdiug Stated ns well ns iii relation to those of. jhe free Stales. That assertion necessarily in cludes the denial of the richt and pow- ct of Congress to pass any law prohibit ing them from emigrating' into these Territories ami taking with them their properly, of whatsoever sort, or to in terpose any legislative obstacle in their - ..Now, sir, there are other propositions ^ involved.?ii this *intomf«L J^OAfCXU. in ihe first place, the right to participate in the common territories of ibis Union. Asa consequence,it denies, the power of Congress to interfere with the exercise of that right ;/nn<l In the third place it affirms thcriglu of the eiiizens of slave- holding’.Slates .to t i migrate 'inio these Territories with their property, ji0» ofr sfautr, nil luws which pro said to have « \isied in Mexico inhibiting siavory ' those Territories. ... Mr. President, the first of these pn>- jxisuion? is the right of *becitizens of the slaveholding States to participate in die common territories of the Union.— That right is based - upon the equality . ^the. States. If they be equal in dig- p" nily, in. right j if,they were so at the * Jormationof tlie constitution, if nothing ** has intervened since to produce an in^ -equality, then the right which isjcjajro- c«i rests upon the basis of their'equali ty. It is .the inevitable consequence of . . It. You can perceive that such an * • equality of rights bet weeeu the members of the Union must apply not puly to ac tual possessions ni any.given time, but also to all fulury acquisition*.',';. ' ‘ / ' - Mr. President, jl is difficult* to prove so self evident a proposition astbe equal- % ■ jty of the States of this Union at the formation of this constitution. ■ Bu\ let 01 !<ir a moment consider it. * Thirteen iudepeodent State*,, loosely connected by tie. articles of confederation, with a /view to form* a'more perfect union, paloe acknowledged as free, sovereign,! and independent. Well now, - «r, their equality necessarily resulted from their sovereignty, as sovereignly is correlative lo equality. I do not know whether, upon a question of this sort, it be ne cessary to resort to authorities : but Vat- tel tty s: •» Since men are naturally equal, and a perfect equality prevails iu tbeir right* mid obligations, at equally proceeding, •from nature—nations composed of men, ami considered os so many free persons Jiving together in a stateipf nature, are naturally equal, and inherit from nature the same obligations and rights. Power or weakness doe* nov in ibis respect produce any difference. A dwarf is as much a man us a giant; a small re public is no less a sovereign Stoic than the most powerful kingdom.” The iliirleeo States of this Union then entered into the bond which now unite* us as equals. The constitution ol the United Slates recognises thai equality as existing between the States, not only by its grants, but also by its reservations of power. Ill the exercise of these their equal right* they Conned a constitution and established a government to ndminster it. Now, is it* to be doubted—this is the inquiry which l would address, to the Senate—that a government so form ed was to be conducted for the common nd equal benefit of all those equal and sovereign States who formed it ? And I propound to Senators who main tain the doctrine that they have the right to inhibit Southern men from em igrating to those territories with tbeir property, whether that is such an ad ministration of the Government for the equal benefit of all the sovereign .inde pendent States as was contemplated by the act of their union? If it be said that such prohibition would be legally inoperative andjinvalid, 1 reply as before that the same result would be accom plished by such legislation indirectly a« it it were legally operative and valid, and that therefore it is a violation of the spirit of our government and consti tution. Why, sir, 1 maintain, and if it should he my fortuue to be called upon to main tain it before another tribunal, I would maintain there, that on express proy sion in the constitution interfering with the exercise of the equal right of free citizen* would have been inconsistent with that elementary principle—the equality of. right—which is the basis upon which the conslitunon rested, and that it would for that reason have been invalid, and null and void. I would maintain, with even more confidence, thot 'Oiidh a principle, which lie* at -the very foundation q* the constitution, without which it wpu)d never have been formed, cannot be rendered.ineffective by any implication of power, derived from, the instrument of which it is the basis and foundation. My proposition is, therefore, that the equality of right which result* from the sovereignty and consequent equality of of the States nt the lime that the const it u- tiauforraed, and which lies at the was foundation of that constitution, cannot be destroyed by the exercise of any power which is of necessity derived by impK cation from that constitution; in other words, that an implied power cannot destroy an elementary principle of the very constitution from which it is deriv ed. I rest, sir, the opinion thar.l enter tain ns lo the equality of right between the Slates upon the principles I have stated and the observations I have made. And now I come to the consideration of the question of the - power of. Con gress lo prohibit slavery in the territo ries. With reference to the sources from which that power is derived .I have denied tho extsteuce of the power, endeavoring to maintain that it will conflict with a principle which lies at the foundation of the constitution—the principle of equality. . . What l am now to inquire is, wheth er that power, looking simply to the sources from whence it professes to be derived, can be extended to the pur poses to which it is intended lo be np- of a citizen to remove with his slave eminent, as gentlemen are in the habit property to a territory was ascertained,- of quoting the clause—but needful rules power. An excercisc of ibis power will»and the existence of an obstruction - to; and regulations rc*pccti*g ihe territories occur to every individual who bears me the enjoyment of that right should ap- or other property oj the United Stutes; which would bis unquestionably beyond, pear to exist there, he who would, re-j^bd, secondly, „to the; proposition fbat, ■fa Ipmumni,. limiio. It ivr.nlrl nni tw, fuse to exercise the -power with which | for as much os this public property, in legitimate limits. It would 'not be within the competency of Congress to establish a despotism in those territories. It would not he.within th^ir competency to deny to a man within these territories the Jree exercise, .of his religion. It would not be vyiihiu their, power to es tablish within them the system of Mex ican peonage. The power then is not unlimited. . J5ut Congress possesses, in many instances the power of affirmative leg islation over auii object without having the power lo. legislate over it .negatively. You can pass no law abridging the free dom of speech or of ibe press, «Jepy to no accused person the right of trial by jury in the common law courts, where the matter in disp,me is over twenty dol lars. Now, it is not to be doubted (hat, to facilialo to citizens the enjoyment of those rights, Congress may legislate affirmatively, although the power to legislate negatively is exprssly denied by the constitution. This may serve to illustrate. tho position for. which I contend. First, that the proof of the power to establish a government, which think, agree that although Coogfessmay have power to legislate over these ter ritories, it is not necessarily an unlimited from them? If his right was affirmed tion stands upon the principle acttol and it became necessary to,remove any law of nations, and upon the authority obstructions to its. enjoyment, the re- which has been adduced, . moyal of such obstructions would be an Now, if you proceed to trace this incident to the principal power which power up. to its-source,* you .will find was exerted in affirmance of the right, that it is ascribed, in the first place, to , „ And permit.me to say, sir, with all pos- that clause of the constitution which issu sible respect, that if this state of things authorizes Congress to make .all needful ° Correspondence of the Baltimore Son. Washington, Feb. 25. bstcr, as Surveyor of the irt of Boston. persona are startled at the state- (ments and declarations made by Mr. 1 jfoqTE, iqu.the Senate. Mr. Foote de- should occur—iftheconsiiiutional right rules, and regulations—not for the gov- commodationf It IYSect a red that unless compromise impossible. The events al- - __ .1 • .1 I I.:. V - . \ • A • ....... in knvn l\BPn nFlt^n «nnltan iBe constitution has investedhim for tfie pur{>ose of removing these obstructions; would have to choose between bis fealty to that cbnstiiutibh aud the indulgence of his. own speculative opinibns. - [Mr. B. here gave way to a motion to postpone the further coasideralionof the subject until to-morrow.y ; t» Sbut*. Tbwut, Feb.lS. 1850. The same subject being again, under consideration— Mr. BERRIEN. I resume this dis cussion at the point at which I left it yesterday, submitting to the Senate on ly one or two remarks necessary io pre serve the connection of the argument. I was engaged in -the effort to demon strate that Congress had no power ao prohibit | slavery in. the territories.. >: I had presented as a consideration calcu lated to deny to them that power, the constitutional right of the people of the United *$iaies. I . bad founded that right npbij the equality which was the elementary prnciple of the constitution, and deduced it from Uie sovereignty of the respective States. . My purpose now the territory of the United States, Whe scheme*be matured in ifep, course luded to have been often spoken of ofawpk, the time will have passed in since MrACuxoMAN’s speech. It wa* which any compromise can be- madei not. at the mornent, known thav Mr. /or certain occurrence* may be expected Foote,xefcrred jo the^ neX'i .black Mon- ' Which will aggravate pre*ent difficulties, day, an<| personsiwofrdered where was Mr Foote’s plan of a committee of to be the next outbreak. , , thirteen Senators, who shall meet on aj Mr Foote s declaration presamed not within the jurisdiction of any par- 1 common fair ground of adjusltnO 11 ** tj^pt the fhlrthern majority of-{he,'Hoh«e ticdlar Staie. il must of necessity be un- seems to be the best means yet offered would,' next Monday, attempt to force derlira‘control of ihe Uhited’Sta'tes.-^-i' for the' purpose.‘- ' ’ the questuin on Doty V rbsobifibn, in- The right io institute those governments Wk;i« temoorizine and tri- slructing the Committee on Territories is wjS* nest io the .watting .nd bring ia a BUl admit e.Ufdraia „ lually in danger. It is a singular fact a Slate. Inihat- case, the Sojihera ibst Northern sentiment can be withgreat inetnbers would, as they dtd last Mott- difficulty, brought m accept Qen. T.y-! *)"y ; reslst ■»</ "Struct, aoiton. by re- lor’s proposition to do nothing at pres- somogto pnritamentnry means. It had ent wiihreference In the territories. The | been hinted that the ntsjnrity. tmpn.tent. North considers tint. a. a concession, as , would foretbly espel the res.st.ng mem- evident from Mr. Winthrop*. speech b=™. Mr. Cltngman had said that the finally lathe treaty making power. A very brief remark upon each of these will enable me to pass to that por tion of the argument upon which 1 d,e- sire more particularly to address the Senate. It is scarcely necessary to dis cuss the question with regard lo the first power. The whole pnicle as well as tke particular terms used^ manifest ly confines the power , to be exercised to the 'property of the United Stales—ob viously showing that ibe power to con trol and regulate ‘persons cannot be de duced from the power to make rules and regulations respecting property*— The distinction is ,toq broad to escape includes the idea ol legislative power is, in..fijriher support of the negative of does not ttecessarily extend to the pow- power to the Congress of the United which is asserted in this discussion. Second, that Congress may. have the power to legislate affirmatively, and might, to facilialo the exercise, .nf a constitutional, right—the right to carry our slaves into these territoriesr—be le gitimately called upon for such legisla tion^ for the-purpose of removing.any obstructions which, may exist to the enjoyment' off it, while the power so to legislate as-- lo create obstructions lo the enjoyment of it would bo denied to that body. ; * Now, I submit to the honorable Sena tor from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) that here is the true equivalent of which he is in search. In a compromise each party may retain the opinion which he had or- iginally formed. He is not required to sacrifice it, but he is required, retaining that opinion, to j*iehl some portion of the claim which he asserts under it, in consideration of some similar con cession of his opponent; and that is the precise state ol things to vvh'ch we,are brought at. this stage of the discussion. We demand admission into these ter ritories, with our property of every de scription. We assert our right lo go there. The Notth denies this right, resists this claim. What then is the next step? The North asks you to legislate lor the purpose of enforcing tbeir opinions. Weaskydu to legislate for the purpose of. enforcing ours.— Now the true spirit of,compromise would suggest that the North should .withdraw her demand for prohibition, and that the South should recede from her claim for protective legislation.— Each party will then stand upon hi* right* as be asserts them, leaving their decision to tk‘e common judicial arbiter of the Union. I repeal to. the Senator trom Kentucky, that .in, these mutual concessions is to be found the true spirit of compromise ; that it is the equivalent of which he has been in search. Mr. President, there' is, I believe, another and important error' upon this subject. It is the source of the violent opposition to what is called the exten sion of slavery, which, be.it noted, is lo reduce no human being to bondage who is not already in.that condition, and of which the effect is to.make no man a slaveholder who is not already a slave holder. It arises from confounding the incidents of a power with the principal power itself, aud^determining upon the propriety of its exercise, by considera tions which belong exclusively to the in cident. It is this which produced the impassioned declaration of the Senator from Kentucky that no human power could compel him to vote for the exten sion of slavery to. territory where it did not: now exist. States, t» ad vet t to the. principles ol international law applicable- to a ques- tiou like this, and then briefly to trace this power up to its source, according to theSeveral means by which it has been derived, for the purpose of show-- ing. as well upon the principles of in ternational law applicable to a com munity of interest, as by reference to the sources of that power, that this limitation is-a necessary result. 'It is said by Valtel: • . ~ “When a nation, in a body, takes possession of a country, every thing that is not divided among its members remains common to the whole nation, and wcallbd public property.”-*— Vattel, p. 109 s:236. Sp a community may acquire proper ty by conveyance:• “All -the members of a corporation (Ladd, all the citizens of a Stale) have an equal right lo the use of its common I repress the feeling^ wbicb socfa a-de claration excites; but, sir,--it is* a start- ... .--j — t-rz — ling inference which this- avowal-pre- plted. But, first, there is an obvious sents to the mind. What is it ? Slavery error which it j* important- to correct, pollutes the land in which it exists.— In the various discussions which have No human-power shall induce me to ex- taken place up<>n the question of the tend this pollution to asoil that is now power of Congress to proliibit slavery unstained by it. It is this confosion of in [he Territories, all those who have! ideas-^this,confouoiliug of an incident aegued ip its .^qpporl have considered] wiib~if**prih£i?mt tirdeciding upon tbcmscl vc* a* laving accomplished their J the propriety «r exercising the principal object when they have shown us tlic j power—this belief that our opinions io property; but respecting the manner of enjoying it, the. body of tho corporation (as the State) may make such regula tions as they think proper, provided that 'those regalations be not inconsis- tenr with that equality which ought to be preserved in : a communion of pro perty. Thqs, a corporation may deter mine the' use' of a common forest or pasture.^either allowing, it ti) all the members according to. their wants, or altnuing etfch one an equal share; bot they 4 haje^aQltUMuriflhVtiqc exdwfe any one of the number or -to make a .distinc tion to his disadvantage, by assigning him a lea* share than that of the others.” The xJayebolders of jbe South member* of the commuoity, having equal right* with, others. .You cannot exclude them from \he tue of the. pub lic property which is common to all. You cannot make a. distinction io their disadvantage by the prohibition of slave labor* . V~ It is unfortunate for the argument of the North that the slavehoiders of the South, notwithstanding the sin of slave ry which attaches to ibetq, are by your consent. a portion of the community of- the United States. They, with you, are . enjlUeil- to equal right*. They, with you, live under this constitution, with the full right* of using all the means which they deem necessary for the enjoyment of that portion of the Union which they possess. You pro- pose to do whaf? Not to exclude them from this Territory, -©b, no. The Territories of the United States* gentler men tell us, are open to the South as well as to the Nonn; but you propose, in the very words-pf this author “to make a dislinotioq . to. their disadvan- tage,” In the manner in.which this pub lic, and common property shall be used. .While you “ keep the word of promise to the ear, you break it to the hope.” You tell us—go into these Territories,) they ore, free.to you as to us. But, ip ortfer to secure to yourselves the exclu sive enjpyment.oT that, you make a dis tinction to our disadvantage, the inevitable result of which you know will be to.ex- the other day, and that is the very pol icy of delay and agitation which is breaking down the Union. A continued agitation for four months will be bad enough, but if it i* to he kept open till another session and till another Con gress, there can be hut little hope of any conciliation. The whole quesiion'musl the roost careless observer. Again, sir, notwithstanding the confidence with which high judicial decisions have been Spoken of, l venture fo say in this pre sence that this power.has never yet been exercised—I mean the power to organ ize a Territorial Government under this clause of {he constitution; and I ven ture further to affirm that there is judicial decision—of which political suyists write so flipparitiy—rthat there is no judicial decision upon a question af issue before the court in which the pow- er j.s ascribed to this source. With respect to the second source of power, that because it is hot in tho ju risdiction of any particular State, there fore it mu3t be in the jurisdiction of the United States, I agree that if we could trace the power with distinctness and accuracy lo no other source, this might be one upon which Congress, in the exer cise of its power to govern, consequent upon the light to acquire, and from the necessity of the thing, might rely, With respect to the war making pow er, unquestionably territory might be ac quired by conquest, not conveyed, by treaty. There may be a continued hos tile occupation unsupported by a treaty of cession, which may, by lapse of lime, destroy the right of the conquered party, the right of postliminium, and therefore the fruits of conquest may be enjoyed without treaty. Iu that state of things, unquestionably, as to territo ry acquired by the exercise of the war making power, the power, to govern that territory.would be deduced From the same source. [To be concluded in oar next] be settled now and the sooner the bet- Those who have canvassed the opinions of the Senators and members, are very confident that a committee of thirteen Senators can be found who will agree upon a plan which would be satisfacto ry to the Senate, to tho HoOse, and to the country. 1 am inclined to believe that to-morrow er the next day, that if the Senate-take up Mr. Foote’s resolution for a commit tee, it will be adopted. Mr. Calhoun will speak on Thursday, and Mr. Webster soon after. To morrow, it is probable that the Senate will go into Executive session for the purpose of disposing of some nom inations reported upon by the Commit tee on Foreign Affairs and the Commit tee on Commerce. Correspondence of the Courier. v ~ WASHINGT02T, F©b. 26. If any one, standing upon the brink of this hiigbty current of popular pas sion that is sweeping by, supposes that it will ruu out, he i* mistaken. Like the river, it rolls, and as it rolls, forever will roll on. So far from noticing any moderation of tone in Congress to-day, after the* three day’s respite, it was rather aggravated.- The card of Mr. Hjlliard,in4he National Intelligencer this morning, warned the editors of that pa- Soutbern members would, in 4hai case, resort to violence. Tn reply to Colonel Bissel. the other dny, Mr, CIingmair~ staled that it was in case the majority should attempt to expel the minority, while the minority were acting within the rules of the House, that they would resist with violent means. In case the majority .should, next Monday, see fit to press Doty’* Resolu tion, as they did last Monday, regard- lesi of decency, courtesy* usage, and as a mere provocation ' to a combat, the Southern members will take higher ground than they did last Monday. The majority must desist, ofthe House may, perhaps, be broken up in disorder and h commotion, and perhaps may not soon meet again for regular business. That is what 'is now understood to be Mr. Footes* meaning. In the present in- ffamaiory condition of the House, a spark may produce an explosion. However, I am persuaded that the more reasonable and moderate mem bers, composing the majority, will pre vent a renewal of the scenes of Mon day, by giving the go-by to Mr. Doty’s resolution. President Taylor slated to-day, that neither CoU • Bissel nor Col. Davis were correct, in their assertions as to the service of the Mississippi Regiment, at the buttle of Buena Vista. He said they each referred lo a different period in the action, and were both right and both wrong. J i Ve*ml». , Georgia has ’been called “ the model State of the South,” and we think she is juatljr entitled to the character. Her Legislator* and. her citizens that they not only understand her true power of Congress to organize Govern-; ments. foe tbq ^Territories of the U,. S. They have .proceeded upon the pr inci ple that the power to organize those governments (which of necessity inclu regard in slavey are alope ip determine the mode of the exercise of that power, that in the discharge, of our public duty under this constitution we may 'give Gen* Tnylor pt Richmond. In contemplating the scenes which were trauspiriug at Richmond on the 22d,' the Richmond Republican, in tl.e article which follows, beautifully alludes id^ihe position occupied by General Taylor three years previously, in con trast with his position on that day.— Whflst.a careful perusal oF it, will serve toVekiadle the feelings oi adjniraiior and affection ui the hearts of Gen. Tay lor’s friends, it will furnish, matter for kindly Vefleciioas to his enemies, if they aVe not “ lost to virtue, lost to every manly ['thought, and alt the finer feel ings of the Soul” : ‘ . Old Zach.—-Three years ago there wits a grand celebration qf the birth-day of Washington. It took place amid the-ravines of Buena Vista. The notes of preparation were louder and more, animating than they HaVe been fibre. Tiro orator of the day was one Zachary Taylor. Demosthenes said that the true secret of oratory was “Action, Action, Action/* If that -wii* correct. Old Zach proved himself superior to Demo*-, thencs, for that geutleman. upon a sim ilar occasion,' took to hi* heelsi Nor : to. Rough trod Ready. He Mood up like a man and faced the - music. He pro duced a greater effect than any of'ibe ancient Or modem masters of eloquence. He induced a packed jury of 20,000 men to give a verdict in his faVor.' He cdnvinced Santa Anna that it wat'im- possible for four thousand Americans to be run over by four times their number of Mexicans. He persuaded 20,000gen- tlemen, with s wo nets by their sides, wfio o’ J ^ It,., ; have shown that they not only und z;::‘: ,e .^sszsrxtr t rp p r ^ urea that shall exclude her people from 8tant increase o( manu r actur ie 8) are developing h er residencemthe tefritortes acquirea troro • .. - .•?? . Mexico. We learn, too, from an ex planation made by Mr. Turney* t» the Senate, that the position of Tennessee, in regard to the Southern Convention, resources, anl building tier up in wealth, popu lation and power, nt « rate which will her riuter southern States hr behind her, unless they sronse themselves. awUMiW* her example. No time i» to-be lost in doing so, if they expect er* to overtake her, for she' will otherwise hsvs ao grist a start th»t she wilT defy mil Tdture r- . .. .* l*. H kind. Jiyery dew, roadilfttaHikes. and •». In Canada, this subject and its result* „ r „ M ^ iduLD Uaii^ui ...i— ^ suoderstood, and that she ‘will maintain all the constitutional guaran- speculated upon. Col Gugy, an anti-annexation speech, refers to the commotion in the United Slates, and says that this ferment of passion, when a little more developed, would over throw, as it has always overthrown, any power opposed to it. The saga cious editor ol the “ AlhionP says that *• the North will be overruled, and that the storm will, for ibe present, blow over.” I hope it may blow over, but the signs are not particularly favorable. Mr. Calhoun has been mare unwell during the last week, and has not left bis room. His cough ts very bad. 1^doubt whether he will be able to speak in ihe Senaie this session. , ^. _ He has committed his iutenifed re marks to paper; and they will be read, on Tuesday, by Mr. Butler. Mr. Web ster will also speak very soon. . A proposition was made to-day; and strenuously urged, by Mr. Foote, to com mit the whole subject in controversy, to a select Committee of thirteen ; six to be chosen from non-slaveholding, and six from the slaveholding Slates j and these twelve lo-selecl a thirteenth member* He urged that, if in a week, some project of compromise .was not produced; it -would be , too taur, for events would occur which would render compromise hopeless. Wfrat evdnts be referred to, I do not know. ' Mr. Foote 'Seid. be bad consulted with taro third* « . hich of necessity inclu- scope and operntiontp our own peculiar ded a.power on the part of Congress to] speculative opinions; it is from, this legislate, over the Territories, because , cahse thai.wqal is called the extension it Wat^ only by fegislaj'uui that. Uroy of slavery is so [lerseveringly resisieiL coold be legitimately formed) would necessarily extend; this power of ieg- ijdalion to the Infitbitioh of slavery. I pray; gentlemen to consider whether the grasp of power which is nsseKed uoder the establishment of. this legislative au thority to e»»veni, fias not been exten ded beyofjd its legitimate Jimits ? fhear it said that Congress has- the power to Let me explain. If i[ i* ,shown submitted that these States are sover eign! and therefore equa!>tbat they have equal rights under the constitution j that in order to the enjoyment of these rights, it is necessary ihat Congress shall by legislation,remove certain obstructions which exist in the Territories of the. v ; —. .w., United States, jt .would follow inevita- proliibit. and therefore will'have thei bfy that Congress would be .bound so power to establish'. I hear it- said that . to exercise its pouers, without 'constd- Soothern.' men might invoke Congress .eriug the quesiiou of the guilt or iuno- to exercise its power to establish slave-', cence, the social and political evils fy by removing any obstructions t<Yit. [er benefits' of domestic' slavery. Its and that the power la prohibit is correj-! allowance would be an IncTdent to the flliv* wilh ika nnnra, ... L e**:. lla. -1.1 ‘ f ; .1' ‘ had walked some hundreds of miles on, and with'many ttember* ... , | lioh.”?fl^ pnaeijial bbjecfvool^ fe W In the first “place it assumes lor the organiz e a government. The .question legislative power unlimited extent ; ilj would not be, wether slavery should be o~ ~ ~ * ... . - asserts a power of unlimiied legislation,' allowed, but whether the rights of V° 0* for * moment consider it. Thirteen which every man will, admit cannot be ] American citizen should be secured in - .VAiMAnilrat Innselv n,nnfi4Mt affirmed. In the next place looking-to! these territories; wheiberaslavebold- the fact'that the legislation of Congress | er, because he \vas a slaveholder, and results in the establishment of a law: lor that cause alone/should be excluded cluJe us froth alt participation In that ea-! a visit to SaliiUo, to go home again af joyment^-* beg SenRtorv to cousiderj ter lhey toad gnt witWnYix nSfleri^theT whether , this be a proper exercise of ■ destmatiop^ On the-wMe. Ohl Zneh’ power in relation to other matters than j oration on the 22d of Feb* 1847, was a slavery.. Will you revert your recoSlec- tnaster-piece of argument and eloquence tions to the period of our colonial vas-l We know it is said that Old Zacb aalage lo Great Britain? . Wilt yon re-'is’nv much of t» speaker* Perhaps, or member .the series of law* by which ! a mere holiday occasion be may be sur- Great Britain sought to limit onr efforts passed io the power of tongue by infe- to the cultivation of the soil, by which ! rior men. But in great emergencies, she designed to makeC.tbc products of and when those deeds, a re. perfomed our labor exclusively, agricultural, to be ! which bring holidays after them, Rough transported in'the form of raw materi- .and Ready is eminently at home!— ats only to her. Do you believe , that' What a mighty corner-sion© of glory you.posess such a power as that in the ; he l^id at Buena Visia. Whot, an effect territory of tbeUnited States? ^ ibe proiluced on the- audience when he Ifyouchooseto make Califprniaaho-; : mb6n;ed tbc rostrum. How thousands get her an agricultural cnunfry.do you -rof^ eyes grew brighr.nnd thousands of believe that you can inhibit the manufac- hearts beat, higher," a*~tfie. mere glance turer of Massachusetts from taking nut' of this plaio-.-pld m)aui.,fe.U along, the and erecting and working his machine-1 bristling line. • What, magic was there ./y there? Do you believe that you 'in„ his. simple" presence J-How, at „ his ers. without 'consul- could inhibit the inhabitant of Maine or "slightest Word, men, horse and cannon New Hampshire from‘cousTructfeg bis]bquudeti frpjn the earth as if hurried, ships and navigating them to whatever! forward by an electric shocks ' With a porta he might think proper? Could]thunder storm raging‘over his head and you forbid one branch of industry or! the mar of artillery echoing the. clan- anoiber? You have just as much'ami 1 gor of the skies, Old Zach —*- t —‘ no more right to make a distinction to the 22<1 of F^b’y the. disadvantage ’ of Massachusetts, j bimselt.and w New Hampshire or TSfoini', by inhibit- one she extends, add* to-the value of her productions, and consequently to her weaJlh ry manufactory »he MUWuhe^ incr^aea her popu lation, and creates an imereaaed and mor* valoaUe home market tor her staples and her bre*<Mulu, ’ery dollar which she' thus retains at homo increase* her eapiut, and eoaUea tier twpMl for ward her improvements. , Mx *“■ Money make* money,•* is a homely proverb, rods the one which aaya 4 ‘ tha ca»«ialitho poor la poverty.”-; Georgia and her sister aonihetn Stales, if they continue in their present respective course of policy, will probably realize both ot .IJiRe proverbs—'Georgia the tormer, and her bister Ptpln of the South the latter, - f . . Whilst she is rapidly increasing her capital pod population, (the latter the very beat kind of we*kh) by hot system of public impiovementsj *nd extsf • sire mahtrfactories for the supply of her own wants, the others are neg)ectiqg both, and tbpa keep down the value ol tbeir lands Aqd pro4ooe ly the abaence of good and economical means of tr porta tion ami intercommunication, and by a abroad for all their supplier allowing thee to be annually drained of millions am) mill which, are paid to Old England and JVeie.Eng!_^,, which would be as readily retained at home by em ploying that portion of tbeir own populatioasfbifh are nbw living iri idleness. It is witfi deep regttt that, we say, that to no Suto of the South do these remarks apply with more force than to Louisian, who, th«S far, has dune so little in the wiy of poV* Kc improvements or mannfactiires towirda tho de- velopement of natural resources, that it may be said she has done nothing. ' If the present *tat#bf things is to eontinne, and the present policy td be continued, the best generation wilFaee Loaiaiana . .. bat lito* advanced beyoOd her^prisriiit''yRtoffti,'' of: the House, ami \va* assured that-a wh«W*Georgia will be the greatest Stats' roathof ‘ “* " * Aho-f»otomnc t ia weahh. -iaieHigenoe, >ns*Hdja apd<H^e 0 ce. WecariisU r wtabu,U,,»hfc < ,fc crease and alt the ohccese which she M {My merits, but we wish alto to •ee Louisiana nobly contending with her in honorable compet|6oxl*r thesame objects.—iV. O. Bulletin. Death or she Hon. Ihnsrr After a protracted illness, this lamented gentle man recovered sufficiently to make the effort to reach Greensboro, his place of residence.' ffe foft Milledgeville on Tuesday last, and after reachiig Mr. Tarner’s. some sixteen miles of bodi«, |>»aaak under tha effect ot hi* long prostration, and -tfri on Thursday last, surrounded by hit revives, and by hit friend* Who ministered.to him in bis last boors with kindred kindness and unwearied attention., Jt is not the place, and we. leave toothers the rim* would W effected ptbaVD Committee would agree rfpoo »plan, which the Senaie and House, End the country would ratifjr. Mr. Clemens said that, if the sul^ect was agitated three weeks’lohger v it would be impos sible lo.save the Union. Mr. Bdtterj aml otbers, could not see what good a Committee could do.—- Tfiey \voiild’probably fail, bik! the fail ure would aggravate the difficulty* He thought ni better to goon and consult upon ihe question, witb'eafotoess and forbearance, and gradually we might dra w nearer to the object. The Senate hesitated, anti the matter was laid over for to-morrow. .... [isnot the pl«*,*nd Icxve taotbqrs&|ia« • teotoe the Mississippi delegation ] of writing* smuble obituary notice of ihe deceas- ‘— have entered into a correspondence with | eJ. He had iong represented hw county in the C«l. Bisfelh and other* of tfie Illinois! Legislatnfe; and been most favorably known tu this commuoity, by which his death is'sincerely lamented. Peace to his ashes—Southern Rear* > delegation, Ah. regard to Col. BtsSellV statements on the subject of the cbndufit of i he Mississippi regiment, at tha battle of Buena'"Vista. * c .V \ ~ WashincIton, Feb. 27r This has been a quiet , day in Con- i . .AUBMljtoaeL . „. ;i , We learn fan, W. ! l,in C to D , t h „, ctul „^| l P«s«ed yesterday between Col. Blsae’,1, Member the House, from Ulinbie, and CokiMl ot an ,0i. uoie Regiment io Uie Meeica wm. u.0, Col }«f. are accustomed to direct ihcir prodii^; both handsio welcome him.] Her proud ; House, by members'from New Hanj^* ^ to live labor, as yon have to make a dis-J heart swells with newpride a nd joy.asshire, and were accompanied with eu*' u f Buena^VUta. The mitterwas n hJSr *'• linction injuriinis to the people of .the]she looks upon the grey haired patriotriogies'rfn lhe;ohafac'ier and s^rv\pe* ofiei, amicably adjusted ti-d*v throturh South, by requiring that labor within l and hero,: Who has. reiurned toils hh-Tht ,'feceased:-[ fl'Z' m the Territory of California shall be.ex-Ttive soil to fio honor to. the m^toory pfr The Senate, in executive sessiop^te- ’ was accepted, andihe dnehwas to be fought atfiU clostvdy free labor. So tliis proposi- j Washington.' • ' . ^ ; ceived and confirmed the nomination of 1 icch'paccs, with mudccts.^Coas'. 'zd 'ujt". ‘. .. another? You have just as much ami ’ gor of ihe skip?, Old Zach celehrated gress. The civil and military'-funeral ... -A-A-et-w - tbc^2<l'6f Ffeb*V id a sfvlc peculiar, to ‘of Gen. McNeill occupied some hour*. bitoae1?,aVfiIwbmV^-* ’ t-*. ---* ing that peculiar industry |o which jhey j ccivcd and confirmed that