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THE SOUTHERN. WHIG. From the Augusta Constitutionalist. " Hon. Iloirdl Cobb'* Lflicr. . . • ' »•* • '*r • y lief us now follow Nr. C«l»i/*in hi si examination of the three plans of ;,djuit- thent or compromise which' arcbffnro the country. That of •• the late admin- They Mlf infringe ifo'Thc one infrin ges it in this, and this Only—-that it asks Congress fo fix permanently, the paral- lel'of 3C. deg. 30 min., to 'the' Pacific Ocean,.as.the line between the slave- holding and ifon-slavehoding States.^* The other, violates it'in at least two most important particulars': first, in the ndmissiou of California, and secondly, : MV ”V '.T *“' c a I * n *he proposition, to dismember Texas. , JL r *'! Un ’ hc4re “'* Inlrrvenlion b>‘ CungrcM may . be the silence it deserves. *. 1 committed in two ways; negatively and Hcjdi£ufsc* ejabnmtcly the-relative; affirmatively--negatively, by withhold.- tnents of the Nashville proposition and j ng#uc H legislation lrom the territories lhe " adjustment bill,” of Mr. Clay; a3 may be necessary to cuahlc.all sec ond while he expresses his willingness llotl l G f jhc Union to enjoy theirVieht- to vote for either, he evidently nrefers r..i ../r InA-nle for ciibcf, lie evidently prefer, feKpariicipadrer in ihcm—ajnrmalifeiv, Inc latter. HtyttUnn for that prefer- |„ sll< .|, act, »I legislation as result t# Mtcc,aorarnstiC!inbecnndfnsetiiiitoa',(; e< ,iclusi.u. ordetrimom of any one »'"«!« adnicnce is Ibis—i) t utoni violate/, action. Tbe former bas already been ... ,.. c vhik ^[ c in perfect accordance with perpetrated by Congress, in the neglect j cime before the Supreme Court for ad- Ihe prtnctjdes <f- non-infcrcciUton. For to organize such territorial governments juration; trad in fine, it works all the Ibt* t* the «touch stone by which he f ( , r California and New Mexico, as j practical injury to the Couth whicITthe profcsScsto"inst llie soundness of the would opeu the door, to tree and safe most positive- Congressional restriction proposed, mode* of settlement. . emigration to all the citizens of the Uni-1 of slavery would do. In testing -those twoplans ny tins i«?«J Stales, with their property of every This view of the spirt* of Mr. Clay’s sinndartl, it ll important, that the prin- description. This neglect lias l»een to bill is fully sustained and confirmed by ciplc of non-intervention should he the wrong and detriment of the South, the action of the Committee, in rcler- d«irfe defined ami un « cral "° d * W r * It has operated to the incalculable ad- ence to Deseret. The people whoin- Cobb has*not told uawlrat he^ under- ; vantage of the North. The efficacy! habit this territory have just the same •lands lit the term. But judging from which it has given to existing Mexican right to form a Stale Constitution, and the whole tenor of his letter, no one | awa against slavery, has had all the apply for admission into the Union, as i*an refill Inc conviction, llrm lie narcos r itrn n. . • « ^ ..e ... there has been so much discussion and diversity of opinion expressed by the ablest men, that, thought Mr- Cobb still believes that these laws are overridden by the Constitution, yet such doubt Las beerr produced in the minds of^he mas ses *Xtfdbe people* . that they will not hazzaxd tire experimeiii;. It is as rtfiec- toal a barrier against emigration- to these territories, as-would be the Wtl- mol Proviso. 1 In addition -to all this, the report of Mr. Clay expressly -de* dares, that these laws are valid (5r the exclusion of slavery ; and the Senate has virtually adjudged them to' be in force, by rejecting all amendments for thcir.repcul. All this exhibits a spirit of iuierference, throws powerful'moral influences in the wayof the Southern of the question, should it i resist the conviction, that lie agrees with Gen. Cass. Iris well known, ac cording to the opinion of (hat distin guished gentleman, that non-interven tion is simply this—that Congress has no right to legislate in any manner whatevcr ( upon the subject of slnvcrj* in the-territories, but that it apper tains to tbe people thereof, either before or after thev have been organized into a territorial government, fo determine the question oi slavery for themselves.' Or in other words, that the right of • self government, to the fufiost extent nnd for a*purposes, subject to the Constitution of the U. States, is inherent in tbp. people of a territory of the- United States. . It is upon this ground, that Gen. Cass sustained the right of Cali fornia to establish n State government, and to demand-.admission into the Union.. It must he tiphn this ground (for it can bo, upon nto other.) that, ‘while Mr. Cobb complains of the great. irregularities which attend th^ brgnniza- tionof her State government.’*.lie ut ters no .words of .remonstrance or pro- ' test against her right to do what she had done., But does he not expressly sanction this exercise of right t»r power, wbeh lie sBys, " We have the satisfac tion of knowing, that the Constitution which California presents to us; has received the sanction and approval of her people ?” This is the doctrine -of non-intervention, believed in by Mr. ’Cobb and (fen. Cass, according to bis late interpretation of his Nicholson let ter $ and, iried by this, touch stone, I freely admit .that Mr; Clan’s bill will stand the test of lhe most rigid scrutiny. But such is not the doctrine, ns advo cated by lhe South, nor such as the South supposed that Gen. Cnss main tained, in the late Presidential election. It is true, we knew .that he said he was :** opposed to the exercise of any juris diction by Gongre^s,” on the subject of slavery, aud that bo was •« in favor .of leaving to the people” of the .territo ries, •Mbo right to regulate it for them selves under the general principles of the Constitution.” But we all suppos ed, in .the simplicity ol our hearts, that, ho used the terra *«people” and *• terri tories’' in a political sense, and that •* the right, to regulate it for thcmschcs under the general principle* of the Constitution,” ns field by - him, had • reference' to the ‘time at which they should, adopt n Stale Constitution, preparatory to admission into the Union. We. never dreamed that by the term "regulate,'* he meant to establish or abolish. )Ve never dream ed, to use the language of Judge Tuck er in his NashvilWr speech,that General Cass could see " no distinction bdtween a chottco assemblage of unconnected in dividualssad a people;”' that ho ^im agined,, that. a nation can exist where there-is no family;” that he "attributed to' a .multitude of ail venturers, sover eignty over a country, in which not one of them has a-home; that he '* recog nized their right loshutout all others from a vast region in wiiich notone of them own a foot of soil ^ and that he would {dace the final destiny of ac try, which is to he the homo of milli in tlso hands of a handful of marauders, whoso only aim isto tear open tlie l>ow- els of ihc canh, seize upon its hidden treasure), and, like iMb eagle rciufmug ta his cyry, laden wiih his prey, to bear awayi heir plunder to the distand lands, where lie their families and their hopes.” This may be .the non-intervention of Mr. Cobb-and Geo. Cass, but is not, never has 1 been, never will lie, that of the South., Gen. Cass, hy.his late ex- positionnf his Nicholson letter, may sml- ti ly his Sourtheru friends, who support ed him in 1849, but he can cnrry witli him, in his jargon of absurdities, only such as are willing to presorve the in tegrity of the national democratic par ity, at the expense of their count ry.-*- But the doctrino of non-intervention, as then and now understood is.thisThat immediately after the execution of the Mexican treaty, it was the. duty of Con gress, according to all previous usage, to have organized temporary governments njurious cfiects of the Wilinot Proviso, have the people of California. Like so. far ns concerns the South. It has-California, she lias formed herCoaslilu- deterred our people from and invited lion, and at the early part of this ses- those of the North to imigralc to Cali- sion of Congress, she presented her fornia, who have congregated there in application to become a member of the sufficient numbers to form a State Con- Confederacy ; but unlike California, sliiution, which forever prohibits slave- she finds no sympathy—she is remand- ry. Is not this intervention, or interfe- ed back to the territorial condition, and rencc of the worst kind ? Does Mr. her name changed to that of Utah. Now Cobb think it less odious or. unjust to why is this? The whole secret lies ir the South, because it consists in negative, [ the fact, that the Constitution of Cali instead of affirmative acts 1 | fornia prohibits slavery, while that of Turn we now. to affirmative acts ofi Deseret dues not. intervention. How happens it, that j Such then, is Mr. Clay’s bill tested by California has adopted a State Consti-1 the " touch stone” of non-intervention. lution, ami now knocks at the doo^ for {'Who. can deny, with truth, that almost admission into the Union? Is it not no- its e'very feature does violence to the' . — torious, that it is the result of the poli-; doctrine? Is is not obvious, not only | equal chance, with the North, in the th£ zone of slavcholding Stales along the parrallel of 36 deg. 30 min., from lhe,Atlantic to tbe Pacific, aud afiord ingress aud egress for the commerce of both oceans. It will'forevor paralyze the arm of fanaticism,- and- leave the in stitution of slavery to-work out its own appointed destiny, under the operation of the laws of climate*’soil and produc tion. Jt^will restore shaken confidence to the popular mind; it will heal up the bleeding wountls of broken ties, it* will perpetuate the Union, and. sweep away every object which might obscure the unutterable glories that will illus trate its brilliant (bture. It may .be thought by some,' without e reflection, that it is a fatal admis-’ sioa'lb say, that both plans violate the doctrine of non-intervention. It is even so. I do not hesitate to concede, that, . as .an original proposition, the Missouri Compromise is unconstitution al. But I advocate, it as a measure of compromise, in iheVpirit which animat ed the Fathers of the Republic, who conceived and adopted it. Nor should, the admission awaken auy misgivings in the minds of those disposed to give it their sanction. For the day has passed by, when this controversy can be adjusted upon the principle strictly of non-intervention. As I have shown, it has already been grossly violated by the non-act ion ofCongress—by the re fusal to adopt, immediately after the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, such legislation, as would place the territories under proper reg ulations, and all the Stales on an equal footing, in relation to the safe occupanc}’ by their citizens. This has already re sulted in irreparable injury to the South. California is irretrievably lost. The condition of things was very different, wljcn the “ Clayton Compromise” was on the lapis... Then the treaty had just been ratified ; and if that hill had pass ed, the South would have enjoyed cy of a co-ordinate department of the ; from tlie provisions of the .bill itself. Government? Is it not known tliatj but from the anti-slavery sentiments Gen. Taylor “ moved and instigated” j contained in tlie report of Mr. Clay ac hy the Counsels of his freu-soil Cabinet, companying its presentation, and in his sent out the Hon. Thbs. B. King, with j speeches, from the dogged pertinacity “ the ricios of the President ,l - in his head, i with which every amendment was voted' urge upon the people of California to ' down, which looked to the.protection form a Stale Constitution, and settle the | of Southern interests—I say is it'not question of slavery for themselves? Is obvious from all these things, that its rt not known, that in violation of all aim, policy and necessary effect were principle and alt precedent, the Execu- to exclude slavery from the territories, live scheme was successful, the Consti- aud hem it in by its present meies and tution was formed and slavery cxclud- • bounds? Is it not amazing that Mr. pd? Perhaps Mr. Cobb would respond, Cobb, a Southern man, calmly seated that he condemns all this ns much as in bis crimson cushioned chair of office, any man ; that these are the "greater- with all these fuels and considerations regularities" of which he complains, but thnl Congress is not responsible for it, nnd therefore, it cannot properly be con sidered a violation of the-doctrine of i-intcrvention. But does not Mr. Clay’s bill ratify all this unauthorized intermeddling by tbe late Executive; these unprecedented irregularities; this stareing him in the face, can deliber ately say to the people of Georgia, that this bill "commends itself to his favor, by the sound and salutary \irinciples of Con stitutional light in which it is conceived?" But— are more things in that Cushioned Chair, njuslice to the South ; 'this usurpation Than are drcarat of h you* philosophy.” if sovereignty; this fraud npon the Now, as both the Nashville proposi- Coiistitution of the United States? 1 • r ' 1 — -- R *— * -* ■ - suppose,- if Congress had done all these things directly, which have, resulted in lhe. uliendislV^neUisemettUoLtheSouiH of all her rights'!ivEalifornia, Mr. CobK .would admit, that it' violated most gross ly the• doctrine of non-intervention.— But where is the difference, in principle effect, bet ween the perpetration of these things by Congress, or their adop tion ' and ratification by Congress ?— Whal hoots it lo tho South, whether Congress pass the Wilinot Proviso di- rcctly or. indirectly by sanctioning its passage by die individuals, not the peo ple, who; for purposes of public plun der, have congregated temporarily upon the,soil of California? Mr, Cobb, it is true, can see '• irregularities" in all this, but no violation of the principle of right —no departure from the doctrine of non intervention. It is all consistent with Gen. Cass’ idea of "squatter sovereignly;” and Mr. Cobb is perfectly satisfied with " knowing that the Constitution which California presents us, has received the sanction and approval of her people.” Iu passing, I will remark, however, that Mr. Cobb is not, in truth, cntitledio even this small morsel of consolation. For il is notorious, that the people of Californian-South of 36 cleg. - 36 mui., protestedagainst the formation of a State Constilittjon, and prcfer/ccl .the territo rial condition. But r have asserted that Mr Clay , bill .violates^ the doctrine pf non-intcr- vention in its proposition in disujem- tion and the Clay adjustment violate the doctrine of non-intervention pancy of California. But how alter ed now is the stale of circumstances ? After two years of Congressional delin- quincy have elapsed—alter adistinct re fusal to extend the laws and constitution of the United Siaics over these territories —after Califoraia, under Executive frag- matism, has adopted her Constitution and excluded us forever—alter all this intervention— ibis practical extension of* the Wilmot Proviso over the richest and most A’aluable part of the territory —it is monstrous now, to.ask the South to acquiesce in Mr. Clay’s hill, simply because in letter, not in spirit, it accords with the principle of nou-inlerveniion as to New Mexico and r Uiah. Let us scorn to pocket such an insult. Let us say io the North you have got Califor nia by means the most unfair, by fraud the most flagrant, by practical inter vention the most palpable, though ne gative—now we will yield to no Com promise which does not give us a fair equivalent in tenitonj, and immunity from further aggression. We demand indemnity for the past and security Jor the —without any security ofit. ' . In thus presenting the Missouri Com promise, we do-not ask Congrers.-as some^ suppose, tq establish slavery South of 36 deg. SO min. If we did, however, it - would not he more unrea sonable or unconstitutional than the de mand of the North to prohibit, Northof that bne, not to say, in all the territo ries, We. make no such demand of Congress. These territories are the common properly <ff all tbe-States ; the citizens of ; each have a ^constitutional right to ren|ove to them, with their pro perty of every description whatsoever. It istbercfqxc the duly of Congress, as the .tnerc- trustee- of the States, to re move all obstructions, in the way of their freehand equal enjoyment by the citizens of all the Stales ; to repeal all existing Mexican laws wjiieh abridge or disturb the right of properly, or any other right of the citizens a3 known to tfic Constitution. Can any .proposition be. more self evident than this ? Is not this distinction perfectly palpable, that the protection of an existing right is a very different thing, from the^creation of that right? Is it not clear, that Con gress can protect slavery in the territo- as it does on the high seas, foils, dock-yards, &c., without creating or establishing it? This is the ground on which the Nashville Convention place the demand, for the protection of slave ry South of 36 deg. 30 min. It is per fectly reasonable and tenable. • Moreover, the South never has been willing to accept the Missouri Com promise .upon any other condition, in reference to our Mexican territories. It is not v a new feature. It did not origin ate, loj the first lime, with the Nash- vill Convention. It was insisted on, without flinching, fay the united South, in the Senate of the United States, dur ing the first session of the 30th Con gress. The proof of this will he found conclusive, by reference to the Journals of the Senate. Oglethorpe. ATHENS, SEfeSIA:; Thursday Morning, August- 20, 1850. ■ ip* One of thqjproprietors of this paper will at tend the counties of Jackson, HaU, Lumpkin, Hab- sliam and Franklin, during the session of. ih§ eri- t ing fall terms of the Superior Courts in those unties, for the purpose of collecting dues to this office; and we earnestly request all indebted to us by note or account to be prepared to settle, as we are in great need of the small amounts they sever ally owe, and mnst collect them or suffer great inconvenience. This is lhe last teaming to a ber ti r debt. the doctrine ot non-intervention, in future.” The Missouri Compromise cf- cboosing between the two evils, the fects thi* object Clay’s. bill sur- South should by all. means prefer the' former. First, because it violates it less; and secondly, because that vio lation is in favor of the South; whereas, that of the latter is altogether against the South, and amounts to a total sur render of all our rights in the territories. The Missouri Compromise, as proposed by the' Nashville Convention* secures all the territory South of 36 cleg. 30 min., to the occupancy of slaverv, if slaveholders choose to go thither { and il settles forever this painful controversy about slavery iu the territories. Mr. Clay’s secures absolutely nothing to the South ; but, in the estimation of Mr. Clay himself, very probably dedicates all our public domain. to free-soil.-— Yet Mr. Cobb says " that there does not exist between the two propositions such abroad difference as raauy arc disnnsc! In lliinlr.” TI.O disposed to think.” The difference is just ihat between " half a loaf and no bread at all.” But Mr. Cobb says: « Whilst the present bill (Mr. Clay’s) opens the whole country; not included within the limits of California,.to the operation of our doctrine of non-intervention, and thereby secures to our people the con stitutional right to go into any portion ofit with their slave properly, tlie other plan positively excludes them- from all that portion ofit lying North of 36 deg. 30 tnin^ leaving ouly the territory ber Texas. Mr. Cobb contends that South of that .line accessible to them.” the rightful boundary ol'”Texus »is the 'This is designed to show; not only I—“thaLthere does not exist, between the Rio Grande.. "In this lie. but expresses lh$ unanimous - opinion of the whole South. Mr. Cobb, wilt a iso admit that the whole of .Texas- is nqw slave ter ritory; and Mr. Clay and Gen. Cass being judges, the existing laws of New Mexico^proKibii slavery. - Now what laws will-prevail over!hat portion of Texas which Mr.-Clay’s bill proposes to cede—the laws of Texas; or those of New Mexico ? ' Certainly duise of -tbe latter. r Whatlbcn is the difference between this and tbe'Wiiinot Proviso? Is it not all the same in'principle and effect, whether Congress place a por- -lion of Texas under anti-sla.vcry laws, two propositions, such a broad 'differ ence,” but that the contrast is in favor •ot Mr, Clay’s bill. Now -I ask evety candid man, of what value, under the circumstances, would be the-privilege of carrying our slaves into’New Mexico and Utah ? With California West, Oregon the North, and with the great doubt resiiug upon the ppbli mind, as to the validity of Mexican anti-slavery la^s, what Southern man would risk his slaves in either of these territories? That properly is timid, has passed into a political axiom ; and instead ol attempting to allay the minds orextend anti-slavery laws over u' por-1 of the people of Georgia . into. a doubt- lion oi Texas. Either is a violation of ( ful security, Mr. Cobh ought, as the. doctrine of non-interveutiun, and Southern tuan, to stand ready to demand that the constitutional rights of his con stituents -should -be relieved' by Con gress from all hazards and all uncer tainty.- ‘ This would be.but a-fairequiv- alent, in a plan of compromise, - for tfie unconditional -surrender of the whole of California. - There is no sensible - man* not qnder some improper influences, but would infinitely prefer theunequiv- for the territories, in such ainanner.us to theone.asmuch-sq as the other. > Ifa have citizens of all the- rp an tljes with smalLpox, it -matters not States, to .t iefuJUaml secure enjoy- -lnWin whether he confracied the dis- tnent of all t heir Tights under the Cgn- c<ise hy being decoyed to where' it pre- jUlulion. Wllh Ihw lhe &vuih would vait«l. or wliolhcr it was brought lo have been conical vvoald.slid ho con- bis house by some persua labo'rjnoun- icnl. Asevideeg«.oChcr s..rec.nly.she drriu-infccrtou. . , ° voted tor the ^Clayton Contpromise,” \ . ; nn m. n and has sustaiuril every oilier-inminn j fu nmnr .-«--^ r * or resolution which lookcd.to suchn re- ,.f'L r |, n ri!i£rn m ie , °JS ,l, ” za M on suli. Bui .ml being nbl6lo..bioin socl. legislnlinn from Congress she is now of n(ln . in(Prven , i( ,f, j„ reference"reTbe ,n. bos ever beco u.ll.ng 10 n fmr ond Sllll j ec , n f slavcry,”^^is-indee “rue oo- - , .. cording ,he loir, .bnl no, S*S£ «««l W .ho sn ealled' adjSIlmen, offering upon 'bo.bar of lhe U™,- Jn IeIle it icoves'be ones, ion of save-thill.” There is. indeed, a vdrj' “brand ayo willing even though the doclrme of _ „ . . u,,.™ to carry hjs slavcs into all .the territory ^ Sdutli of 36 deg. 30 min., to any vague, slavery,” is-indeed true ac-j^ u ^* ou3 an ^ theoretic privileges - aye willing cvciv though tii non-intervention be infringed bv the ?aine position in- which the.** C lav ton • a » ( h go far os the South is concerned, it immense advantages which such at just- Compromise” placed it. But. the con- is > n favor of the Missouri Compromise, ment may givo to the North. : dilion iif -ihhnrs IA *- 1 * ••»*« u™. a » n„i,i;'.A .u. L_. ! Now, according to this interpretalioo since that’time. ^ non-intervention, it U quite certaijl, the South would not have been deterred"! ‘lu'a political point of view, a" seltle-. that neither the Nnshvu.e proposition, from emigrating to these territories, .by'ment upon the Nashville .basis, is of ihe The following is the bill which passed the Senate on Tuesday last, the 13th insl., for the admission of -California as a State: Whereas the people of California have presented a constitution and asked ad mission into the Union which constitu tion was submitted to Congress by the President of the United Stales by mes sage, dated February 13th, 1S50, and which, on due examination, is found to* he republican in its form ot govern ment: Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives ot the United States -of America in Congress assem bled, That the State of California shall he one,and is hereby declared lobe one, of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States in all respects'whatever. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That until the representatives in Con gress sho|l be apportioned according to an actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United Stales, the Slate of Cal ifornia shall be entitled to two represen tatives in Congi Sec. 3. And he it further enacted, ailj, Therefore let us insist up- the former and spurn the latter. There is another objection to the Mis- uri Compromise to which Mr. Cobb barely alludes without endorsing it.— But his organ, the Sourhwn Banner, rings the changes upon it, with untiring per- j Thnuhe said Slate of California severence. The objection is this ; that! milted into the Union upon tbe express asking a recognition ofslavery South ■ condition that the people of said Stale, of 36 deg. 30 min. we demand too j through their legislature or otherwise, much ofCongress, and that it is a new ; shall mover interlere with the primary feature engrafted upon the Missouri j disposal of the public lands within its Campromise. A little reflection will j limits, and shall pass no law and do no shbw, that the proposition is neither uu-j act whereby the title of the United reasonable or novel.. What was the Stales to, and the right to dispose of, the Missouri Compromise originally, and J same shall he impaired or questioned; its effect ? It was first applied to the j and they shall never lay .any tax or Louisiana purchase. The . whole of; assessment of any descriptionwhatso- that territory .was under the jurisdiction ever upon the public domain ol the of law recoguizing slavery. When Mis-; United States; and in no c^se shall non- squri was admitted into the Union, it ; resident proprietors, who are citizens of was upon condition, that slavery should the United States, be taxed higher than he forever prohibited in nil territory j residents; and that all the navigable North ol tlib-parrallel of 36 deg. 30 j waters within the said Slate shall be This is (he Missouri Compromiser common highways, and forever free, as and who does pot see, that its effect was well to the inhabitants of said Stale as to abolish slavery North of that line.— j to the citizens of ihe United Slates, And ii is equally true, that itilid not, in! without any tax, impost, or duty there- terms, recognise slavery South of it.— ! for: Provided, That nothing herein con- Such recognition wds not demaded, be-plained shall be construed c-.s recogniz- cause Tv was unnecessary. - Slavery al- j ing or rejecting the propositions ten- rfeacly existed. - ) dered by the people , of California The next instance, in which thp Mis-jurticles of compact in the ordinance souri Compromise was applied, was in ! adopted by the convention which form.- fhe annexation . of Texas. But here, ctl the constitution, of that Stale, all hough she was a slave State*, the In the last number of this paper, Mr. Christy, the late editor,announced that his connection with it had ceased. Wo are sure the readers of the Whig share with ns many regrets that such is the fact. Entering qpon the duties of public journalists, we do so, with, we believe, a correct estimate o! the weighty responsibilities we assume. Prompt ed by motives to use this great vehicle of knowl edge, so far as the limited influ enco of this shoe is concerned, in a manner calculated to effect re suits that will tend to the advancement of tin groat and varied interests of our wide-extended common couutry; we shall bring to .bear what ever of zeal and ability we may possess in the support of such measures as we conceive to bo promotive of the dcvclopcment of our resources, and thd fostering oi our industrial pursuits j and it is ueedless to say that we consider the general past and present policy of the Whig party well adapted to this purpose. We do not -promise a blind adherence to party, but. shall reserve s be coming independence of action whenover. we deem it necessary, and iu a conflict between our party and state or section of this confederacy, if such should arise,, we will be found io tho ranks of the latter. Our course in the present excited state of affairs will be such as the Whig has main tained tiyoughout—a hearty support ;of 'the clear, constitutional rights of the South, and resistance at all hazards and to the last extremity” to every violation of them. has almost arrived in tlie history-Of the Southern States, and it must be met—coming into the Union as equal and sovereign States, un- express guarantee ot certain and inalienable rights; giving up only so much ol power as was necessary for the formation of a confederacy, which should be tlie means of general protection, and productive of general, good—wc find that those gnarantees are to be trampled under foot, and this confederacy is to be made a great consolida if power for the purpose of oppression and i rulethe rights of minorities are to ho dis garded, the sovereignty of individual States scoffed .imply because in the Southern States of this Union, tlie institution of slavery exists—a species of property which is the great element of South- i success and wealth, nnd a species ot property :ognized by the constitution itself. Because the people of the Northern States possess a pious horror of slavery, and believe it to be an evil, we pectcd tosubmitto injustice and wrong- with- that morc thairsixteen hundred dollars are due ur Jor subscription alone. How can wc succeed whew our patrons thus ivithhold from us our just docs 7 It is a small matter to each one, but tlie sum total of vast importance to us. Will you not send 'forward .the smadl amounts you owe, and by so* doing discharge a plain duty, and give us the- means of relieving ourselves from the perplexing; circumstapees by which we arc surrounded? Non-Intercourse .will* tl*o North. That the South will be driven to the alternative of secession from theUnion, orthe adoptionof mea- policy retaliative of the acta of-' injustice and oppression ol the Northern^ States of this Con federacy, has become evident. The passage of the; California liill iu the Senate, and, its expected and undbubted adoption By the House, is an illustration of the means which will 'he used for the degradation- of the slavcholding States.' Thejial ha* gone forth slavery shall not go iiilo territory nouijfree ; we rt this,' notwithstanding the passage of the bill for tlioEstitblfskmcnt of territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico for the North supported* (hose measures, well aware of the fact that the: people of the latter had already interdicted slavery; and that slave owners would never carry their pro perty into a territory so illy tilted for its profitable Utah is represented to be, whilst it iy the free territory of Oregon, the ., and the chrysalis free State' The fiat has gone 'forth. Indi- accomplished what the Northern’ 3 often asserted should the Wilmot Proviso if the whole future history of our ... >ii ,6f the South is marked out. Tho number-of alafo States shall not he increas ed, and evey act that a people, lost to all sense ot justice and right, cannot commit, is to be resorted to* to deminish the present "area'of slavery," and to eventually cause its abolition,'with all its horrid at tendant evils. Unwarned by the history of British Negro Emancipation, and the unlortunate experi ment of freedom m St. Domingo, they would force us to submit fo tlie eventual loss of our property, ru- of our prosperjly, and the dreadful warfare of race against race, to satisfy tlie prejudices of a fanatical people. Can the South contemplate such a result with indifference ? We believe she will act, and > so promptly. * • - The question then arises,. is there a remedy for ir wrongs, aside from a peaceable dissolution of theUnion? Can such measures be-adopted as will correct the evil, and maintain the Union? — Possibly there may be, and we believe that unless the people of the North are so carried away by fanaticism as to disregard their own interest, there does exist a remedy. This n-medy ja non-intercourse. Happily for us w« possess a country abounding in every ele ment of wealth. We have a climate unsurpassed for salubrity by any in the world, a soil superior to any in productiveness, vast stores of mineral wealth, and wo . control that great clcmen*. in the commerce of the world, the cotton staple—the lat ter, is the greatest ** engine of power” a people ever possessed. Ours is an intelligent, energetic people, vvho only need be thrown upon their own resources to produce and manufacture every article The adoption of this policy will he the means of occupying every water-seat by manufactories,- of giving to ry village the hum of busy industry, of developing our mineral wealth, ol sending forth from our dock yards hundreds of ships, and of ex- . tending our commerce toevery land. Andthisran \ be accomplished without an infraction of law, and 1 we believe, without a disolntion of the Union. ® Close every Southern port to Northern commerce, sell our cotten to England, France and Germany, cut off all intercourse between the lico sections ; and a few years will present to the North the alterna tive of treating us as equals, and of securing to us our guaranteed constitutional rights, or of permil- ing her cotton spindles to stand idle, her working be impoverished and her ships to rot in out a parallel, even in tho history of the enlighten-! “,”^ g u ed limited monarchy of the world—and to qni etly , .. - . .. t . r„u . . ... 1 ' her harbors. She will then find that those whom fold our arms and contemplate acts tending to cf- „ , , , i x • . . «. v. .... , ° . I she had used as a subsmiant tool to her own's!*—- ^ feet, mthreclly, what the; <lo not a. yet pot.ee. the , stnnJisclnc „ t , and , vhoEC ri llt5 she h , d disrcg ,^ power ol eflect.nj. directly—the uholman afslmtnj. cd and , | cd llay " bcc „ me -nets has almost arnved, we repeat. The hoar ! r<1 , riva , and sa , r intetcst j, , h „ to come when the unplea«ant duly ha. devolved „„ t ia , licc ,, ia „„| y „ of „. grot that such means should have to be adopted by i , the South, but only such will prove effective.— cased her to-exult. A cotmitotional : W e propose to give onr view, more [ally, upon be I this subject at a future day. Union is yet dear to her, and if such maintained, she will be ready to defend and ad here to it—but a Union of tyranny and oppre.* wc believe will be deserted by her,*/ the a qiiences be what they may.. The matter is in own bands—it is for her to decide whether oi she prefers to remain in the Union, and be the tim of oppression,'or secede from - it, and maintain \ j.;' Wc would invite the attention of our readers to an extract in to-day’s paper, from a review of the position of lion. II. Cobb, upon the slavery and a letter to W. H. her independence of character. She- will decide j ~ and by her decision we will abide, whether accordance with our own views or not. We hope we will be excused for making a i ference to the present condition and prospects of > ^rem olutinns of annexation distinctly recog- nise slaver}' South of 36 deg. 30 min., and sUffeilatc, that Status formed out of territory Sbuth of that line, shall be ad mitted with or without slavery, as the people forming them shall, determine. Tide is all tbo*i friends of.the Naslr ville plaiforirifasfe. 1 Is iUmreasonable, is it unprecedented ? But for whose benefit v’as the Mis souri Compromise adopted? Was it for the South? No; butjor the North.' It was to satisfy their demands,, that the. South ever acquiesced in such a Stat ute. Now we have acquired‘large ter ritories from the^ Repuolic of Mexjco. The South maintains that, under, the Constitution, she has an equal' right with the North to tbeif free ancl full en joyment. The North, on the other hand, insists on excluding slavery from them. ~ Unable to agree, the South says, let us divide'the territory*'as in 1820, hy'the fine of 36 deg. 30 rain., and int asmach as it is contended by the North, ijiat the existing laws of Mexico are vdlid lor the exclusion -Slavery* we insist, that in adopting Ihe : . words af the Missouri Compromise, we shall also — ——— .j .uissouri (joinpuxuiac, wc «uau aiau ocal, substantial-and recognized right atlopt itsSj«riz^inil operation* As slavc- r the Clay adjustment conform to it. the existing Mexican laws. But now I utmost importance. It”'will'contmue* line, without any equivalent whatever, ry was . abolished North: of it; for the accommodation of the North in .1820, let all laws of Mexico supposed to conflict with our right South of it, he, now an nulled by Congress, for our benefit. * Is there any thing unreasonable or unjust in such' a oeraaml? Is it-asking any tilingmore than to make therrale recip- rocal ? Of what value to the South would he the letter of the Missouri Com promise, without' its spirit ? It would ’ be absolutely, yielding all North of tlie The.Will of the Elder SIrRobt. Peel, After detailing Drayton Park, and the other large estates in Staffordshire, and Warwickshire, it proceeds to recite sums, to the amount.of-nearly a quar ter of a million, previously advanced toor settled upon His ^several, chi hired, (not including ;£9,000 per-annum set tled on his eldest son.) and then be queathed about. .£600,000 more, mak ing the portion of the five youngest sons .£106,000.each, and those of his daugh ters-*£63,000 each. He leaves the chap el erected by him at Fazdy, in Staf fordshire, 41,000, ( afterwards revoked because he had-endowed it wilh lands,) and ^6,000. to the school established by him iu tbe said village; to the Infirma ry and Lunatic Asylum in Manchester, and the Lying in Hospital in- Salvord, one hundred pounds each. The will is dated July 27lb, 1820.. By a.cotlicil of February il, 1S26,’ the portions of his youngest sons are increased, to .£135, 000, and of-the- residue which is said (o have exceeded half a million, four- mbths wereljequealhed to the late bar onet, and one.ninth to each of his five younger sons. The personal property was sworn at what is technically called upper value,” which means that it exceeded £900,000, and was- the* first instance of the scale of duties extended 16 such a sum. <•'-* ' GastoA Oil.—*The production of cas tor oil, if well managed, can be made a profitable businessin tbe South .to a limited extent. The palma christi, be ing a tropical plant, .will do - better; in Georgia aud Alabama than in Illinois and Misssissipi, whore most of this kind of oil js made, which is not imjiorted- the Southern Whig. This paper was established more than eighteen years ago, and has passed through many vicissitudes. A few faithful friends have given it their cheerful support r through its darkest hours, but they are lew indeed. Its his tory has been a sad one—during its existence it has been a source of pecuniary loss for the greater part of the time, and now, although in a more prosperous condition than it has been for years past, it is far from remunerating its conductors.'— It is strange indeed tliat when intelligence is dis seminated by steam and the electric telegraph, with lightning speed; when great and monstrous changes are occurring in the world around us; and when our own domestic affairs are in a most diirtracte# sttfte, tfoi-every'moment the great pulse of the people throbs with extreme anxiety—that thousands in our State are fouud so careless of tlie acquisition of knowledge, as to refuse to use this cheapest means of information—the newspaper--. content tp live and die in as. complete ig norance,, as if the dark pall of the middle ages rronnded them. And it is stranger still, that many possess so little State and sectional pride, to support the numberless cheap publications of the. North, that they may save fifty cents or one dollar per annum lrom their expenses, while thev are nursing within their bosoms tbe viper which sting them so soon as it possesses the power. Ent there is'another class for whom we. have a remark—those who expect newspapers to. exist as a means of convenience in their vicinity, and to exdrt every effort for the promotion of their pecu liar interests, wbilstthey.gire their.patronage to those published at points remote frojn them. We might appeal to the Whigs of this Con gressional district with much propriety. Do you wish that a paper advocating your views; and en listed in your,"success shall cpntinae ? If so, come up heartily tails support; ** lhe laborer is worthy of his hire,” and why should you make the excep tion against us ? Why is it that men of influence, in this district refuse to lend us the helping hand ? -Is it because we arp on worthy of being sustained? Or is it because they are indifferent to the success of the principles they advocate ? If see deserve to live, let vs lice’, ifutidesehing, let us die. Tbiil is all wp ask—and the future will decide the matter. Since the commencement ,of the'-new series* of the Whig, July 1st, 1840— about four years up to the present writing—altho’ the plaif of advance * payment was then adopted, iformed to for a oonsidcrable time,' wo find as published in the Constitutional- i ist, under tho signature of "Oglethorpe,” and is a j very able .refutation of the grounds assumed by • Mr. Cobb, in favor of the Clay compromise, in pre- the Missouri line. The doctrino of non-intervention is handled in a masterly manner, and its inapplicability at the present time com pletely demonstrated. We should be pleased to tho article in extenso, but its great length forbids. Newspaper Changes. John H. Christy, Esq., who has conducted the Athens Whig with much ability during the past four years,* retires from the editorial chair,* as we see hy the last issue of-that paper, in a neat and appropriate valedictory. He has our best wishes forjiis future success.. We have heard that-he will hereafter conduct the Messeuger, published at Ashville, N'. C.’\&c., &c. You .will allow me, Mosers. Editors, (jvbile thanking him for the very handsome terms in which from time to time alluded to my poorsetvi- o correct a mistake into which Mr. Suvthe has been led by his informant. So far as I, know, there has not-been a word said about me taking ' charge of the Messenger, and the report, I presume, grew out of the fact that I visited Asheville just be fore retiring from the Whig. This may look like % small raatler. but there arc reasons why the correc- tiop should be made. By publishing this, Messrs. Editors, and request ing my esteemed friend of the Republic to roako the correction, you will much oblige yours, &c., THE EX-EDITOR. G* Wc learn lrom an extra, from the office of tbe "Georgia Citizen,” that ah indignation meeting was held in Macon on the 23d inst., to: take into consideration the offence, committed by the editor of that paper, (L. F. W. Andrews) by the publi cation of an abolition articte in the Citizen. . The following is ihe. verdict rendered by that body : . - Resolved, That a committee of fifteen be appoint ed to wait upon Hr. Andrews, and Inform him that he must riot issue another number ot -his'paper in this city, and that'he must give op the name of the Author of the.'Gabxiel’ letter, and shouM he re fuse to comply with the above demands, that the citfzsmbf lliori will alfpt' susS minures'- as to compef his precipitate departure. hVk. GiSS,!’ ! Sccri^ric... 1^ y_ _ Early Fbost.—The Albany Argus pf tlTe lOth inst.,says*there warn frost in Bethlehem qmd its vicinity Qolhe night .of^Friday week; i