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I was born in the state of Virginia
and so was my father and mother be
fore me—and I think if ever there
was a true hearted Virginian, I must
be one. for I never was out of the
state in my life, though l am now
upwards of thirty j'ears old, and
this may be one reason why I have
always thought Virginia th best
state in the Union But there may
he another reason why I have such a
sincere love for Virginia, and fur the
United States of America in general
—Almost the first thing that 1 can
remember that worked any deep im
pression on my mind was the death
of my father and circumstances of it.
—Me lived at that time about forty
or fifty miles from York Town where
Cornwallis was taken
During the seige he went down on
it tour in the Militia, hut he had been
in the American army before and
was wounded at the battle of Bran
dywine. I can remember that after
my father went down to York, my
mother very often in the day, and
sometimes in tue night would go out
to the edge of the yard and walk a
liout very thoughtful, and then stand
as if she was listening to hear some
thing with great attention. I wa*»
then very young, and would frequent
ly go to where she was and ask her
what she was doing—she would
commonly answer me, nothing my
son, and would tell me to go into the
house; and 1 could see from the
tears that were streaming from her
eyes, that she was in great distress
about something. 1 had no notion
of what was the cause of my mo
ther’s grief, but l could see from the
looks of my older brothers and sisters
that they had, for they would fre
quently call me back when they
saw me going to her at these times ;
and when 1 asked them w hat was
the matter with our mother, they
seemed to he much affected and hid
me hush, for I did not know what l
was talking about. —The check
which my brothers and sisters tried
to put upon me, and the concern i
saw they were in about our mother,
for wc all loved her with heart and
soul, increased my desire to know
what it was distressed her.—f was
ihc youngest of her children except
one that was at the breast, and a
much longer time having passed be
tween mv birth and the youngest,
than was common with her, my mo
ther was very fond of me and I made
freer with her than the older children
did.
One glear moonshine night when
it was very still, and my mother had
staid out behind that end of the
house which was next to York Town,
later than common, 1 stole out to
where she was, partly from my im
patience at her being so long absent,
and partly from the curiosity to see
what she was doing. 1 went up near
to iler without her knowing that I
was there—and while I was consid
ering what I should say to her, I
could hear her sob, and sec by her
holding up her apron, that she was
wiping away the tears from her eyes.
In a short time her sobbing hushed,
and she held in her breath and seem
ed to listen with all her might to
something at a great distance—and
I could distinctly hear a lumbering
noise like the falling of numbers oi
great trees at a great distance. As
it seemed to die away and grow
fainter and fainter, mv mother's sighs
and tfcars was renewed again—and
then she would be silent and listen
and then weep again and so on for
time, and the sound being louder
than common, her apron, dropt from
her face, and she sunk upon her
!• nees—and pressing one hand upon
her breast, and lifting up the other a
ttle, with her eyes looking up to
wards heaven, she said in a voice
that seemed to come from the very
bottom of her heart—O my God—
preserve my husband, and let him
return in safety’ to his helpless wile
and children—and grant O Lord,
that the victory may he on our side,
and let me not suffer these hard
trials in vain, but O let it be for the
good of my native land.—Never
shall I forget her w ords, nor hoiv she
appeared at that time—She then
rose from her knees and wept more
bittedy than ever, I was also greatly
distressed, I could not tell why, and
I burst into tears.—My crying caus
ed my mother to observe me. She
was somewhat surpnsed at first, hut
in a moment she seazed me in her
arms and raised me from the earth,
she pressed m with all her strength
to her bosom—O my child, my child,
said she—but her feeling seemed to
be too strong for her to express; she
bent her head over me and her tears
streamed upon my face. I folded
my arms about her neck and wept a
loud—after a little time, she set me
on my feet again and said, come
do’nt cry, my dear, let us go into the
house. By this time 1 got compos
ed enough to ask her, what noise it
was 1 heard while 1 w r as standing
near her. She turned towards the
course it came from and said —it is
the cannon at York, that our country
men and the English are firing at
each other—l asked her what they
were fighting for 1 She said, our
countrymen were fighting for the
rights and liberty of our country, and
the English w ere trying to make us
their slaves, that they might take a
way from us any thing we have
whenever they want it. — From that
moment l hated the English, and
though I do not like bearing malice,
L hope Mr. Old B. you will not ac
cuse me of uncharitableness, and I
confess that to this day the impres
-ion that w as made on my mind has
never entirely gone off—but what
i wish you to take notice of is, that
it was then for the first time in my
life, when that scene passed between
me and nty mother, that I felt in my
heart the love of my country ; and 1
am sure it w ill always remain in may
heart as long as there is a drop of
warm blood in it. —And if you can
have patience, old Mr. B. with my
tedious way, you shall see how my
mother, my good excellent mother,
cherished and strengthened by all
means in her pow er the love of our
country in the hearts of her chil
dren.
My mother mentioning of York-
Town, and what I heard her say in
her prayer, made me think of my fa
ther As we walked towards the
house, l asked her “ w here was my
father ?” >j,he stuped short and look
ing back towards York, said with a
melancholy voice but very firm, He
is there where we heard the roaring
of the cannan."—ls he fighting for
his country, said 1 ? Aye said she,
that he is, and he will fight bravely
too —My tears flowed again, and my
heart swelled with love for my
country. After a little, I asked her,
when will my father come heme ?
She said as if she did not know that
she spoke to me—perhaps he will
never—she stoped and then said, 1
hope he will come home soon my
son. By this time we got near to
the door; my mother wiped her eyes
and then mine, and we went into the
house.
But alas, mv father never came
home again.—ln a few days after
wards, some of the neighbors who
had been drawn to York, came up
and brought the news, that my father
was killed by a musket hall in storm
ing some of the out w orks that our
men took from the British —the dis
tressing news w : as too true.
But good old Mr. B. this letter is
too long hut 1 could not help it—l
have wrote two for you before and
burnt them because they were too
long, and this is longer than them
both, and I have not got fully to the
main points that 1 wished to inform
you of, and to ask your opinion a
bout That is. about our loving
our country, which l dont think our
people are any way remarkable for,
but on the contrary are wanting in it
—and about the people in general in
our state having but too little learn
ing, and a great deal less 1 think,
than they might have if things were
managed to the best advantage, and
they had as great a desire tor it as 1
am sure you think they ought to
have from what you have said in
some of your pieces—But you shall
see what 1 think about these things
<n my next, which if you can span
time to read, it shall be short—no
more at i-rc- ni, hm yom -
Has tibi erunt artes, pacisque itaponere morciß, parcere subject* et debellare superbos.—Virgil.
MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, APRIL 18, 1820.
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS.
MESSAGE
To (lie Iluuse of Reprscntatives of the
United States:
Washington, 30th March, 1826
In compliance w ith a resolution ol
the House of the 27th inst. request
ing a copy of such parts of the an
swer of the Secetary of State to
Mr. Clay, dated Mexico, 28th Sept.
1825, No. 22, as relates to the
pledge of the United States therein
mentioned ; and also requesting me
to inform the House whether the
United States have in any manner
made any pledge to the governments
of Mexico and South America, that
the United States would not permit
the interference of any foreign power
with the independence or form of
government of those nations, and if
so, when, in what manner, and to
what effect; and also, to communi
cate to the House a copy of the
communication from our Minister at
Mexico, in which he informed the
government of the United States that
the Mexican government called upon
this government to fulfil the memo
rable pledge of the President of the
United States, in his message to
Congress, of Dec. 1823,1 transmit to
the House a report from the Secreta
ry of State, with documents, contain
ing the information desired by the
resolution,
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
Department of State,
Washington 20 th, March, 1825.
The Secretary of State, to whom
has been refered by the President
the resolution of the House of Repre
sentatives of the 27th March, 1825
requesting him to transmit to that
House certain parts of the corres
pondence between the Department
of State and the Minister of the
United States, nt Mexico, and to
communicate certain information
therein mentioned, has the honor to
report —
That no answer was transmitted
from this Department to the letter
of Mr Poinsett, No. 22, under date
at Mexico, on the 28th September,
1825. That No 18, from Mr. Poin
sett, under date the 13th of the same
moil h and No. 22, relate to the
same subject ; the first stating the
obstacle which had occurred to the
conclusion of the commercial treaty,
in the pretension brought forward by
Mexico to grant to the American
Nations of Spanish origin, special
privileges which were not to he en
joyed by other nations ; and the sec
ond narrating the arguments which
were urged lor and against it, in the
conferences between Mr. Poinsett
and the Mexican Ministers : that No
22 was received on the 9th of De
cember last, and the answer of the
fill of November, 1825, from this
Depart moot to No 18, having been
prepared and transmitted superseded
the necessity, as was believed, ot
any more particular reply to No. 22.
That extracts from the general
instructions to Mr. Poinsett, under
date the 25th of March, 1825, are
herewith reported, marked A : that
the United States have contracted
no engagement, nor made any pledge
to the Gov rnments of Mexico and
South America, or to either ofthem,
that the United States would not
permit the interference of any foreign
Power with the independence or
form of government of those Nations;
nor have any instructions been 'ls
sued, authorizing any such engage
ment or pledge. It will be seen that
the message of the late President ot
the United States, of the 2d Decem
ber, 1823, is adverted to in the ex
tracts now furnished from the in
structions to Mr. Poinsett, and that
he is directed to impress its princi
ples upon the Government of the
United Mexican states. All appre
hensions of the danger, to which Mr.
Monro alludes, of an interference,
by the Allied Powers of Europe, to
introduce their political systems into
this Hemisphere, have ceased. 1'
indeed, an attempt by force had been
mad by Allied Europe to subvert
the liberties of the Southern Nations
on this Continent, and to erect, upon
the ruins of their free institutions,
inonarchial systems, the people oi
the United States would have
stood pledged in the opinion of their
Executive, not to any foreign State,
hut to themselves and to t heir pos
terity, by their dearest interests and
highest duties, to resist, to the ut
most, such attempt ; and it is to a
pledge of that character to Mr. Poin
sett alone refers.
That extracts from a despatch of
Mr. Poinsett, under date the 21st
August, 1825, marked B, are also
herewith reported, relating to the
movements of the French fleet in the
West India seas, during the last sum
mer That his previous letter to
:w':■ ii he 1 1■ t« r- o*n l).-
accidently mislaid, and cannot there
fore now be communicated, which
is less regretted, because the infor
mation contained in that now report
ed, it is presumed, will he entirely
satisfactory.
All which is respectfully submit
ted.
H. CLAY.
A
Extracts from the general instruc
tions of Mr. Clay ; Secretary of
State, to Mr. Poinsett, appointed
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary to Mexico, dated
Department ok State,
Washington, 2oth March, 1825.
The mission on which the Presi
dent wishes you with all practicable
ilespatcii to depart, would at any
time he highly important, hut posses
sed at till.: momenta peculiar in
terest. Every where on this Con
tinent, but on the side of the United
Mexican States, the United States
are touched by the colonial territories
of some sovereign authority fix'd! in
Europe You are the first Minister
actually leaving the United States,
to reside near a sovereign power
established and exerted on this Con
tinent, whose territories are conter
minous with our own. You will
probably he the first Minister receiv
ed by that power from any sovereign
State, except from those which
have recently sprung out of Spanish
America. The United Mexican
States, whether we regard their pre
sent posture, or recal to our recol
lection their ancient history and for
times, arc entitled to high consider
ation. In point of population, posi
tion, and resources, they must be
allowed to rank among the first
powers of America. In contempla
ting the progress in them towards
civilization, which the aborigines had
made at the epoch of the Spanish
conquest which ensued, an irresisti
ble interest is excited, which is not
surpassed, if it be equalled, by that
which is awakened in perusing the
early history of any other part of
America. But what gives, w ith the
President, to your mission peculiar
importance at this time, is, that it
has for its principal object, to lay for
the first time the foundation of an
intercourse of amity, commerce, navi
gation, anil neighborhood, which may
exert a powerful influence for a long
period upon the prosperity of both
States.
lii more particularly inviting your
attention to the objects which should
engage it on your mission, I will in
the tirst place refer you to the gen
eral instructions which were given
by my predecessor, on the 27th May,
1823, to Mr. Anderson, the Minister
of the United States at Colombia, of
which a copy is annexed, and which
are to be considered as incorporated
in them. £0 far as they are appli
cable alike to the condition of Co
lombia and M xico, and shall not be
varied in this or subsequent letters,
you will view them as forming a
guide for your conduct. In that let
ter of the 27th May, the principles
which have regulated the course ol
this government in respect to the
contest between Spanish America
and Spain, from its origin, are clearly
stated, explained, and vindicated,
and the bases of those upon which
it is desirable to place the future in
tercourse between the United States
and the several governments which
have been established in Spanish A
merica, are laid down. So that al
though that letter was intended to
furnish instructions for the American
Minister deputed to one of those
governments only, it should
templatcd as unfolding a system of
relations which it is expedient to es
tablish with all of them. From that
letter, as well as from notorious pub
lic facts, it clearly appears that the
people and the government of the
United States have alike, through
out all the stages of the struggle be
tween Spain and her former colonies,
cherished the warmest foldings and
the strongest sympathies towards the
latter. That the establishment of
their independence and freedom has
been anxiously desired: that the re
cognition of that independence was
made as early as it was possible, con
sistently with those just considera
tions of policy and duty which this
government felt itself bound to en
tertain towards both parties. and
1 hnt, in point of fact, with the ex
ception of the act of the Portuguese
Brazilian government, to which it
was prompted by self-interest, and
which preceded that of the United
States only a few months, this gov
ernment has been the tirstAo assume
the responsibility and encounter the
hazard of recognising the govern
ments which have been formed out
of Spanish America. If (lure ever
were any ground for imputing tardi
ness to the United States in making
In:ru.n,.Hn:i- a it r»-si,.-,l* nlht*.
America, there is not the slightest
pretext for such a suggestion in re
lation to Mexico. For within a little
more than a year after its indepen
dence was proclaimed, the United
States hastened to acknowledge it.
They have never claimed, and do
not jjew claim, any peculiar favor or
concession to their commerce
navigation, as the consideration of
the liberal policy which they have
shown towards those governments.
But the President does confidently
expect, that a priority of movement,
on our part, which has disconcerted
plans which the European Allies
were contemplating against the in
dependent governments, and which
lms no doubt tended to accelerate
similar acts of recognition by the
European powers, and especially that
ol Great Britain, will form a power
ful motive with our Southern neigh
bours, and particularly with Mexico,
for denying to the commerce and
navigation of those European States,
any favors or privileges which shall
not he equally extended to us.
“Youw’ill bring to the notice of
the Mexican Government the mes
sage of the late President of the U.
States to their Congress, on the 2d
December, 1823, asserting certau
important principles of inter-contin
ental law, in the relations of Europe
and America. The first principle
asserted in that message, is, that the
American Continents are not hence
forth to be considered as subjects for
future colonization by any European
Pow ers. In the maintenance of that
principle, all the independent Go
vernments of America have an inte
rest ; hut that of the United States
has probably the least Whatever
foundation may have existed three
centuries ago, or even at a later pe
riod, when ail this continent was un
der European subjection, for the es
tablishment of a ruler, founded on
priority of discovery and occupation,
for apportioning among the Powers
of Europe parts of this continent,
none can he now admitted as appli
cable to its present condition. There
is no disposition to disturb the colo
nial possessions, as they may now
exist, of any of the European Pow
ers ; but it is against the establish
ment of new European colonics, up
on this continent, that the principle
is directed. The countries in which
any such new establishments might
he attempted, are now open to the
euterprizc and commerce of all A
mericans. And the justice or pro
priety cannot be recognized, of arbi
trarily limiting and circumscribing
that enterprize and commerce, by
the act of volantarily planting anew
colony, without the consent of Ame
rica, under the auspices of foreign
Powers belonging to another and a
distant continent. Europe w ould be
indignant at any Ameiicant attempt
to plant a colony on any other shores
and her justice must perceive, in the
rule contended for, only perfect re
ciprocity.
“ The other principle asserted in
the message is, that, whilst we do
not desire to interfere in Europe,
with the political system of the Al
lied Powers, we should regard, as
dangerous to our peace and safety,
any attempt, on the !r part, to extend
their system to any portion of thi
hemisphere. The political system
of the two continents are essentially
different. Each has an exclusive
right to judge for itself what is best
suited to its own condition, and most
likely to promote its happiness; hat
neither has a right to enforce upon
the other the establismcnt of its pe
culiar system. This principle was
declared in the face of the world, at
a moment when there was reason to
apprehend that the Allied Powers
were entertaining designs inimical to
the freedom, if not the independ
ence, of the new Govcrnme-nts.
There is groutid tor believing that
the declaration of it had considerable
effect in preventing the maturity, il
not in producing the abandonment,
of all such designs. Both principles
w ere laid down, after much and anx
ious deliberation, on the part of tiie
late Administration. The President,
who then formed a part of it, contin
ues entirely to coincide in both And
you will urge upon the Government
of Mexico the utility and expedien
cy of assertaing the same principles,
on all proper occasions.’’
B.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Poin
sett, Euvoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of the U.
States, to Mexico, to Mr. Cluy,
Secretary of State, dated
“Mexico, 21st Aug. 1825.
“The correspondence respecting
the reported movements of the
French fleet, on the West Inda sens,
which accompanied my last letter,
was attended with circumstances
[OR $4 IF NOT PAID IN SIX MONTHS.
[NO. XVIII —VOL. I.
“ The intelligence was received
on the 15th inst. by the Secretary ol
State. On the morning of the 16th,
he called upon the Charge d’Affairs
of His Britannic Majesty, and show
ed him the letters from the Agent of
this Government, at Jamaica. Mr.
Ward came immediately to me, to
consult w hat was to be done, and
expressed a w ish that we should set
in concert. As I had not seen the
Secretary, nor {he letter to which he
alluded, I could only reply, that I
was perfectly willing to do so, pro
vided this Government, in their
communications with us, placed botii
cur governments on precisely the
same footing. He immediately went
to the Palace, and saw’ the Secreta
ry of State, to whom lie explained
his desire that the notes to be ad-*
dressed to us, should be verbatim et
literatim the same. Late in the af
ternoon, the Secretary called on me,
and exhibited the letters he had re
ceived from Jamaica, and which in
duced him to believe that France
entertained hostile intentions against
this country. In this conversation,
I assured him of the friendly disposi
tion of the United States, and that
they would not view with indiffer
ence the occupation of the Island of
Cuba, hv France, especially if it was
tin result of any hostile views to
wards Mexico; hut, at the same
time, hinted that the imprudent con
duct of some of their commanders
might have induced Spain to cedo
that Island to the French, rather
than have it wrested from her in
the manner proposed by Santa Ami,
of which they were fully aware.”
“ When Mr. Ward w'as informed
that the Secretary had said nothing
to me of his interview with him, nor
of his intention to make the notes to
he addressed to ns on this subject
similar, he waited on the President,
and reiterated his request The
President, after assuring him that
this should be done, declared that he
himself was ignorant of the arrival
of tiiis importont intelligence, until
He saw it published in the Sol.
On the ensuing day, notes couch
ed inexactly the same words, were
received both by Mr. Ward and my
self I objected to the language,
and waited on Mr. Alaman to state
my objections. The original notes,
after stating that wc had declared,
mthe most solemn manner, that wo
would never consent that any third
power should interpose in the ques
tion between Spain and her former
colonies, and that the conduct of
France, on this occasion, is certainly
an interposition, which, however
cloaked, is not the less inexcusable,
goes on to say, “the President,
therefor, instructed me to inform
your excellency of these important
occurrences, so that by bringing
them to the notice of your govern
ment, it may demand of His most
Catholic Majesty such explanations
ts the same requires.”
1 told the Secretary that the de
claration ol" the President, and the
known friendly disposition of the Go
vernment ami of the people of the
United States towards those coun
tries, did not confer upon this go
vernment the privilege of demanding
our interference as a right. He ex
pressed his readiness to alter the
phraseology of the note, and it was
done. The note to his Britannic
Majesty’. Charge des Affairs was af
‘ twards altered in the same terms,
and the substance of our answers
con esponded.
The testimonies of Bolingbroke and
Paine to the excellence of Christi
anity. ms
The former says, “No religion
ever appeared in the world, whose
natural tendency was so much di
rected to promote the pence and
happiness of mankind, as Christianity.
No system can he more simple
&. plain, than that of natural religion
as it stands in the Ccspcl. The gos
pel is in all cases one continued les
sen of the strictest morality, of jus
tice, of benevolence, and of charity.
The latter asserts that “ Jesus Christ
was a virtuous and an amiable man;
that the morality which he preached
and practised w ? as of the most be
nevolent kind; that, though similar
systems of morality had been preach
ed by Confucius, and by seme of the
Greek philosophers, many years be
fore, and by many good men in all
ages, it has not been exceeded by
any.” Such are the strange conces
sions of Infidels —
“ Hoiv disbelief affirms what it denies !’’
A Golden Eagle was shot by Win,
A. Underhill, on Corton Point, N. Y.
on the 23d of 2d month, 1826, and
was measured in the presence of sev
eral respectable people—across the
wir.gs from end to end seven feet
eight inches, from his beak to his
feet, three feet —his beak was threo
inches in length, and four and 5-Bths