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for her deliverance —when, in 1789
he crossed the Bridge of Trenton
on which classic spot the hands, ot
freemen “reared for biro triumphal
'bowers," while a choir of innocent*
with seraph chaunt, “welcomed the
mighty Chief once more,” and “vir
gins fair, and matrons grave, strewed
the hero’s way with flowers."
The journ y of the first P sident
to the Seat of Government was one
continued triumph; but no where
was it of so feeling a character as at
the bridge of Trenton. That tva*
indeed a classic ground. It was
there, on a frozen surface that, in
1776, was achieved the glorious
event which restored the fast-failing
fortunes of Liberty, and gave to her
drooping eagles a renewed and bold
er flight. What a contrast to the
Chief must have been this spot in
1789, when no longer “a mercenary
so:. aimed’ against lam the fatal blow,”
when no more was heared the roar
of combat, the shouts of the victors,
the groans of the dying—but the
welcome of thousands to Liberty’s
great Defender, the heartfelt homage
of freemen to the Deliverer of his
country. The President alighted
from his carriage, and approached
the bridge uncovered. As he pass
ed under the triun phalarcb, a cherub
perched amid itsfoliage,crowned him
with laurel which will never fade,
while seraph strains from angel min
strelsy sweetly filled the air, as the
Hero trod on his way of flowers.
Washington shed tears 1
The merit of these appropriate
and classical decorations is due to
the late Airs. Stockton, of Princeton
a lady of literary acquirements, and
refined taste. She was familiarly
called the Duchess, from her elegance
and dignity of manners ; was a most
ardent patriot during the war of the
Revolution, and, with the Stockton
family, was marked lor persecution
oo the ruthless invasion of the Jer
seys. This distinguished lady was
the grand-mother of Mr Secretary
Rush who is “doubly blessed” in Ui»
Revolutionary ancestry ; both his
father and grand father having sign
ed the Declaration of Independence
—a most honored distinction, and,
we believe, enjoyed bv no other cit
izen of our extensive American
Empire.
Georgia and i/ie‘ United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENT
ATIVES.
March JJ, 1827.
The Select Committee, to which
were referred a Message of tne
President of the United States, of
the blh mst. with accompanying
documents, and a Message of the
Bth instant, with accompanying
documents; also, a Report and
Resolutions of the Legislature of
Georgia, with accompanying doc
uments; also, a Joint Resolution to
indemnify the Creek Indians
lor the land lying between the
Chutahouchie River and the di
viding line between Georgia and
Alabama: also, a Message of the
President, with accompanyi g doc
uments, of 2d March, have had
those subjects under considera
tion, and beg leave to report as
follows:
The civilized nations of Europe,
who, at different periods, discover
ed and settled the various portions
of the American continent, founded,
principally, on the right of discovery
a Haim to the Sovereignty over the
R gions so disco vered This claim
of -overeignty does not appear, at
least in the case of the English Gov
ernment, to have extended, itself,
beyond an exclusion of the claims
of other nations. The Committee
are not aware, that the English Gov
ernment, or its Representatives, tne
Colonial Governments, ever assum
ed, m virtue of this claim of sover
ejgnty, to exercise the power of in
ternal legislation over the persons
who composed the various Indian
tribes, within the regions to which
the claim of sovereignty extended.
These tribes were, on the contrary,
consul-. red and treated as separate,
and, to a certain degree, indepen
dent nations. A friendly inter
course with them was kept up by
JDe.ins of conferences and councils:
boundaries, the right to establish and
maim am military posts, and occa
sionally the right of passage were
matter of stipulation, by formal con
ventions, entered into between the
Crown or olouios on the one hand
and the Chiefs and Warriors of the
tribes on the other. When the pro
visions of these treaties were bro
ken by the Indian tribes, or when,
in any other way, a state of hostili
ty arose, wars ensued, as between
separate civilized countries, and
these wars were concluded by trea
ty. No doubt, in the most early pe
riods of our history, and in reference
to the remnant? of tribes, which had
ceased to have a separate existence,
transactions may have occurred,
which imply a different principle of
action, on the part of the British or
Colonial Governments; but it is be
lieved, that no attempt was ever
made by those Governments, or any
of them, to incorporate the Indian
tribes into the body politic, or to
carry the right of sovereignty far
ther, than to exclude the soveriegn
tv of other free States, and to regu
late, at discretion, the intercourse
with the tubes thus subjected.
In the like manner, the European
Governments claimed, by virtue of
discovery, a rigid in the soil, occupied,
by the Indian tribes. It is not neces
sary, nor perhaps possible, to define
*he precise extent to which this claim
was carried, in all instances. It is
well knowD, however, that it was a
claim of a right of pre-emption re
siding in the Government. By vari
ous public and legislative acts, indi
viduals were disqualified from ac
quiring a title to Indian lands, by di
rect purchase of the Indians; and
the Government recognized a right
of occupancy in the Indians, which it
claimed to itself the exclusive prero
gative of extingushing. This well
known fact has received the sanc
tion of judicial decision, (Bth Whea
ton,) in the case of Johnson and Gra
ham’s Lessees vs. Mclntosh. Such
was the state of things before the
Revolution.
In the event of the war of Inde
pendence, the rights of the British
Government devolved upon the Uni
ted States. But a grave question
arose whether, in reference to the
Indian tribes within the limits of any
State, the right of exclusive sover
eignty and txclasive pre-emption,
formerly vested in the Crown, pass
ed, in virtue of the Declaration of
In lependence, to the Confederation
of States, or to the iud Tidual States,
respectively, within the limits of
which each tribe was situated. On
the one hand, it was contended, that
the right to the unoccupied lands,
and, what was considered the same
thirg, the land occupied by the In
dians, having originally resided in
that Government, which was com
mon to ail the Colonies, and having
been conquered from that Govern
ment, at the joint expense and ef
forts of all the\Colonie-, passed to the
Confederation; on the other hand,
it was urged, that each state, becom
ing independent, succeeded, within
its own limits, to all the rights for
merly vested in the Crown.
The controversies growing out of;
this difference of opinion, v.ere of
the most serious character. They
were one chief cause, which retarded
the adoption of the articles of Con
federation, they formed the subject
of some of the most embarrassing
questions, which ivere presented to
the consideration cf the Continental
Congress.
The difficulties thus rising were of
too great magnitude to be settled,
by any positive decision in favor of
cither party. They wero practical
ly obviated, by successive acts of
cession, on the part of the States,
laying claim to extensive tracts of
unoccupied Western lands. The
conditions on which these cessions
were made, by the different States,
wcto not uniform; nor did Congress,
in accepting these cessions, admit
that, without them, the Confedera
cy would have possessed no title to
the unoccupied lands. It was a set
tlement by compromise, between
conflicting parties, whoso interests
were too important to admit of any
other mode of adjustment.
Georgia was the only State, having
large claims to unoccupied land an
her Western frontier, which did not
either before or shortly after the
adoption ofthe Federal Constitution,
make such a cession to the United
States. Resolutions were r pcatedly
adopted by the old Congress, recom
mending to her a cession, on the
same principles on which the cessions
of the other States, and particularly
Virginia, had been made. In the
yenr 1788, Georgia offered to Con
gress a cession of land commencing
on the Chatahuuchio river, at her
Southern boundary, running up that
river one hundred and fifty miles,
thence, due West to the Mississippi
—a tract comprehending the lower
half of the present States of Alabama
and the Mississippi. Several con
ditions were attached to this cession,
among others that of a guarantee to
Georgia of all the remainder of the
unoccupied lands, which she claimed
to the West. These conditions were
not satisfactory to Congress, and
the cession was not accepted.
In 1795 the Legislature of Geor
gia proceeded to make extensive
sales ofthe unoccupied lands on her
Western frontier. Great embarrass
ments arose, relative to the titles ac
quired under these sales: and at
length, in 1802, a compromise was
entered into between Georgia and
the United States, in virtue of which
and on conditions mutuallly accepta
ble, Georgia ceded to the United
States all her right and title, West
ward of a certain line; and the United
States ceded to Georgia all the
claim, right and title, of the United
States, to the jurisdiction and soil of
the territory East of the said line;
assuming, at the same time, the ob
ligation of extinguishing the Indian
title to all the lands East of the said
line, as soon as it could be done "pea
ceably and on reasonable terms.”—
These articles of cession were con
cluded between the Commissioners
of the United States and those of
Georgia, on the 24th April, 1802.
At this time the Occonee river for
med the .Eastern boundary of the
Creek Indians, and the quantity of
land occupied by them in Georgia
amounted to 19,578,890 acres.
In pursuance of the compact of
1802, and about a few months after
its conclusion, a treaty was made
heiwe.-n \he United States and the
Creeks, by which a portion of laud
GEORGIA STATESMAN, MONDAY, MARCH 26, 182 T.
was ceded by the Indians; and a still
larger portion, by another treaty,
concluded in 1805. By these two
treaties, there were ceded to the
United States, for the benefit ol
Georgia, 2,713,890 acres of laud.
In the course of the late war, a
part of the Creeks were exited to
hostilities against the Understates.
Having been vanquished by the va
lor and conduct of General Jacksou
and his troops, a treaty was conclud
ed, by which a considerable cession
of lands was made to Georgia, and
the integrity of aft their remaining
lands was guarantied to the Creeks.
By a treaty concluded in 1818, an
other cession was made of two large
tracts of land; and, by the treaty of
1821, ytt another cession was made
by which the Flint and the Chatta
houchic became the Eastern bounda
ry of the Creeks. By the three last
mentioned cessions 11735,599 acres
of land were acquired by Georgia,
making, together with taose obtain
ed, under the two first cessions, an
aggregate of 14,748.690 acres, be
ing about two thirds of all the lands
possessed by the Creeks, m the
State of Georgia, at the date of the
Convention of 1802. At the same
date, the Cherokees were in posses
sion ot 7,152.110 acres of land, with
in the chartered and conventional
limits of the State of Georgia. Two
treaties have been held by the Uni
ted States with the Cherokees, in
pursuance of the compact ot 1802,
by which 995,310 acres of land have
been acquired to Georgia.
In 1822 a sum of $20,000 was ap
propriated, to defray the expense of
holding farther treaties with the
Creeks and Cherokees, for the pur
pose of fulfiling the compact with
Georgia, and a treaty having been
concluded with the Creeks the pro
ceding year, it was deemed expe
dient by the President, to maky the
next effort with the Cherokees.—
This was accordingly done, by the
appointment of Messrs. D G Camp
bell and James Merriwether, as Com
missioners, on the part of the United
States. They repaired to the Chero
kee country, in October, 1823, and,
after strenuous efforts to prevail on
the Cherokees enter into a treaty of
cession, they received a positive re
fusal.
Such was the ■tate. of things when
on the Ist of December, 2824, the
same gentlemen, authorized as Uni
ted States' Commissioners, and in
pursuance of the samo object, met
the Chiefs of the Creek nation at
Thle-cath-cha, or Broken Arrow,
the seat of the National Council of
the Creeks At this Council the
same refusal wasgiven by the Creeks
as had been before received from
the Cherokes. “So long,” says
Colonel Campbell, in his letter to
the Secretary of War of Bih January,
1825, “as the negotiation was con
ducted with the Council generally,
no answer was received, other than
a prompt rejection of every proposi
tion that was submitted.”
Not feeling authorized to con
clude a treaty, with a portion o
the Chiefs,-the commissioners ad
journed the Council on the 18th
December; and Colonel Camp
bell was appointed to repair to
Washington, to endeavor to pro
cure from the President permiss
ion “to convene the Chiefs within
the limits of Georgia, to negotiate
with them exclusively, if thought
proper, or inclusive of a deputa
tion of Chiefs from the upper towns
if such a deputation should pre
sent themselves, and evince a de.
sire to negotiate to further extent.’’
On the arrival of Mr. Camp
bell, he addressed a letter to the
Secretary of War, asking the
sanction of the President for a
treaty “to be signed by the Chiefs
within the limits of Georgia, pro
vided such treaty be accompanied
by the assent of the other Chiefs,
that the land to be abandoned by
the emigranting party, shall be im
mediately subject to the disposi
tion of the Government.’,
To this proposal, the Presi
dent, Mr. Monroe, declined ac
ceding, but authorized a renewal
of negotiotions with the whole na
tion. (See document No. 72,
p. 38, vol. 4, 2d, session, 18th,
Congress.) A meeting of the
Chiefs was accordingly summon
ed for the 7th February, at Indian
Springs, within the limits of Geor
gia. On the 1 Oth of the month,
the Commissioners met the Chiefs
and Warriors, and explained their
object. On the evening of tlte
same day the Commissisuers held
a separate council with a part of
the Chiefs and Warriors of nine of
the towns, chiefly within the limits
of Georgia. On the morning of
the flth, at th public council, O
poth-le-yoholo, the Speaker of
the nation, (Mclntosh having been
deprived of that office at the Brok
en Arrow,) replied to the talk of
the Commissioners, on behalf of
Big Warrior, the Head Chief of
the nation, and told them that no
treaty could then be made for the
cession of lands, and invited the
Commissioners to a meeting at
Broken Arrow, to be held three
months afterwards, at the expense
of the nation He depart'd tjij*
to be the only answer be was au
thorized to give, and that he should
go home the next day. On the
fcHowtug night, tne Chiefs and
Warriors of the Cussetasand Sco
woogluQS left their encampment,
and went home, by orders of the
Big Warrior, communicated by
Opothleyoholo, as is stated by
the latter. On the 12th, a treaty
was signed with the Mclntosh
party. During its execution, Opo
thleyoholo repeated his protest on
the part of the Big Warrior, and
accordingto the statement of Hara
bly, the interpreter, warned Me.
Intosh of his danger in breaking
the law.
A large number of signatures is
appended to the Treaty, but it i3
alleged, both by the National Coun
cil convened the iollowing Antumn
and by the Indian Agent, in a let
ter written the day after the signa
ture of the Tre&fy, that they
are, with the exception of Mcln
tosh, and perhaps two others,
Chiefs of low rank, or n >t Chiefs
at all. Mclntosh himself is stated
to have been but the fifth in rank
in the Nation. Among the docu
ments accompanying the report,
will be found a list of Chiefs pre
sent, who refused to sign ; a list of
such of the signers as are Chiefs ;
and a description of all the other
signers, made in public Council,
by the Head Chiefs of the Nation.
It is appreheuded by the Com
mittee, that the inspection of these
documents can leave no doubt that
the Treaty was signed not morely by
a small and unauthorized parly o!
the Creek Nation, but by a minority
of the Chiefs who attended the Coun
cil.
On the day following the signa
ture of the Treaty, Col. Crowell the
Agent, addressed a letter to the
Secretary cf War, as follows.
“Indian Springs, Feb. 13. 1825.
“The Hon. John C. Calhoun,
Secretary of War,
Sir: In compliance with instruc
tions received from Col. Campbell,
while in Washington City, 1 notified
the Chiefs of this Nation to meet
the United .States’ Commissioners at
this place on the 7th instant, for the
purpose of treating with them for
their lands.
Your letter of the Bth, enclosing a
copy of the instructions of the Com
missioners, did not reach me until
the 6th. On the arrival of the Com
inissioners, I informed them I was
ready to obey their orders on all
points touching the negotiation, and
cheerfully co-operate with them in
effecting the object of their mis
sion.
Yesterday a Treaty was signed by
Mclntosh and his party alone. Be
ing fully convinced that this Treaty
is indirect opposition to the letter
and spirit of the instructions* which
I have a copy of, 1 feel it to be my
bounden duty, as the Agent of the
Government, to apprise you of it,
that you may adopt such measures
as you may deem expedient, as to
the ratification; for, if ratified, it may
produce a horrid state of things a
mong these unfortunate Indians. It
it is proper to remark, that, with the
oxaeption of Mclntosh, and per
haps two others, the signitures to
this Treaty are either Chiefs of low
grade, or not Chiefs at all; which
you can perceive by comparing them
to those to other Treaties, and to
the receipts for the annuity; and
these signers are from eight towns
only, when there are fifty-six in the
Nation..
I beg you to he assured that I
pursued, strictly, your instructions in
relation to this negotiation; and al
though the Treaty has not been
made in conformity with the instruc
tions of which I have been furnish
ed, yet I think it can be, at no dis
tant day, to the entire satisfaction of
the Government. I have made
these hasty remarks from conviction
ofduty, to apprise you of the man
ner in which it was accomplished;
and, if it be thought necessary, I can
give you all the particulars pending
the negotiation. A deputation of
Head Chiefs are desirous of visiting
Washington, to have a full and fair
understanding relative to.
I have the honor to be your obe
dient servant,
JOHN CROWELL,
Agent for- Indian Affairs.”
Shortly after the writing of this
letter, the Agent repaired in person
to Washington After his departure
and on the 23d of the month, a
Council of the Creek Nation was
held at Broken Arrow, in which a
protest against the Treaty of the In
dian Springs was adopted, and the
lists above alluded to were prepared.
These documents, however, did not
reach Washington tfll after the rati
fication of the Treaty.
The Treaty, meantime, was expe
dited to Washington. The Presi
dent of the United States, then about
to retire, in a few days, from office
referred the Treaty to the (Senate,
with the letter of the Indian Agent
above alluded to. It i9 out of the
power of this Committee, and not
within their province, to assign the
reasons which prevented the Senate
I from being taflueuced by the repre
sentations made by the Agent, as
-to the mode in which the Treaty had
been effected. No testimony, with
;n the knowledge of the Committee,
had arrived from the Creek Nation,
to corroborate bis statements; and
on the 3d of March, the last day of
the Constitutional existence of the
then organized Senate, the advice
and consent of that body were giv
en to its ratification. It was accord
ingly ratified by the President on the
7th of March, under the Unsuspect
ing impression that the Treaty was
negotiated in good faith, with com
petent parties. On the next day.
the protest ofthe Chiefs assembled
in Council at Broken Arrow, and the
documents accompanying it, were
received at Washington, by the A
gent, and submitted to the Depart
ment of War.
General Mclntosh, after signing
the treaty, repaired, in company with
Etome, Tustunuggee & other Chief's
to Milledgeville, and received an
audience from the Governor of Geor
gia, in the Executive chamber.—
They stated, among other things,
their apprehensions of hostility from
the part of the nation opposed to
the treaty, and invoked the protec
tion of the United States and of
Georgia. This protection was
promised them on the part of Geor
gia, by the Governor, who also inti
mated to them, that, “in the business
of the treaty, the President could
not but consider it the act of jthe
nation, provided the whole country
was ceded ; that what ought to be
considered the act of the nation
would still be a question; that the
Government might be quite well dis
posed to consider the act of Mcln
tosh and his friends as such a one.”
The Hay after this audience, a let
ter was written to Governor Troup
by four of the Chiefs of the Mcln
tosh party expressing their fears that
attempts would be made to put in
to execution the Law of the Pole
cat Springs, which made it “ capita!
for any person in authority among
the Creeks to cede away their land.-
without the consent of the nation.”
Accordingly, on the 26th instant,
Colonel H. G. Lamar, the Aid of
the Governor of Georgia, was de
spatched with a talk to the Chiefs
and Headmen of Cuseetah andTook
au-batchee, the former being the
town of Little Prince, who succeed
ed Big Warrior as the Head Chief
of the whole Creek Nation, and the
latter, the town of Opothleyoholo,
the Speaker of the Nation. Col.
Lamar met the Chiefs of these towns
in seperate Councils held in each.
Either, at this time, aud while they
had not heard of the ratification of
the treaty, aud the consent given by
Mclntosh to survey the lands, they
entertained no designs of violence
against Mclntosh, or they chose to
deceive Col. Latnar as to their inten
tions : or, finally, the talk of the
Little Prince was misconceived by
Col. Lamar, which is stated by Hum
bly, who interpreted between them,
'to have been the case He returned
perfectly satisfied with their state of
feeling, on the subject of the treaty,
and expressed the opinion, that
when the ratification of the treaty
was known, they would acquiesce.
On the 21st of March, Governor
Troup issued his proclamation, an
nouncing the ratification oft lie treaty.
On the 29th he addressed a letter to
Mclntosh, requesting his permission
to survey the territory ceded by the
treaty. On the 6th iff April, Mcln
tosh answered the Governor that
the Chiefs (meaning those of his
party)>would convene on the 10th
and that he would submit to them
the proposal to survey the land. On
the 12th of April, the consent of
Mclntosh, and his party to the sur
vey was given in a letter to the Gov
ernor, following terms: “ Some
differences existing between the
present agent of the Creek Nation
and myself, and not having any con
fidence in his sdvice, I have deter
mined to act according to the dic
tates of my best judgment, which re
sults in the determinination to agree
to the request of your Excellency,
in giving my consent, and in behalf
of the nation who signed the treaty,
their consent, that the land lately
ceded to the United States at the In
dian Springs, may be run off and sur
veyed whenever you may, or the
General Government, think proper
to do so*
“Ii the General Government of
the United States have no objection
and the agent of the Creek nation,
with the party he influences, does
not make any objection or opposition
to running and surveying the land,
myself and the Chiefs and Indians
who were in favor of the late treaty,
do not object. We give our con
sent.”
In consequence of the conditional
nature of this assent to the survey,
the following letter was, on the IS'b
April, written by Governor Troup to
General Mclntosh :
Millldgeville, ICth Apriljj 1 823.
Dear General : In one of your
late letters you say something about
the censent of the United States, or
if the agent and hostiles do not make
opposition. Pray explain to me your
meaning, We have nothing to do
with the United States, or the agent,
or the hostilos, in this matter: all we
want is the consent of the friendly
Indians who made the treaty. If
■ve wanted the consent of the Unit
ed State?,-we ask i| ; .
Volume I],
Your Friend,
G. M. TROUP.”
Without, however, waiting f wr aQ
answer to.this letter, and on the same
day on which it was written. Gover
nor Troup issued his proclamation
stating that “ the assent of the In-’
dians lad been obtained to the run
ning ani survey of the country,”
and calling the Legislature together
to take the proper measures for
those objects.
To the above letter Mclntosh re>
plied in the following manner :
“Creek Nation, 25 April 1825.
Dear Sir : I received your Excel
lency's request yesterday, dated
18th instant, and hereby state to you
that my only meaning was not to act
contrary to stipulations made be*
tween our Nation and the United
States’ Government; and we do here
by absolutely, freely, and fully give
our consent to the State of Georgia,
to have the boundary belonging to
said State surveyed at any time.tho
Legislature ot Georgia may think
proper, which was ceded at the late
treaty of the Indian Springs. Sign
ed in behalf of th ± nation, and by tho
consent ot the Chicls of the same.
I have the honor to be, with great 1,
esteem, yours, respectfully,
WILLIAM MTNTOSH.”
It is here necessary to observe,
that Mclntosh, in addition to the
license assumed, in this letter, of
speaking in behalf of tho Creek Na
tion, of which his party formed but
a small minority, uppoars to have
been guilty of deception, in reference
to the views of that party. At a
Council with them, heat by General,
Gaines, the General was informed
that Mclntosh never consulted them
on the survey, and that they never
gave their consent
It may here be proper to
to ascertain more particula#y, the
relative strength of the two parties,-
as far as existing data enable it to
be done. By the documents forward
ed from the Council, held on the
23d February, it appears that the
Chiefs who signed tlie treaty were
rom the following five towns
Coweta, Broken Arrow, New Yauco.,
Sand Town, Hitchetee. But it is to
be observed, that the Chiefs from
Broken Arrow could have had no
authority to sign on behalf of that
town , tor the represent alive of the
Head Chi sos that town and one of
tho Principal Chiefs of that Nation,
was present, and refused to sign..
From a document prepared in Coun
cil of the Creek Nation, it appears,
that of the fiity-two individuals who
signed the treaty of the Indian
Springs, Molntosh was the only Head
Chief, he being the fifth in rank in
the Nation ; that five were Chiefs
of inferior degree, and these six afl
clone town, Coweta; the twenty
six were officers called Law-mende#s
or Law-makers, but not Chiefs
fourteen were broken Chiefs ; four
Indians possessing no rank whatever,
and two persons wholly unknown (o
the Council of the Creek Nation.'
These individuals were exclusively
Vom eight towns, out of fifty-six, of
which the Nation is said to consist.
The son ol the Jtsig Warrior, and the
son of the Little Prince were both
at the Indian Springs, and refused
to sign. The nephew and represen
tative of the Chief fourth in rank,
Hopoy Hadgo, was present, and re
fused to sign. William Barnard, the
principal Chief of the Uchees, refus
ed to sign. John Stidham, a prinj
cipal Chief of the Lower Towns
Opothleyoholo, Chief of the Took
aubatchees, with other leading Chiefs
forming altogether, it is conceived, u
representation of a large majority of*
the Nation, were present, and refus
ed to sign. On the day after tho
death of Mclntosh, General Ware
represents it as the opinion of one oV
tlie Chiefs who signed the treaty,
that the party opposed to it numbed
ed four thousand warriors, the party
friendly not more than five hundred,
the former having been increased
“by numbers long cloaked under the
garb of friendship,”—who, since the
death of Mclntosh, joined the hos
tile party. The Indians of the trea
ty-making party, who received ra
tions in Georgia, did uot exceed a
bout four hundred, men, women, and*
children, although it appears, from
some of tho documents submitted,
that efforts were made to increase
the number.
The intelligence of the Proclama
tion of the Governor of Georgia,
relative to the survey, reached the
Chiefs of the Nation assembled to
receive their annuity, and seemed|.
says the Agent, in a letter to the Se
cretery of War, 27th April, 1825, to
add to their melancholy and distress.
They denied that their consent to
the survey had eycr been asked or
given.; and those residing in the
ceded territory particularly request
ed the .Agent to make to the Secre*<
tary of War their decided objections
to the surveying of the lands, until
they could remove from them. —
They also asked permission to send
a deputation to Washington the folj
lowing Winter, for the purpose ol
understanding the views of the Gov
ernment relative to their future pres
pects.
It was at this period, probably in
consequence of the news received of
the ratification, and the projected
survey, that, in obedience to the orj
der of the Littl-v Prince, as Head
Chiqfof the Ration, direction