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THE
3 n i o k
& ^BLecorbtr
IS
rLULlSHED WEEKLY
MILLEDGEVILLE. GA.,
Poughtox, Barnes & Moore,
At $2 in Advance, or $3 at end of the year.
S. S. BOUGHTON, Editor,
IE -FEDERAL UNION- and the “SOUTH
, jjgcoKPElt” were consolidated August 1st,
‘ ( j ie being in it Forty Third Volume and
* it's Fifty-Third Volume.
the Recorder m
advertising.
DoIl.tr pt*r f*qiiar«* of ten lines for first in
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TKAKSIKN
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U' ^’li'tions by Societies, Obituaries ex.
iitinatioiis f>T office and {Joimmiuit-atioiit*
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MILLED SEVILLE, GEOKftli, JULY 30, 1873.
legal advertisements.
Execute
On
Tuesday in the
tin- fori i...on and 3 in the af-
cwimty in which the propcit\
i mutt b • given in a public
projarty must be given in
lie day.
rs ol un estate must 1m* pub-
idetu the Court of Ordinary
published for one month.
*tiatiou, Gtiurdiausliip, \.c.,
-• i:-i* ; from Administration
e*i< n from tiuaniiunship 40
_• must beQublisaed montliiy
ist piijM-rs for the full tqiace of
. fn»m Ex* tutors or Admin*
. u l.y the deceased, the full
Book ami Job Work, of all kinds,
PUOMl’I'I.Y AND NEATLY EXECUTED
tl THIS OFI'HE.
0:itn Dirtciorg.
Church Directory.
Sabbath Stir
Sopt.
baptist church.
l.-lau i lid Sundays iu each mouth, at 11
i and 7 pm.
u :< 1-2 o clock, a in. O. M. Cone,
Rev D E BUTLER, Pastor.
ME1
IIouis of seme
" P
iiodist church.
o od Sunday: 11 o'clock, a m, and
Sunday School 1 o'clock p. in. Teachers meeting 3
p. hi—\Y. K Frank land. Superintendent.
Prayer meeting every Wednesday at 7 o’clock, p m.
Rev. A J JARRELL, Pastor.
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH.
Services every Sabbath at 11 o’clock, a m and 7
p. in.
Sabb&tli Scl
Prayer meet
nl at 3 p in. T. T. Windsor, SupL
g every Friday at 4 o’clock, p m.
Rev. G. T. GOETCH1US, l'ustor.
IiOCg'CS.
TEMPERANCE.
.Ylillfd^cvillr C ounc il No. I, meets in the Sen*
ate Chamber at the State House on every Friday
evening at 7 oYUwk. J. W. HEliTY, W P.
F. (». Ukilve, Sec‘y.
MASONIC.
Ileiievolnit No o F A M , meets 1st and
3d Saturday nights ol each month at Masonic Hall.
G I) Cask, Sec’y. IRBY II HOWARD, W 31
Temple ('iinptcr meets the second and fourth
Saturday nights in each month.
G 1) Cask, Sic’y. S G WHITE, II P
Milledgeville X.oclgc of Perferlion A.
A. - . S. . K.. meets every Monday night.
SAM’L G WHITE. T P G
G I) Case, Exc Grand Sec’y.
’ii:uoi;ii>
One** wand’ring ’mong the autumn woods
While brown leaves tell ami fell,
New hopes kept Building in my breust.
Sweeter than lips could tell.
Beside me walked the one I loved.
His -trunjj hand grasping mine,
Ills soft words failing on my ear
In accents half divine.
Oil, autumn woods! Oh, autumn k
Blush read beneath the sun,
For him who made a hundred vows
And broke them ev’ry one.
Wlmt anguish for the bosom, who
The heart cannot condemu 1
When the old affection lingers
Like leaves about the stem 1
Would that the little budding hopes
With which my life was crowned,
Like leaves and flowers, could spring
Whene’er the spring comes round.
Oh, faded woods! Oh, faded flowers !
Your youth will come once more ;
But I must pine amid the blasts,
All withered to the core.
Oh! love of mine, come back to me,
And nndernca’li those boughs.
Speak one kind word, and I 11 forgive
Thy hundred broken vows'.
The Pride of the Family.—The
Rome Commercial under this head,
tells the following story :
A young married friend tells a good
joke on himself, perpetrated by a little
three year old ‘’pride of the family.”
She is the only pledge of love that has
twined itself around the hearts and af
fections of himself and wife. A few
evenings since a minister visited the
family and remained until after tea.
At the table the reverend visitor ask
ed the blessing* and the little one open
ed her eyes to their fullest capacity
in startled wonderment. She could
not understand what had been done,
and it was with great persuasion that
her mother could keep her quiet dur
ing the time they were at the table
When they left the table she walked
u l» to the minister, for whom she had
formed a great friendship, and caught
hold of his hand, and said: “What did
you say at the table before we com
menced eating?” “My little darling,
I thanked God for his goodness ingiv-
i n g us to eat, so that we might grow
a od be strong.” “Papa don’t say
that.” “What does your papa say?”
“Papa says, “goddlemighty what a
supper.’” Papa just had time to get
his hat and slip out to see about the
cow, or do some other chore for his
wife. He assures us, however, that
the “pride of the family” was put to
hed that night with an extra kiss, and
that he has promised himself never to
he caught again.
An irate man who was disappointed
in his boots, threatened to eat up the
shoemaker, but compromised by drink-
hig a cobbler.
What is the difference between a
tenant and the son of a widow f The
oue has to pay rents, and the other
has not two parents.
®he Shall in England.
A^orrespondent of the Courier-Jour
nal writing from London gives a glow
ing account of the reception of the
Shah of Persia in that great city.
The sun shone, a rare occurrence in
that fog-covered city, adding to the
glitter of royalty a splendor not of
earth. The writer says :
“1 wo things have happened. The
Shah is arrived, and the sun has come
out right gorgeously to welcome him.
I scarcely know which event gives one
most pleasure—the advent of the Eng
lish summer, with its balmy atmos
phere, soothing to sore throats and
shaken nerves, or the advent of the
Persian monarch, the anticipation of
whose visit has kept the typical cock
ney in suspense for considerably more
than a fortnight. * * *
“It would be quite useless toattempt
to depict in simple English prose the
reception at Guildhall, which was re
fitted in the most costly ar.d exquisite
way for the purpose. Early after G
o’clock in the evening the Strand was
cleared of plebian vehicles, the clumsy
omnibus and the homely cab, and the
cavalcade of open carriages occupied
by brilliantly clud lords and ladies be
gan to move from Pall Mall toward
Temple Bar. Slowly it moved to
Persian music. Slowly it moved to
the glare of calcium lights, which
presently lit up the scarlet plumes and
the decorations, and the overflow of
pink checks and fat Saxon necks and
bosoms, rising and falling beneath a
weight of laces and diamonds. Slow
ly it moved confusing to the sense
and dazzling to the sight. Amid the
huzzahs of half a million of gaping
cockneys that lined the sidewalks. It
was nearly 10 o’clock before the Shah
and his suite, drawn in a golden chari
ot with six milk-white horses, reach
ed Temple Bar, and quite ten o’clock
when passing over purple and gold
laced carpets, they entered Guildhall
with its gold chairs, its red tapestry,
and its white marble statues. Noth
ing in a dramatic way—nothing that
even Mr. Macready or Mr. Keene did
toward the development of spectacu
lar effects—ever approached in magni
ficence this actual ovation, which turn
ed London inside out, and for a night,
at least, converted the precincts of
the Bank of England into a world of
fairy enchantment.
1 spare you the details, because my
vocabulary being somewhat of the
plainest, and used to homespun facts
and fireside conceits, is wholly inad
equate to the scenes within the Guild
hall ; the throne of stars erected for
the Shah ; the throng of noble men
and women ; the crush of uniforms
and the crash of brass-bands.
It is agreed that Euglatid never saw
the like before.
The Shah himself is au ugly cuss.
He resembles closely the pictures of
the more cruel of his forefathers con
tained in the early editions of the Ara
bian Nights. I dare say he has caus
ed many a poor fellow’s head to be
chopped off on a notice of five min
utes and it would not surprise me to
learn that he has a trick of making
himself a widower three or four times
a month. A fierce-eyed, tallow-vis-
aged, ugly beast as ever wore a dia
mond or carried a scimiter; and his
Grand Vizier, who is along with him,
is only a trifle the less brutal and vic
ious. If you met either in a dark al
ley you would tremble for your life.
If Captain Jack has a worse counte
nance he is no true Modoc. But this
is all one to the English, who have a
budget of interests in the East, and
expect to make a good thing out of
the present festivities. They have dis
played their fleet of iron-clads in the
channel; they have displayed tbeir
military establishment at Windsor;
they have displayed their opulence at
Guildhall; and before Nasr-ed-deen
[the Shah, that’s his name,] goes home
they will have laid the foundations for
a certain commercial treaty which
lays near their hearts and contributes
the milk to this enormously large, il
luminated cocoanut.
The English do nothing without a
motive. There is no foolishness or
8poneity about them when a shilling
is to be made or lost. They would en
tertain the devil just as handsomely,
if it could be proven in advance that
the thing would pay.
n i> jf r §: ie i.
GEORGIA’S GRATITUDE.
BCagnificent Correspondence in Re
gard to the State’s Oift of a Child
to fix-Q-overnor Charles J.
Jenkins.
A Noble Letter from Mr* Jenkins*
INT, ^
GOV. SMITH’S LETTER TO MAJ. CUMMING.
Executive Department,
State of Georgia
Atlanta, Ga., June 23, IS
Hon. Jos. B. Cumming, Augusta, Ga.
Dear Sir—I have taken the liber
ty to send to you by the hands of Mr.
J. R. Sneed a letter to the Hon.
Charles J. Jenkins, together with the
seal prepared under a resolution which
was introduced into the Legislature
by yourself and also a copy of that
resolution written on parchment and
suitably framed.
I desire you to present that letter
and the seal and resolution to .Mr.
Jenkins, and to associate with your
self in the discharge of this pleasant
office the members from Richmond
county in the last and also the pres
ent Legislature, and such citizens,
friends, officials and visitors to your
city, as you and Mr. Jenkins may
think proper to iLvite.
If Mr. Jenkins should desire to re
ply in writing at the time of presenta
tion, you might, after conferring with
him, give him such time to prepare
his answer as he may require.
I have ventured to impose this duty
upon you, as the author of the resolu
tion voting the seal, as a warm friend
ofMr. Jenkins, and as the late Speak
er of the House of Representatives. I
hope you will gratify me by under
taking its performance, and when done
to make a report to me of the same.
Hoping that the programme here
indicated may meet with your ap
proval,
I remain, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
James M. Smith
11S73, was handed to me by Mr. J. It.
Sneed the day after its date. That
gentleman also delivered to me at the
same time, thejac simile of the seal of
the Executive Department and u
parchment copy of the preamble and
resolution .under which it had been
prepared to be presented to ex-Gov-
ernor Charles J. Jenkins.
In pursuance of the suggestion made
in the letter of your Excellency, I as
sociated with me in the presentation
the members from this county in the
Legislature which adopted the resolu
tion, and in the present Legislature,
and a number of official and prominent
citizens. In their presence I had the
honor to deliver the seal and the pre
amble and resolution to Ex-Governor
Jenkins. In receiving them, he ad
dressed those present orally, and end
ed his remarks by saying that he
would put the substance of them in
the form of a letter to your Excellen
c y*
In pursuance of that undertaking
he has to-day handed me the com
munication which I have the honor
to transmit herewith to your Excel
lency.
Thanking your Excellency for the
part you assigned me on the interest
ing occasion to which this correspond
ence relates,
I remain, very respectfully, your
Excellency’s obedient servant,
Joseph B. Gumming.
To live in to-day is wiser counsel
than people usually consider. The
reckless living for to-day of the Bohe
mian is not at all what is here meant—
but the making the most and best of
this day, as one should, whose to-mor
rows are uncertain. Said a man who
had a wide range of experience—
“ Most letters, if you let them alone
six weeks, will answer themselves
and, certainly* a vast deal of time is
spent in making plans at which the
Fate that will forbid you to carry
them out is laughing in her sleeve.
The lesson of the discontented pendu
lum is still worth remembering. It
is awful to think of ticking SO,400
times in a day, but not much to tick
once in a single second ; and by and-
by the seconds and moments and the
hours are all gone. If the kiud word
is not spoken to-day it may never be
uttered. If the good deed be not done
now, who knows whether, to-morrow,
any deeds will be possible ? To read,
to study, to improve, to toil, one is
sure of uo time but now. Most of all
is it foolish to bear to-morrow’s bur
dens on the shoulders of to-day. By
carrying double, your force is wasted,
and you have no strength for the new
load wkeD it comes.
Like a morning dream life becomes
more and more bright the longer we
live, and the reason of everything be
comes more clear. What has puzzled
us before seems less mysterious, and
the crooked paths look straighter as
we approach the end.—Rich.
governor smith’s letter to ex-gov
ernor JENKINS.
Executive Department, )
State of Georgia, >
Atlanta, Ga., June 21, 1S73. )
Hon. Charles J. Jenkins :
Dear Sir—I bad the honor to ap
prove August 22, 1872, a preamble
and resolution unanimously adopted
by the Legislature of Georgia, the ob
ject of which was to express the leel-
mgs of the people of your native State
in regard to your patriotic course as
Governor of the Commonwealth.
The preamble recites that, “when
expelled by usurpers fronfthe office of
Governor of this State you had the
firmness and the courage to save the
public Treasury from the plunderers,
and applied it to the obligations of
the State;” and that you also “remov
ed the archives of the State Treasury,
and saved from desecration the Seal of
the Executive Department.” The
preamble further recites that your
“efforts to save the people of Georgia
from oppression relaxed not with your
hold upon the executive office, but
that, in the midst of discouragement,
they were continued before the Su
preme Court of the United States, so
long as there was any hope of suc
cess;” and that having “preserved the
archives and the Seal until in better
times you might restore them to your
first rightful successor,” you had “de
livered them to His Excellency the
Governor” of the State. It is further
stated in the preamble, that “grati
tude to a great and good man, defer
ence to the feelings of the people of
Georgia, and the encouragement of
patriotism and virtue in the genera
tions to come, alike render it good that
we (the Legislature) should make and
put in imperishable form a recognition
of his fidelity to his trust.”
The Legislature therefore adopted
the following resolution :
“Resolved by the General Assembly
of the State of Georgia, That his Ex
cellency the Governor be authorized
and instructed to have prepared, and
in the name of the people of Georgia,
to present to the Hun. Charles J.
Jenkins, a seal to be the fac-siinile of
the one preserved and restored by
him, except that in addition to the
other devices it shall have this inscrip
tion : ‘Presented to Charles J. Jenk
ins by the State of Georgia,’ and this
legend ‘Jm Arduis Fidelis.’
I have in part performed the grate
ful task thus assigned to me by the
Legislature of our State, by having
prepared a seal in strict conformity to
its instructions; and now it only re
mains for me as the exponent for the
time being of the feelings and wishes
of the people of Georgia to present it
to you, and in their name to beg your
acceptance of it as a testimonial of
their heartfelt appreciation and grati
tude.
While performing the agreeable rep
resentative duty, permit me to express
to you my cordial approval of this pop
ular recognition of distinguished pub
lic service and personal worth, and
the wish that you may be spared for
many years to enjoy the admiration
and gratitude of a people whom you
have served so long, so faithfully, and
so well.
Though not required of me by the
Legislature, I have also thought it fit
and proper to have copied on parch
ment and suitably framed the pream
ble and resolution referred to, entire,
which l beg you will also accept.
I have the honor to be with the
highest association and esteem,
Your Friend and Obedient Servant,
James M. Smith.
MAJOR CUMMING’S LETTER TO GOV.
SMITH.
Augusta, Ga., July 11, 1873.
Hit Excellency Governor Jama M.
Smith, Atlanta, Ga.:
Dear Sir—Your letter of June 23*
EX-GOV. JENKINS REPLY TO GOVERNOR
SMITH.
Augusta, Ga., July li, 1S73
His Excellency James M. Smith :
Dear Sir—I have received througl
the Hon. Jos. B. Cumming your com
munication of the 21st ultimo, accom
panied by a copy of the resolutions of
the General Assembly of Georgia, re
ferring to myself approved August 22,
1S72, and a beautifully designed and
executed fac simile of the seal of the
Executive Department prepared and
presented as therein provided.
It is probably within the experience
of every man' who has attained the age
of three score years, that there are oc
casionsWhen language is found wholly
inadequate to express the emotions of
the heart. Thus it certainly is with
me at this time. Doubtless the high
est reward of official fidelity is the an
swer of a good conscience. It is only
in the court whence that answer pro
ceeds that intention can be thoroughly
scrutinized and motive reduced to its
last analysis and accurately weighed;
which is, after all, the crucial test oi
merit. The spirit of man is never
gladdened by the plaudits of admiring
multitudes, nor yet by the encomiums
of the wise and good against which
conscience whispers her solemn though
unpublished protest.
But it is no les3 true, that the hu
man heart craves public recognition
of conscious rectitude. And when to
the approval of the inward monitor
and judge, public opinion, with full
knowledge of facts, after calm deliber
ation,superadds its affirmatory decision,
a judgment is rendered from which
in the awards of time there lies no ap
peal.
The circumstances surrounding the
Executive at the time referred to in
the resolutions, were peculiar and em
barrassing. History furnishes no pre
cedent to be consulted. Law gives
no clew to be followed, for although
the Congressional rescripts which
threw order into chaos, had been pro
nounced unconstitutional by the Fed
eral Executive, the Federal Judiciary
refused to restrain the desperate law
lessness that persisted in their enforce
ment. Thus environed and daily en
countering difficulties requiring solu
tion, my duty demanded careful absti
nence from any imprudence, tending
unnecessarily to complicate still furth
er the unhappy relations existing be
tween the State and Federal Govern
ments, on the one hand, and on the
other studious avoidance of any act
having the semblance of lowering the
dignity of Georgia, or of acquiescence
in tin usurpation of her rightful pre
rogatives. Far from assuming that
no Georgian in my position could have
done more for the State than was done,
I have a serene consciousness that
more could not have been accomplish
ed by me.
Between my ejection from office and
the passage ot the resolutions now be
fore me, there was an interval exceed
ing four years, during which Georgia
was denied self-government—her voice
silenced—her interest and her honor
confided to the hands of strangers,
who neither understood the oue, nor
regarded the other. Of the former
they made sad havoc, but in trifling
with the latter, whosespiritual essence
they could not debase, they signally
wrought out their own dishonor. All
this while the intellect of Georgia,
though circumscribed and shackled,
was busy with the past, the present
and the future. It never subscrib
ed to error—never repudiated truth—
never succumbed to power; and when
next the ballot-box was opened, it rose
up undaunted, asserted its supremacy
aud re-entered its legislative, execu
tive and judicial chambers.
It was just in this renascent epoch
of Georgia’s history that the General
Assembly passed in review my execu
tive services, and you. sir, have placed
before me the result.
The preamble and resolutions have
made for me, in the archives of the
State, a record I bad not hoped to
merit, but trust never to dishonor.
The medal, having engraved thereon a
Jac simile of the seal of the Executive
Department, once entrusted to me
with words of donation from the
State of Georgia and a legend embody
ing the spirit of the resolutions, I
proudly accept as a memorial posses
sion for life, and a testimonial certifi
cate for all time. In itself a thing of
beaaty.wrought by the skillful band of
the artisan, in the most precious and
imperishable metal of nature, it has
for me a value derived neither from
nature nor art—a moral significance
imparted by the fiat of a nuble consti
tuency—a popular sovereignty■ I would
not exchange it for Star or Garter, or
other badge of knighthood—nor yet
for highest patent of nobility ever be
stowed by King upon subject.
In view of the high positions in each
department of their government in
which my fellow citizens have hereto
fore placed me, and ol this unique tes
timonial, I may truly say that tie
measure of my ambition is full to over
flowing; and that through the same
channel of communication my heart
sends back to the State of Georgia,
measure of measure, a swelling tide
of filial gratitude and devotion.
Would to God I had remaining
enough of life and vigor to do more for
her. But having nearly filled my
span of three score years and ten, in
the retirement of my quiet home it is
a cheering reflection that the noble
Commonwealth numbers not by scores
only, but by hundreds, sons younger,
more vigorous, and no less devoted,
who will achieve for her a larger ma
terial prosperity, a grander civilization
and a higher renown than she has yet
enjoyed.
I am prompted, both by inclination
and a sense ot duty, to refer in this
connection to certain most worthy
gentlemen, in close official associa
tion with me, and who shared the re
sponsibilities, trials, aud perils of the
time. I allude to Messrs. John Jones,
Treasurer; Nathan C. Barnett, Secre
tary of State, and John T Burns,
Comptroller-General. These officers
were not appointees of the Executive
—they held offices creative by the
Constitution, and were elected by the
Legislature. Although, to a consid- j
erable extent subordinated to the Ex
ecutive, they were yet so far indepopd- j
entin their several positions, that had ;
they in the then deranged state of af
fairs, refused co-operation, they might
have materially thwarted his plans,
subjected the State to loss, and secur
ed to themselves present emolument.
But fully according with him in opin
ion and feeling, they distinctly refus
ed to recognize the authority of his
(so-called) successor, who lacked the
first essential qualification for the
office—citizenship of the State. Each
thoroughly appreciated and faithfully
color, or previous condition of servi
tude.
I do not proprose now to discuss
the merits of the validity of these
changes, but to inquire how far they
affect the practical working of our sys
tem of government. In this view, it
will be found that the only change
wrought is in the general body of the
constituency, and this by conferring
the right of suffrage upou a very large
number not previously entitled to it,
an las we believe not qualified for it.
It does not take from the States the
general power to regulate suffrage,
but prohibits the denial or abridge
ment of it on account of race or color,
etc. This change in the constituent
body is certainly most deplorable,
and especially prejudicial to the South
ern States. But let it be borne in
mind that this enlarged body is still
hedged in, protected anti restrained by
the Constitution as it pre-existed. That
instrument still contains the saving
clause : “The powers not delegated
to the United States by the Constitu
tion, nor prohibited by it to the States,
are reserved to the States respectively
or to the people.”
But it is said this is theoretical on
ly; practically, the power of the Gen
eral Government has grown to enor
mous dimensions, while that of the
States has proportionally diminished.
The Congress of the United States has
repudiated State Constitutions confess
edly republican in character and com
pel led the formation of others—the
civil authorities of the States have
been subordinated to the Federal mili
tary. Yes, these aud numerous other
outrages have been perpetrated. But
these things have occurred during the
prevalence of the mania which follow
ed the termination of a protracted
civil war. There are indications that
tins abnormal excitement is subsiding.
The time fof sober second thought
must come soon, or the country will
rush iuto anarchy. If there be no es
cape from a result so full of horrors,
we must meet our own fate as best we
may. But until overwhelmed by the
catastrophe we must pretermit no ef
fort to avert it. My position is that
there is now no cause for despondency
—that the wrongs and oppression we
have endured resulted from adminis
trative abuses, not from structural
changes in the government. This dis
tinction should be kept constantly in
ment is secure. Under less favorable
circumstances, renovation may come
moreslowly to other Sta»t< s ; but come
■it will by patient persistence in like
courses. And so, at no distant day,
the reform of the Federal government
may be effected. The prospect may
team with discouragements, but the
end in view is stupendous—worthy
the struggle of successive generations.
In conclusion, allow me to render to
your Excellency my sincere thanks
for the tasteful and cordial manner in
which you have given effect to the
resolutions of the General Assembly,
and to wish continuing success and
honor to your administration, which
will be ever memorable for the new
birth of an old State.
Very respectfully,
Your obliged fellow-citizen,
C. J. Jenkins.
She Bpidemic of Recklessness.
performed his duty. The position of view. In a complex government like
the Treasurer was the most exposed '
and perilous of all, because the Treas
ury was the objective point of the
raid. To carry into effect promptly
and successfully executive directions
for placing the funds of the State be
yond the reach of the raiders, and still
to confront them in their rage was
nothing less than the exhibition of mor
al heroism. Two of these faithful
public servants, the Treasurer and
Comptroller, were actually placed un
der arrest, though soon admitted to
parole. The latter, while restrained
of his personal liberty, was by the
just appreciation of his people return
ed as their Senator at the first election
after these events, and sat there a pa
roled Federal prisoner, fearlessly, per
forming the duties of a State Senator.
Having served to the end of his term,
he is now in voluntary and honored
retirement. The other two, Messrs.
Jones and Barnett, on the first occa
sion presented, have been severally re
stored to, and now honorably fill the
offices from which they had been ejec
ted. Thus has Georgia vindicated
their integrity, rewarded their fidelity,
and exhibited to the world a striking
proof that Republics are not always
ungrateful.
I refer to these officials, not because
our own (the political powers divided
between the General and state govern
ments,) let it never be conceded that
a power once usurped I s thenceforth
a power transferred; nor that a right
once suppressed is for that cause a
right extinguished; nor that a Consti
tution a thousand times violated be
comes a Constitution abolished; nor,
finally, that a government prostituted
by two or tiiree consecutive adminis
trations to purposes of tyranny and
corruption must thereafter be regard
ed as a government revolutionized
The startling occurrences of the last
decade should stimulate the patriotic
men throughout the length and
breadth of the land to bury sectional
animosities, to unite heart and soul in
vindication of the principles they have
seen violated, in correction of abuses
they have witnessed, in struggling
within the pale of the Constitution
with all the power of earnest man
hood, to restore that sacred instru
ment to its pristine supremacy. Such
is the grandeur of the work which
now challenges the patriotic enterprise
of the young and middle aged of our
common country.
Lest the views submitted should be
utopian, at the risk of being consider
ed prolix, I will make a brief reference
there were no others animated by the j to the recent history of Georgia.
like spirit, and making like sacrifices;
but because of their intimate official
associations with me, and simultaneous
removal from office.
Here, perhaps, I should close, but I
trust yoiir Excellency will indulge me
in a few practical reflections upon the
present political status of the coun
try.
It is often inconsiderately said, and
written, and I fear also inconsiderately
believed, that our Gevernment has
been entirely revolutionized—State
sovereignty destroyed—the Constitu
tion set aside—and personal liberty
lost. These laments become not an
intelligent, heroic people, overshadow
ed by a written Constitution, admit
ted to be a good oue. That the peo
ple of the Southern States so regard,
it is apparent from the tact that the
Constitution under which they re
cently attempted to establish a separ
ate Confederacy is almost a literal copy
from it. If really good then it must
be so now, unless marred by subse
quent changes, which good or bad,
are technically called “amendments.”
Ot these there have since been only
three.
The first simply ordains that from
and after its adoption slavery shall not
exist in the United States. But the
abolition of slavery had been previous
ly declared (whether authoritatively
or not) by Federal Executive procla
mation—had been acquiesced in by the
parties in iuterest and prohibited for
the future by the new Constitutions of
most, if not all, of the Southern States.
The secoud in effect extends to eman
cipated slaves the rights and privi-
ledges of citizenship—provides that
for all male citizens over the age of
twenty-one years, denied suffrage by
the States, there be a proportionate
diminution of the representative popu
lation—disfranchises a larger number
of the best citizens of the Southern
States; but empowers Congress to re
move this disability, declares the pub
lic debt of the United States inviolable
—repudiates the war debt of the Sou th
em States, and prohibits compensa
tion for emancipated slaves. The third
ordains that the right of citizens of the
United States to vote shall not be de
nied or abridged on account of race,
At the first general election after
the formation of the reconstructing
constitution of the State, under Con
gressional auspices, which was con
ducted by the military authorities, the
result (as finally reported) was in ac
cord with the views of the ruling par
ty. Then a feeling of dismay settled
upon a large proportion of our people.
The event was received as a foreshad
owing of misrule for an indefinite pe
riod. But mark the sequel. In No
vember of the same year, (1868() a
Presidential election occurred. Amid
tiie discouragements, the people of
Georgia rallied for another effort. The
old and the new constituency met at
the ballot-box—there was neither
bloodshed, nor tumult, nor fraud. All
voted who were entitled and sought to
vote. If the bayonet gleamed it did
not terrify. Though the newly en
franchised voted they did not domi
nate. Then the election was conduct
ed under State laws, and when the re
turns were consolidated and publish
ed, the previous verdict was reversed
by a tremendous majority. The voice
ot the good old State was heard rebuk
ing, in thunder tones, the faction that
had attempted her subjugation.
So again in 1870 (election for mem
bers of Congress and of the Legisla
ture,) so again in 1871 (special elec
tion for Governor,) and again in Octo
ber, 1872 (election for Governor and
members of the Legislature,) and final
ly in November, 1872 (election for
Piesident, Vice-President and mem
bers of Congress.)
Thus we see that in five consecutive
general elections, occurring in the
space of four years, conducted without
violence or fraud, or the serious allega
tion of either, there has been achieved
an unbroken triumph of ancient con
servatism—a triumph immediate upou
the return to self-government, and
sustained to this day.
Now, what is the explanation of this
unexpected change? Simply this:
The people of Georgia have been law-
abiding, peaceable ; but inflexibly re
solved to stand by their principles
and maintain their rights. Let them
steadfastly pursue the same course,
avoiding dissensions among themselves
and the future of their State govern-
We recently penned and published
some thoughts under the caption of
“ the Epidemic of crimes ;” of kindred
character is the head under which we
now write. Indeed, if not always
criminal, recklessness often leads to
the most heinous offences. The devel
opment of this spirit during the last,
and the opening of the present decade
has been truly alarming, whilst its bit
ter and terrible fruits will be transmit
ted from generation to generation, shap
ing the destiny of individuals, commu
nities and nations in time, and fixing
the fearful awards of eternity. To
refer more particularly to this vice as
exhibited in American statesmanship,
how little did the sectional gladiators
in Church and State, dream that their
reckless and persistent agitations and
legislation would culminate in fratrici
dal strife and the subversion of the
fundamental principles of republican
institutions ? From a single act, how
marvellous the transmutations of a siu-
gle decade? Nor do the bitter fruita
cease to grow and ripen, but day ay
day, like the apples of Sodom, do tfiey
fail on our once fair and happy land,
and year by year shoot up fresh seed
lings, which in time yield new vices
to plague and torment the oi&pring
of the inventors, to the latest genera
tion.
This epidemic of recklessness is
daily becoming more virulent and all-
pervading. It is permeating every de
partment and sphere of life. In the
legislation and jurisprudence of the
country—in trade and commerce—in
morals and manners—in public and
private life—in the disregard of laws,
human and divine—in the unnatural
and horrible crimes and vices which
with brazen front walk abroad in the
high-ways and by-ways of society—
and last, though not least, in the per
nicious and demoralizing sensational
journalism of the day, which both fur
nishes, and feeds upon moral garbage ;
we behold the deadly out croppings of
this terrible malady. Physical epi
demics have their day—rapidly run
their course. Not so the disease of
mind and morals. They leave their
dark and repulsive lineaments upon
society for ages, to warn the genera
tion which comes after.
Let the pulpit and the press—let all
good men who love God and country,
and humanity, throw the weight of
their influence in the scales of right
eousness and temperance—discarding
a slavish partizanship, let them rally
one and all, and shoulder to shoulder,
move grandly forward to rescue the
country from the reckless spirit which
so largely pervades public and private
life and threaten to engulf in a com
mon ruin, all we hold dear and valua
ble.—Madison Home Journal.
The nickel mine on Prospect moun
tain, four miles west of Litchfield
court-house, Ct., is said to be one of
the finest in the country. The ore
is composed largely of copper, iron
and sulphur, and about fifty years ago
was worked as a copper mine. The
discovery of neckel was afterwards
made by a German, who, on examina
tion, found to contain considerable
quantities of that metal. He pur
chased the mine for $500 and sold it a
short time afterwards for $5000. The
mine is now owned by Mr. McCuIIurn,
who bought it for $7000, and although
it is worked for nickel, enough sul
phur is obtained to pay the running
expenses.
— ■ —i
A high-school girl, just graduated,
said in her essay: Let us avoid the
frivolities of lift) and pursue the no
blest ends only. But the next day
she was moved to tears in an agoniz
ing attempt to decide the proper shade
of blue for her complexion.
At a late Conference session a cler
gyman gave a reason why the Bap
tist church is like a beaver’s hut;
“ There is only one entrance to it, and
chat is under water.”
On the shores of the Danube, swine
are harnessed and made to furnish
power for the transportation of both
people and produce. It is said they
never “ baulk.”
A correspondent of the Detroit Tri
bune says: “ If an edge tool is so hard
as to crumble, grind it on a dry stone
until it turns blue ; it will then cease
to break and the temper will general
ly prove to be about right. Scythes
and axes are sometime too hard at the
edge, but if treated in this way will
give uo further trouble.”
A young and happy widow in Paris
recently remarked to a friend: “ I am
now in the honeymoon of my widow
hood.”
This is the way the Columbus Sun
puts whisky-drinking; “Meu are now
taking the same thing to cool them as
they did in winter to create warmth.”